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DA 
783 
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C3 

c.  1 


LIFE 


OF 


SIR    WILLIAM    WALLACE, 


OF 


ELDERSLIE. 


BY 


JOHN   D.    CARRICK. 


The  bugle  ne'er  sung  to  a  braver  knight 
Than  William  of  Elderslie. 

THOMAS  CAMPBELL. 


FOURTH  EDITION. 


V 


GLASGOW: 
THOMAS  D.  MORISON,  INGRAM  STREET. 


M1CROFORMED  BY 
PRESERVATION 


— c 


ID 

.3 

C3 


•y- 


INTRODUCTION 


THERE  is  no  portion  of  the  history  of  Scotland  more  embarrassing  to  modern  writers,  than  the  period 
which  relates  to  the  life  and  achievements  of  Wallace. 

Having  been  long  since  anticipated  in  all  the  leading  details  respecting  him  by  Henry  the  Minstrel, 
our  historians  in  general  seem  nervous  in  approaching  the  subject ;  and  have  either  contented  them- 
selves with  such  materials  as  the  old  English  writers  and  certain  monastic  chronicles  have  furnished,  or 
have  deliberately  borrowed,  without  the  grace  of  acknowledgment,  the  facts  recorded  by  an  author  they 
affected  to  despise,  as  one  whom  the  learned  were  not  agreed  to  admit  within  the  pale  of  respectable 
authority.  This  treatment,  however,  we  conceive  to  be  not  only  unfair,  but  rather  discourteous  in  those 
who  may  have  extended  their  suffrages  to  writers  guilty  of  much  greater  aberrations  from  historical 
veracity  than  any  which  are  chargeable  against  him.  It  is  true,  that  the  works  of  those  writers  are  in 
Latin  ;  but  still,  we  do  not  see  that  a  great  falsehood,  told  in  the  classical  language  of  ancient  Rome, 
should  be  entitled  to  a  larger  portion  of  public  faith  than  a  lesser  one  set  forth  hi  the  more  modern 
patois  of  Scotland. 

When  Walsingham,  in  describing  the  battle  of  Falkirk,  tells  us  that  the  sharpness  and  strength  of 
the  English  arrows  were  such,  that  "  they  thoroughly  penetrated  the  men-at-arms,  obscured  the  helmets, 
perforated  the  swords,  and  overwhelmed  the  lances  (ut  ipsos  armatos  omnino  penetrarent,  cassides  tene- 
brarent,  gladios  perforarent,  lanceas  /undercut) — and  another  learned  author  *,  in  narrating  the  same 
battle,  makes  the  loss  of  the  Scots  in  killed,  wounded,  and  prisoners,  amount  to  more  in  number  than 
were  disposed  of  in  any  one  of  the  most  sanguinary  conflicts  between  the  Roman  and  Barbaric  worlds, — 
we  would  naturally  expect,  that  the  indulgence  which  can  readily  attribute  such  outrages  on  our  cre- 
dulity, to  the  style  of  the  age  in  which  the  writers  lived,  might  also  be  extended  to  our  Minstrel,  even 
when  he  describes  his  hero  "  like  a  true  knight-errant,  cleaving  his  foes  through  brawn  and  bayne  down 
to  the  shoulders." 

It  is  said  by  Lord  Hailes,  in  speaking  of  Henry,  that  "  he  is  an  author  whom  every  historian  copies, 
yet  no  historian  but  Sir  Robert  Sibbald  will  venture  to  quote."  This,  though  intended  as  a  sneer  by 
the  learned  annalist,  may  be  viewed  as  complimentary  to  the  candour  of  Sir  Robert,  who,  while  he 
avails  himself  of  the  facts  related  by  another,  is  not  above  acknowledging  the  obligation.  Considering 
the  situation  of  this  unfortunate  but  ingenious  man,  no  author  had  ever  a  stronger  claim  on  the  indul- 
gence of  his  readers.  Blind  from  his  birth,  he  was  deprived  of  the  advantage  of  correcting  the 
manuscript  of  his  work,  while  his  poverty  prevented  him  from  procuring  an  amanuensis  capable  of 
doing  justice  to  his  talents.  Hence  we  find  a  number  of  errors  and  omissions,  that  from  the  ease  with 
which  they  can  be  rectified,  appear  evidently  the  faults  of  transcribers.  Succeeding  historians,  far  from 
making  the  allowance  which  his  case  demanded,  have  acted  towards  him  with  a  degree  of  peevish  hos- 
tility exceedingly  unbecoming.  Because  his  dates  do  not  always  correspond  with  the  transactions  he 
records,  he  has  been  termed  a  "  liar,"  a  "fabulist"  "  a  man  blind  in  more  respects  than  one ;"  with  other 
appellations  no  less  unworthy  of  themselves  than  unmerited  by  him.  When  it  is  considered  that  there 
is  no  circumstance  connected  with  Wallace  mentioned  by  subsequent  writers,  but  what  had  already 
found  a  place  in  the  work  of  the  Minstrel ; — that  they  had  no  other  story  to  give  than  what  he  had  pre- 
viously given  ; — and  that  they  must  either  repeat  what  he  had  already  stated,  or  remain  silent :  we  are 
ed  to  conclude,  that  he  could  not  have  so  effectually  pre-occupied  the  ground,  without  having  very 
complete  information  regarding  the  subject  of  his  biography.  This  information,  he  tells  us  himself,  was 
derived  from  a  memoir  written  in  Latin  by  John  Blair,  assisted  by  Thomas  Gray,  the  former  chaplain 
to  Wallace,  and  the  latter  parson  of  Liberton,  both  eye-witnesses  of  the  transactions  they  relate.  It 
follows,  therefore,  that  Scottish  authors,  having  obtained,  in  a  great  measure,  their  information  respecting 
Wallace  from  the  pages  of  Blind  Harry,  their  characters,  as  historians,  become  seriously  involved  with 
the  fate  of  him  whom  they  have  so  unceremoniously  vituperated.  Under  these  circumstances,  it  appears 
a  very  proper  subject  of  inquiry,  to  ascertain  whether  he  has,  or  has  not  executed  his  task  with  be- 
coming fidelity.  Were  the  memoir  of  Blair  extant,  this  matter  could  very  soon  be  determined  ;  but 
having  long  since  disappeared,  doubts  are  now  entertained  of  its  ever  having  been  in  existence.  Sir 
Robert  Sibbald  has  published  a  few  fragments,  entitled  Relationes  qucedam  Arnaldi  Blair,  Monachi  de 
Dumfermelini,  et  Capellani  D.  Willielmi  Wallas,  Militis,  1327.  Though  these  are  merely  transcripts 

*  Hemingford  says,  that  there  were  fifty  thousand  slain,  many  drowned,  and  three  hundred  thousand  foot  taken  prisoners,    j 
besides  a  thousand  horsemen. 


INTRODUCTION. 


from  the  Scotichronicon  of  Fordun,  yet  some  have  supposed  them  to  have  been  the  groundwork  on 
which  Blind  Harry  founded  his  poem.  This  opinion,  however,  can  scarcely  be  maintained  save  by  those 
who  have  only  seen  the  title  ;  the  most  superficial  inspection  will  be  sufficient  to  induce  a  very  different 
conclusion.  Arnold  Blair  may  have,  on  some  occasion,  officiated  as  chaplain  to  Wallace,  and,  proud  of 
the  distinction,  in  imitation  of  his  namesake,  may  have  made  the  ill-arranged  excerpts  from  Fordun,  for 
the  purpose  of  handing  down  his  own  name  in  connection  with  that  of  the  illustrious  defender  of  his 
country  :  but  the  confident  manner  in  which  Henry  refers  to  his  author,  as  evidence  of  facts  which  are 
not  alluded  to,  even  in  the  most  distant  manner,  in  the  work  of  Arnold,  shows  the  impossibility  of  its 
being  the  foundation  of  his  narrative  ;  for  we  cannot  suppose  that  an  author,  wishing  to  pass  off  a  tissue 
of  fables  for  a  series  of  truths,  would  act  with  so  much  inconsistency,  as  to  court  detection  by  referring 
for  authority  to  a  quarter  where  he  was  sure  of  finding  none.  When  Henry  introduced  his  translation  to 
the  public,  the  approbation  with  which  it  was  received  may  very  justly  be  viewed  as  the  test  of  its  cor- 
rectness, there  being  no  scarcity  of  men  in  the  country  capable  of  collating  it  with  the  original,  and 
detecting  the  imposition,  if  any  existed  ;  and  it  may  therefore  reasonably  be  inferred,  that  the  excel- 
lency of  the  translation  was  such  as  to  supersede  the  original ;  being,  from  its  language,  more  accessible 
to  all  classes  than  the  other,  which,  on  that  account,  was  more  likely  to  go  into  desuetude,  and  ulti- 
mately to  disappear. 

The  character  of  Minstrel  which  has  been  attached  to  Henry, — joined  to  the  vulgar  and  disgusting 
translation  of  his  work  into  modern  Scotch,  by  Hamilton  of  Gilbertfield, — has,  it  is  presumed,  injured 
his  reputation  as  a  historian,  more  than  any  deviation  he  has  made  from  the  authentic  records  of  the 
country.  No  other  work  of  his  exists,  or  is  known  to  have  existed,  which  might  entitle  him  to  rank  as 
a  minstrel ;  but  being  called  upon — and  possibly  compelled  by  circumstances — to  recite  his  translation 
in  the  presence  of  the  great,  he  received  a  minstrel's  reward,  and  became,  perhaps  improperly,  con- 
founded with  the  profession. 

Had  Barbour,  Wyntown,  Langtoft,  and  other  authors,  who  wrote  their  chronicles  in  rhyme,  been 
quoted  by  subsequent  writers  as  minstrels,  it  would  no  doubt  have  weakened  their  authority  as  histo- 
rians. These  men,  however,  professed  to  give,  though  in  verse,  a  faithful  register  of  the  transactions  of 
their  country.  Henry  seems  to  have  had  only  the  same  object  in  view  ;  and  thus  endeavours  to  impress 
the  reader  with  the  fidelity  of  the  translation,  and  the  disinterestedness  of  his  motives. 


Off  Wallace  lyff  quha  has  a  forthar  feill, 
May  schaw  furth  mair  with  wit  and  eloquence ; 
For  I  to  this  haiff  don  my  diligence, 
Eftyr  the  pruff  geyffyn  fra  the  Latyn  buk, 
Quhilk  Maister  Blayr  in  his  tym  wndyrtuk, 
In  fayr  Latyn  compild  il  till  ane  end  ; 
"With  thir  witnes  the  mar  is  to  commend. 
Byschop  Synclar  than  lord  was  off  Dunkell^ 
He  gat  this  buk,  and  confermd  it  him  sell 
For  werray  true ;  thar  off  he  had  no  dreid, 
Himselff  had  seyn  gret  part  off  Wallace  deid. 
His  purpos  was  till  haue  send  it  to  Rom, 
Our  fadyr  off  kyrk  tharon  to  gyff  his  dom. 
Bot  Maister  Blayr,  and  als  Schir  Thomas  Gray, 
Eftir  Wallace  thai  lestit  mony  day, 
Thir  twa  knew  best  of  gud  Schir  Wilyhamys  deid, 
Fra  sexteyn  yer  quhill  nyne  and  twenty  yeid. 
Fourty  and  fyve  off  age,  Wallace  was  cauld, 
That  tym  that  he  was  to  [the]  Southeroun  sauld. 
Thocht  this  mater  be  nocht  till  all  plesance, 
His  suthfast  deid  was  worthi  till  awance. 


All  worthi  men  at  redys  this  rurall  dyt, 

Blaym  nocht  the  buk,  set  I  be  wnperfyt. 

I  suld  hawe  thank,  sen  I  nocht  trawaill  spard ; 

For  my  laubour  na  man  hecht  me  reward  ; 

Na  charge  I  had  off  king  nor  othir  lord  ; 

Gret  harm  I  thocht  his  gud  deid  suld  be  smord. 

I  haiff  said  her  ner  as  the  process  gais  ; 

And  fenyeid  nocht  for  frendschip  nor  for  fais. 

Costis  herfor  was  no  man  bond  to  me ; 

In  this  sentence  I  had  na  will  to  be, 

Bot  in  als  mekill  as  I  rahersit  nocht 

Sa  worthely  as  nobill  Wallace  wrocht. 

Bot  in  a  poynt,  I  grant,  I  said  amyss, 

Thir  twa  knychtis  suld  blamyt  be  for  this, 

The  knycht  Wallas,  off  Cragge  rychtwyss  lord, 

And  Liddaill  als,  gert  me  mak  [wrang]  record. 

On  Allyrtoun  mur  the  croun  he  tuk  a  day, 

To  get  battaill,  as  myn  autour  will  say. 

Thir  twa  gert  me  say  that  ane  othir  wyss ; 

Till  Maister  Blayr  we  did  sumpart  off  dispyss." 

Suke  Eleuenth,  v.  1410—1450. 


What  more  can  an  author  say  to  satisfy  his  reader  of  the  purity  of  his  intentions,  as  well  as  of  the 
genuineness  of  the  source  from  whence  he  has  drawn  his  materials  ?  Without  reward,  or  promise  of 
reward,  he  appears  to  have  undertaken  his  task  from  the  purest  feelings  of  patriotism,  and  finished  it 
before  he  experienced  any  of  the  fostering  influence  of  patronage.  That  the  transactions  he  relates 
are  substantially  correct,  or  at  least  such  as  were  generally  believed  to  be  so  at  the  time  he  wrote,  we 
have  the  evidence  of  one  nearly  cotemporary.  Major  thus  expresses  himself*:  "Henry,  who  was 
blind  from  his  birth,  in  the  time  of  my  infancy  composed  the  whole  Book  of  William  Wallace ;  and 
committed  to  writing  in  vulgar  poetry,  in  which  he  was  well  skilled,  the  thinys  that  were  commonly  related 
of  him.  For  my  own  part,  I  give  only  partial  credit  to  writings  of  this  description.  By  the  recitation 
of  these  however,  in  the  presence  of  men  of  the  highest  rank,  he  procured,  as  he  indeed  deserved,  food 
and  raiment."  Though  Major  says  nothing  of  Blair's  Memoirs,  yet  he  frees  Henry  from  the  charge  of 
relating  any  thing  that  was  not  previously  believed  by  his  countrymen. 

Thomas  Chambers,  in  his  History  of  the  House  of  Douglas,  says,  "  These  things  fell  out  in  the 
year  1298  ;  which  passages,  as  the  most  part  of  actions  done  in  the  time  of  Sir  William  Wallace,  are 
either  passed  over,  or  slenderly  touched  by  the  writers  of  our  chronicles,  although  the  truth  thereof  be 
unquestionable,  being  related  by  those  eye-witnesses  who  wrote  the  diary  or  history  of  Sir  William 


•  Hist.  Lib.  iv.  c.  15. 


INTRODUCTION. 


Wallace  in  Latin,  which  is  paraphrastically  turned  into  English  rhyme,  the  interpreter  expressing  the 
main  body  of  the  story  very  truly  ;  howsomever,  missing  or  mistaking  some  circumstances,  he  dift'ereth 
therein  from  the  Latin  *."  From  the  manner  in  which  this  is  expressed,  it  may  be  supposed  that 
Chambers  had  seen  the  original.  If  this  could  be  established,  his  testimony  would  be  of  considerable 
importance.  Nicholson,  Archdeacon  of  Carlisle,  in  his  Scottish  Historical  Library,  says,  that  the  names 
of  the  great  northern  Englishmen,  whom  Henry  represents  Wallace  as  having  been  engaged  with,  such 
as  Sir  Gerard  Heron,  Captain  Thirlwall,  Morland,  Martindale,  &c.  are  still  well  known  on  the  borders 
of  Cumberland  and  Northumberland.  The  reader  may  also  find,  by  the  Statistical  Account  of  Scotland, 
that  the  localities  mentioned  in  the  poem,  are  given  with  a  precision  beyond  the  reach  of  one  labouring 
under  the  infirmity  of  blindness. 

The  invasion  of  Lorn  by  MacFadyan  and  a  horde  of  Irish,  at  the  instigation  of  Edward,  is  a  circum- 
stance unnoticed  by  any  historian,  save  the  translator  of  Blair  ;  and  were  it  not  for  the  undoubted 
evidence,  arising  from  traditions  still  preserved  among  a  people  who  never  heard  of  the  work  of  the 
Minstrel,  it  might  be  considered  as  the  mere  creation  of  his  own  fancy.  But  such  decided  testimony  in 
favour  of  the  correctness  of  his  statement,  when  taken  in  connexion  with  the  accurate  manner  in  which 
he  has  described  the  advance  of  Wallace  through  a  country,  respecting  the  intricacies  of  which  he,  of 
himself,  could  form  no  idea — the  near  approach  he  has  made  to  the  Celtic  names  of  the  places,  which 
can  still  be  distinctly  traced — and  the  correct  description  he  has  given  of  the  grand  scene  of  action  on 
the  Awe, — are  sufficient  to  stamp  the  impress  of  truth  on  his  narrative,  and  satisfy  any  one  of  the 
impossibility  of  a  man,  situated  as  he  was,  ever  being  able  to  accomplish  it  without  the  diary  of  an  eye- 
witness. 

After  the  defeat  of  MacFadyan,  Wallace  is  represented  as  holding  a  council  or  meeting  with  the 
chieftains  of  the  West  Highlands,  in  the  Priory  of  Ardchattan.  The  ruins  of  the  Priory  are  still  to 
be  found  on  the  banks  of  Loch  Etive,  a  few  miles  from  the  scene  of  strife  ;  and  among  the  rubbish, 
as  well  as  in  the  neighbouring  grounds,  coins  of  Edward  I.  have  at  different  times  been  dug  up,  in 
considerable  quantities.  So  late  as  March,  1829,  the  following  paragraph  appeared  in  the  Glasgow 
Herald  : — "  In  digging  a  grave,  a  few  days  ago  at  Balvodan  (or  St.  Modan's),  a  burial-place  in  the 
neighbourhood  of  the  Priory  of  Ardchattan,  Argyllshire,  a  number  of  ancient  silver  coins  were  found, 
in  a  remarkably  fine  state  of  preservation.  The  place  where  they  had  been  deposited  was  about  four 
feet  below  the  surface  ;  and  they  seem  to  have  been  contained  in  an  earthern  vessel,  which  mouldered 
into  dust,  on  exposure  to  the  atmosphere ;  they  were  turned  up  by  the  shovel,  as  those  who  were 
attending  the  interment  were  surrounding  the  grave,  and  each  of  the  party  present  having  picked  up  a 
few,  the  rest  were,  by  the  Highlanders,  returned  with  the  earth  to  the  grave.  The  coins  were  struck 
in  the  reign  of  the  First  Edward,  whose  name  can  be  distinctly  traced  on  them  ;  and  they  were  pro- 
bably placed  there  at  the  time,  when  that  monarch  had  succeeded  in  getting  temporary  possession  of 
the  greater  part  of  Scotland.  In  that  case  they  must  have  lain  where  they  were  found  for  upwards  of 
five  hundred  years."  The  writer  had  an  opportunity  of  examining  a  number  of  these  coins  on  the 
spot  ;  he  found  a  great  many  of  them  to  be  struck  in  Dublin,  and  they  seemed  below  the  regular 
standard.  Though  numerous  discoveries  have  been  made  of  the  coins  of  this  ambitious  monarch  in 
other  parts  of  Scotland,  yet  in  the  West  Highlands  they  are  extremely  rare.  Neither  Edward,  nor 
any  of  his  English  generals,  ever  penetrated  so  far  in  that  direction.  It  is,  therefore,  highly  pro- 
bable, that  the  above  money  may  have  formed  part  of  the  contents  of  the  military  chest  of  MacFadyan, 
which,  in  that  superstitious  age,  had  found  its  way  into  the  hands  of  the  priesthood. 

Although  Henry  cannot  be  collated  with  his  original,  the  truth  or  falsehood  of  his  narrative  may,  in 
part,  be  ascertained  by  comparing  him  with  those  who  preceded  him  on  the  same  subject.  The  most 
reputable  of  these  writers,  and  those  whose  characters  for  veracity  stand  highest  in  the  estimation  of 
the  learned,  are  John  de  Fordun,  and  Andro  de  Wyntown,  both  original  historians  ;  for,  though 
Wyntown  outlived  Fordun,  he  had  not  an  opportunity  of  seeing  his  history.  With  respect  to  Fordun's 
agreement  with  the  Minstrel,  the  reader  has  the  evidence  of  Nicholson,  Archdeacon  of  Carlisle,  who 
says,  that  "  Hart's  edition  of  Wallace  contains  a  preface  which  confirms  the  whole  of  it  out  of  the 
Scoti-Chronicon  f."  Wyntown,  who  finished  his  history  in  1424,  being  about  forty-six  years  before 
Henry,  in  alluding  to  those  deeds  of  Wallace  which  he  had  left  unrecorded,  says, 


Of  his  gud  Dedis  and  Manhad 
Gret  Gestis  ;  I  hard  say,  ar  made ; 
Bot  sa  mony,  I  trow  noucht, 
As  he  in  -till  hys  dayis  wroucht. 


Quha  all  hys  Dedis  of  prys  wald  dyte, 
Hym  worthyd  a  gret  Buk  to  wryte  ; 
And  all  thai  to  wryte  in  here 
I  want  bathe  Wyt  and  gud  Laysere." 


B.  viii.  c.  xv.  v.  79-86. 


The  first  couplet  may  allude  to  Blair's  Diary,  or  perhaps  to  Fordun's  History,  which  he  had  no  doubt 
heard  of  ;  and,  in  the  succeeding  lines,  he  doubts  that  however  much  may  have  been  recorded,  it  must 
still  fall  very  short  of  what  was  actually  performed.  This  is  so  far  satisfactory,  from  one  who  lived  almost 
within  a  century  of  the  time,  and  who  no  doubt  often  conversed  with  those  whose  fathers  had  fought 
under  the  banners  of  Wallace  ;  it  is  a  pity  that  his  modesty,  and  his  want  of  "  gud  laysere,"  prevented 
him  from  devoting  more  of  his  time  to  so  meritorious  a  subject.  The  first  transaction  which  he  has 
narrated,  is  the  affair  at  Lanark  ;  but  it  is  evident  from  what  he  says,  that  Wallace  must  have  often 


*  Appendix  to  Blair's  Relationea  in  the  Library  of  the  College  of  Glasgow, 
t-  Scottish  Historical  Library,  p.  68.  quarto  ed. 


I 


VI 


INTRODUCTION. 


W.  "  Hald  stylle  thi  hand,  and  spek  thi  worde." 
/.    "  Wyth  thi  Swerd  thow  mais  gret  bost." 
W.  "  Tharefor  thi  Dame  made  lytil  cost." 
/.    "  Quhat  caus  has  thow  to  were  the  Grene  ?" 
W.  "  Na  caus,  bot  for  to  make  the  Tene." 
J.   "  Thow  suld  noucht  bere  sa  fare  a  Knyf." 


Swa  sayd  the  Preyst,  that,  swywyd  thi  Wyf  : 
Swa  lang  he  cald  that  Woman  fayr, 
Quhill  that  his  Barne  wes  made  thi  Ayre." 
Me-thynk  thow  drywys  me  to  scorne." 
Thi  Dame  wes  swywyd  or  thow  wes  borne." 

B.  viii.  c.  xiii.  28-38. 


The  similarity  of  Henry's  version  is  too  apparent  to  be  the  effect  of  chance.     After  a  little  badinage, 
which  does  not  appear  in  Wyntown,  he  says, 

4  Quhat  suld  a  Scot  do  with  sa  fair  a  knyff  ? — ' 
'  Sa  said  the  prest  that  last  janglyt  thi  wyff; 
'  That  woman  lang  has  tillit  him  so  fair, 
'  Quhill  that  his  child,  worthit  to  be  thine  ayr.' 
'  Me  think,'  quod  he,  '  thow  drywys  me  to  scorn.' 
'  Thi  deme  has  beyne  japyt  or  thow  was  born.' " 

"  Buke  Sext,"  141-154. 


:  Ma  Sotheroune  men  to  thaime  assemblit  ner. 
Wallace  as  than  was  laith  to  mak  a  ster. 
Ane  maid  a  scrip,  and  tyt  at  his  lang  suorde  : 
'  Hald  still  thi  hand,'  quod  he,  '  and  spek  thi  word.' 
'  With  thi  lang  suerd  thow  makis  mekill  bost.' 
'  Tharoff,'  quod  he,  'thi  deme  maid  litill  cost.' 
'  Quhat  causs  has  thow  to  wer  that  gudlye  greyne  ?— ' 
'  My  maist  causs  is  bot  for  to  mak  the  teyne.' 


The  parties  soon  come  to  blows ;  and,  in  the  conflict,  Wallace  cut  off  the  hand  of  one  of  his  oppo- 
nents.    Wyntown  thus  takes  notice  of  the  circumstance. 


"  As  he  wes  in  that  Stowre  fechtand, 
Fra  ane  he  strak  swne  the  rycht  hand ; 
And  fra  that  Carle  mycht  do  na  mare, 
The  left  hand  held  fast  the  Buklare, 
And  he  swa  mankyd,  as  brayne-wode, 
Kest  fast  wyth  the  Stwmpe  the  Blode 

Henry  narrates  the  anecdote  with  little  variation. 

"  Wallace  in  stour  wes  cruelly  fechtand ; 
Fra  a  Sotheroune  he  smat  off  the  rycht  hand : 
And  quhen  that  carle  off  fechtyng  mycht  no  mar, 
With  the  left  hand  in  ire  held  a  buklar. 


In-til  Willame  Walays  face : 
Mare  cumryd  of  that  Blode  he  was, 
Than  he  was  a  welle  lang  qwhile 
Feychtand  stad  in  that  peryle." 

B.  viii.  c.  xiii.  47-56. 


Than  fra  the  stowmpe  the  blud  out  spurgyt  fast, 
In  Wallace  face  aboundandlye  can  out  cast; 
In  to  great  part  it  marry  t  him  off  his  sicht." 

"  Buke  Sext"  163-169. 


The  escape  of  Wallace  by  means  of  his  mistress — her  murder  by  order  of  the  sheriff — his  return  the 
ensuing  night — with  the  slaughter  of  the  sheriff— are  particularly  taken  notice  of  by  Wyntown. 
Henry's  translation  includes  all  these  occurrences,  and  only  differs  by  being  more  circumstantial. 
The  account  of  the  battle  of  Falkirk  agrees  in  numerous  instances.  The  covenant  between  Cumming 
and  Bruce,  which  Henry  states  to  have  taken  place  near  Stirling,  is  corroborated  in  place  and  circum- 
stance by  Fordun,  Wyntown,  and  Barbour.  The  hanging  of  Sir  Bryce  Blair,  and  Sir  Ronald  Crawford 
in  a  barn  at  Ayr,  is  confirmed  by  the  last  mentioned  writer,  although  he  does  not  descend  to  particulars. 

These,  and  many  other  instances  may  be  adduced,. to  show,  that,  though  Henry  or  his  authority  may 
have  occasionally  indulged  in  the  marvellous,  yet  the  general  outline  of  his  history,  and  even  many  of 


before  mingled  in  deadly  feud  with  the  English  soldiers,  and  done  them  serious  injury  ;  otherwise,  it 
would  be  difficult  to  account  for  their  entertaining  towards  him  the  degree  of  animosity  expressed  in 
the  following  lines  : —  I 

"  Gret  Dyspyte  thir  Inglis  men 
Had  at  this  Willame  Walays  then. 
Swa  thai  made  thame  on  a  day 
Hym  for  to  set  in  hard  assay  :" 

B.  viii.  c.  xiii.  v.  19-22. 

Every  particular  that  Wyntown  gives  of  the  conflict  which  ensues,  in  consequence  of  this  precon- 
certed quarrel  on  the  part  of  the  English,  is  detailed  in  the  account  of  the  Minstrel  with  a  degree  of 
correctness,  leaving  no  room  to  doubt  that  either  the  two  authors  must  have  drawn  their  materials 
from  the  same  source,  or  that  Henry,  having  heard  Wyntown's  version  of  the  story,  considered  it  so 
near  the  original  as  to  leave  little  to  be  corrected.  The  language,  as  will  be  seen  from  the  following 
examples,  is  nearly  the  same  : 

"  Twelf  hundyre  nynty  yhere  and  sewyn 
Fra  Cryst  wes  borne  the  Kyng  of  Hewyn." 

B.  viii.  c.  xiii. 

Henry  thus  enters  upon  the  same  subject — 

"  Tuelff  hundreth  yer,  tharto  nynte  and  sewyn, 
Fra  Cryst  wes  born  the  rychtwiss  king  off  hewyn." 
"  Buke  Sext,"  107,  108. 

Wyntown  gives  the  following  dialogue,  as  having  taken  place  between  Wallace  and  an  athletic  wag 
belonging  to  the  English  garrison  of  Lanark,  who,  when  surrounded  by  his  companions,  made  "  a  Tyt 
at  hys  sword :" 


CONTENTS. 


the  particulars,  are  in  strict  accordance  with  truth  ;  and  the  work  itself  necessarily  becomes  not  only 
valuable  as  a  depository  of  ancient  manners,  but  as  containing  matter  which,  if  properly  investigated, 
may  be  useful  to  the  historian.  Whether  the  apocryphal  part — and  which,  it  must  be  allowed,  is  con- 
siderable— ought  to  be  attributed  to  the  fancy  of  the  translator,  or  if  it  formed  a  portion  of  the  original 
text,  we  have  no  means  of  ascertaining.  From  the  frequent  and  apparent  sincerity,  however,  with 
which  Henry  appeals  to  his  "  actor,"  and  the  value  he  seems  to  attach  to  a  faithful  discharge  of  his 
task,  we  might  be  led  to  infer,  that  if  it  were  practicable  to  collate  his  performance  with  the  memoir  of 
Blair,  the  rendering  of  it  would  be  found  unexceptionable.  Under  these  circumstances,  the  writer  of 
the  following  narrative  has  not  scrupled  to  avail  himself  of  such  statements  as  appeared  entitled  to 
credit  ;  and,  though  he  cannot  consider  the  Minstrel  as  deserving  the  same  degree  of  confidence  as 
Wyntown  or  Barbour,  yet,  when  he  finds  him  consistent  and  characteristic,  he  conceives  it  would  be 
unjust  to  suspect  falsehood  in  every  instance,  where  he  does  not  happen  to  be  supported  by  the  respect- 
able testimonies  already  enumerated.  That  he  is  more  circumstantial  than  any  of  the  Scottish  his- 
torians, is  easily  accounted  for,  by  his  attention,  or  rather  that  of  his  authoi*,  being  engrossed  by  the 
actions  of  one  individual.  A  degree  of  minuteness  is  in  this  case  adopted,  which  would  be  altogether 
incompatible  with  the  plan  of  a  general  historian. 

These  remarks  it  has  been  deemed  necessary  to  make  in  defence  of  one  to  whom  we  are  indebted  for 
the  only  original  memoir  of  the  greatest  hero,  and  purest  patriot,  Scotland  or  any  other  country  ever 
produced  ;  an  author,  however,  who,  instead  of  having  the  merits  of  his  work  fairly  appreciated,  has 
been  vilified  and  abused  by  those  who,  in  their  zeal  for  establishing  new  historical  creeds,  have  found  it 
a  matter  of  less  labour  to  sneer  than  to  investigate. 

The  sources  from  whence  the  present  writer  has  drawn  his  materials,  will,  it  is  hoped,  be  found  such 
as  are  generally  entitled  to  credit.  Being  of  opinion  that  the  authors  who  lived  nearest  the  period 
under  review  ought  to  be  best  informed  respecting  the  transactions  connected  with  it,  he  has  therefore 
endeavoured  to  collate  as  many  ancient  Scottish  and  English  authorities  as  possible.  The  biographical 
notices  of  such  Englishmen  as  figured  in  the  Scottish  wars,  are  chiefly  drawn  from  the  historians  of 
England  ;  conceiving  that  it  belongs  to  the  writers  of  a  country  to  be  best  acquainted  with  the  details 
of  its  internal  and  domestic  history  ;  but  to  enumerate  the  authorities  he  has  consulted,  would  here  be 
superfluous,  as  th(  y  are  duly  noted  at  the  proper  stages  of  the  narrative. 


CONTENTS. 


CHAPTER  I. 

State  of  Scotland  in  the  Thirteenth  Century 

CHAPTER  II. 

On  the  Claim  of  England  to  the  Feudal  Homage  of 
Scotland 

CHAPTER  III. 

Birth,  Parentage,  and  Early  Years  of  Wallace 


13 


CHAPTER  IV. 

Accession  of  Baliol— Siege  of  Berwick— Battle  of  Dunbar    1 8 

CHAPTER  V. 

Wallace  again  takes  refuge  in  the  Woods — Organizes  a 
System  of  Warfare— Harasses  the  English  in  their 
Cantonments — Conflict  of  Beg — Biographical  Notices 
of  his  early  Companions — His  Dress  and  Armour — 
Anecdote  of  the  relative  personal  Prowess  of  Wallace 
and  Bruce 22 

CHAPTER  VI. 

Peel  of  Gargunnock  taken  by  the  Scots — The  Bradfutes 
of  Lamington  oppressed  by  the  English — The  Orphan 
of  Lamington — Sir  Raynald  Crawford  summoned  to 


•AM 

Glasgow — Wallace  captures  the  Baggage  of  Percy — 
Retires  to  Lennox — Various  Rencounters  with  the 
English 29 

CHAPTER  VII. 

Singular  Adventure  of  Wallace  in  Gask  Castle— Kills 
the  English  Leader— Escapes  to  Torwood— Interview 
with  his  Uncle 35 

CHAPTER  VIII. 

Wallace  joined  by  Sir  John  Graham— Proceedings  in 
Clydesdale— Wallace  visits  Lanark— Adventure  with 
a  Party  of  the  English 33 

CHAPTER  IX. 

Attack  on  Crawford  Castle— Return  to  Lanark— Con- 
flict with  the  English— Murder  of  the  Heiress  of 
Lamington— Her  death  revenged— The  English  driven 
out  of  Lanark— Battle  of  Biggar— Atrocious  Proceed- 
ings of  the  English  at  Ayr— Severe  retaliation  by 
Wallace 49 

CHAPTER  X. 

Affair  of  Glasgow— Defeat  and  Flight  of  Bishop  Bek— 
Wallace  joined  by  a  number  of  the  Barons— Expe- 
dition to  the  West  Highlands— Battle  of  Bradher,  and 
Death  of  M'Fadyan , „ 4? 


CONTENTS. 


CHAPTER  XL 

PAGE 

Robert  Bruce  joins  the  Standard  of  Wallace — Percy  and 
Clifford  sent  to  suppress  the  Insurrection— Night 
Skirmish  in  Annandale— Disaffection  of  the  Scottish 
Nobles— Wallace  retires  to  the  North— Battle  of  Stir- 
ling Bridge 46 

CHAPTER  XII. 

Wallace  appointed  Guardian  of  the  Kingdom — Invades 
England— Inroad  of  De  Clifford  on  the  South  of  Scot- 
land   51 

CHAPTER  XIII. 

Wallace  returns  to  Scotland — Envied  by  the  Nobility — 
Edward  lands  in  England — Wallace  meets  his  Army 
at  Stanmore — Battle  of  Blackironside — Legality  of 
Wallace's  Regency  —  Edward  invades  Scotland  — 
Treachery  of  two  Scottish  Noblemen 54 

CHAPTER  XIV. 

The  English  Army  advance  to  Linlithgow — Battle  of 
Falkirk,  from  the  Accounts  given  by  English  and 
Scottish  Writers— Miscellaneous  Transactions 58 

CHAPTER  XV. 

Notices  respecting  Sir  John  Graham  and  Sir  John 
Stewart — Conduct  of  Cumyn — Wallace  resigns  the 
Guardianship — Edward  returns  home — Triumphant 
Procession  of  the  Londoners  in  honour  of  his  Victory 
at  Falkirk— Review  of  the  Campaign 64 


CHAPTER  XVI. 

State  of  Scotland  after  the  Return  of  Edward — Opinion  of 
an  English  Spy  on  the  Strength  of  Dumbarton  Castle- 
Various  Exploits  of  Wallace— Edward  sends  Supplies 
to  the  Garrison  of  Stirling — List  of  Articles  sent — 
Baliol  delivered  over  to  the  Pope— The  Scots  besiege 
Stirling  Castle  —  Edward  raises  an  Army  for  its 
Relief-The  English  Barons  refuse  to  accompany 
him — Surrender  of  Stirling  Castle  —  Conduct  of 
Cumyn 


67 


CHAPTER  XVII. 

Edward  again  invades  Scotland— Siege  of  Carlaverock;  ~ 
Miscellaneous  Occurrences  during  the  Siege 69 

CHAPTER  XVIII. 

Winchelsea,  Archbishop  of  Canterbury,  reads  a  Bull 
from  the  Pope,  in  the  English  Camp  before  Carla- 
verock— Edward's  Answer — Earl  Warren  advances 
to  Irvine — Cruelty  of  the  English  at  Lesmahago — 
Edward  agrees  to  a  Truce— Wallace  visits  France — 
Captures  a  French  Pirate— Notices  of  Longueville 72 

CHAPTER  XIX. 

j    Edward  again  invades  Scotland— Sir  Simon  Frazer  de- 

Iserts  the  English,  and  joins  his  Countrymen — Wallace 
returns  to  Scotland— Battle  of  Roslin 76 

CHAPTER  XX. 

j    Second  Visit  of  Wallace  to  the  French  Court— Encoun- 
ters an  English  Pirate — The    English  again  enter 


PAGE 

Scotland — Submission  of  the  Nobles — Wallace  re- 
turns— Conflicts  with  the  English — Edward  destroys 
and  carries  off  the  Records  of  the  Monasteries — 
Marches  through  the  Country— Wallace  follows  the 
Invaders 77 

CHAPTER   XXI. 

Edward's  Policy  respecting  the  Settlement  of  Scot- 
land— Endeavours  to  gain  Wallace  to  his  interest — 
Siege  of  Stirling — Its  surrender— Conduct  of  Edward 
towards  the  Prisoners — Haliburton  undertakes  to  be- 
tray Wallace 81 

CHAPTER  XXII. 

State  of  the  Country — Bruce  invited  to  take  the  Crown — 
Conduct  of  Cumyn  towards  Bruce — Notice  of  Cumyn — 
Tradition  respecting  the  Clan  Cumyn — Notice  of 
Kerle — Wallace  betrayed  by  Menteith 84 

CHAPTER  XXIII. 

Trial,  Execution,  and  Character  of  Wallace 87 


CHAPTER  XXIV. 


Conclusion . 


APPENDIX. 

A.  Wallace's  Tree— Torwood „ 96 

B.  The  Crawfurds 97 

C.  The  Burning  of  the  Barns  of  Ayr 98 

D.  Memoir  of  Bishop  Anthony  Bek 99 

E.  Expedition  to  the  West  Highlands 102 

F.  Memoir  of  John,  Earl  of  Warren— Lord  Henry  de 

Percy— And  Lord  Robert  de  Clifford 108 

G.  Hugh  de  Cressingham : 112 

H.      Original  Letter  from  Sir  William  Wallace  and  Sir 

Andrew  Murray ib. 

I.       Memoir  of  Patrick,  Earl  of  Dun  bar 114 

K.      Charter  of  Protection  granted  to  the  Prior  and  Con- 
vent of  Hexceldsham 115 

L.      On  the  intention  of  Edward  to  curtail  the  Power  of 

his  Barons 116 

M.     The  Setons ib. 

N.      Memoir  of  Fitz-Marmaduke 117 

O.      Memoir  of  Brian  Fitz-Allan ib. 

P.      Memoir  of  Aymer  de  Vallence,  Earl  of  Pembroke..  118 

Q.      Memoir  of  Henry  de  Lacy,  Earl  of  Lincoln 121 

R.      Memoirs  of  Richard  Siward  and  Walter  de  Hunter- 
combe 122 

S.       Memoir  of  Sir  Simon  Frazer 124 

T.      Extracts  from  the  Wardrobe  Accounts.... 127 

U.      Trial  of  Wallace 128 

X.      On  the  Martyrdom  of  Wallace ib. 

Y.      On  the  Personal  Appearance  of  Wallace 130 

Z.       Reminiscence  of  Wallace 131 

AA.   Wallace's  Descendants 132 

BB.   On  the  Treachery  of  Menteith „ 133 

CC.     Singular  Legend 136 

DD.   Verses  on  the  Death  of  Wallace....  ..    ib. 


LIFE 


OF 


SIR   WILLIAM   WALLACE. 


CHAPTER  I.   ' 

STATE  OF  SCOTLAND  IN  THE  THIRTEENTH  CENTURY. 

THE  scanty  and  imperfect  records  which  exist 
respecting  the  early  state  of  Scotland,  have  been  a 
fruitful  source  of  complaint  to  all  writers  who  have 
applied  themselves  to  the  investigation  of  her  his- 
tory. Those,  however,  who  would  form  an  estimate 
of  her  relative  situation  and  internal  resources,  by 
reference  to  her  condition  at  the  time  she  became 
allied  to  England  on  the  accession  of  James  VI., 
would  arrive  at  very  erroneous  conclusions  on  the 
subject. 

That  Scotland  retrograded  under  the  dynasty  of 
the  Stuarts,  few,  who  are  conversant  with  her  early 
history,  will  be  inclined  to  deny.  But,  without  in- 
quiring how  far  the  incapacity  or  imprudence  of 
that  unfortunate  race  may  have  contributed  to  her 
decline,  the  writer  will  endeavour  to  arrange  a  few 
remarks  respecting  the  above-mentioned  period, 
for  the  benefit  of  those  readers  whose  attention  may 
not  have  been  directed  to  that  interesting  portion 
of  our  annals. 

The  jurisprudence  of  Scotland,  like  that  of  the 
other  states  of  Europe,  embraced  the  feudal  system 
in  all  its  degrees  of  servitude,  from  the  knightly 
devoirs  of  the  baron,  down  to  the  humble  and  more 
laborious  task  of  the  bondsman,  who  could  be  either 
put  to  death  at  the  will  of  his  over-lord,  or  bartered 
away  to  the  church,  for  a  certain  number  of  masses. 
Yet  though  this  state  of  society  existed  to  a  con- 
siderable extent,  there  were  some  privileged  classes 
exempt  from  its  more  degrading  operation.  The 
most  influential  of  these,  as  might  be  expected, 
were  the  priesthood,  who,  as  soon  as  admitted  to 
orders,  became  emancipated  from  their  temporal 
bondage  *. 

Merchants  and  burgesses  were  of  course  free. 
Had  this  not  been  the  case,  those  useful  classes 
could  not  have  existed,  as  the  control  of  the  feudal 
superior  over  the  adscriptos  glebce,  extended  not 
only  to  an  absolute  property  in  themselves  and 

*  In  England,  Thomas  a  Becket  conceded  to  Henry  II., 
that,  in  the  event  of  a  bondsman  becoming  a  clerk,  he 
should  not  receive  orders  without  the  consent  of  his  lord ; 
and  further,  if  a  man  of  holy  church  held  any  lay-fee,  he 
must  do  the  King's  service  thereto  attached,  except  in  cases 
connected  with  the  execution  of  criminals. — See  Hearne's 
Glossary  to  Langtoft's  Chronicle,  vol.  ii.  p.  530. 


their  offspring,  but  also  over  any  means  they  might 
accumulate.  When  a  bondsman,  therefore,  bought 
a  burgage,  and  remained  a  year  and  a  day  in  a 
burgh,  without  being  molested  or  claimed  by  his 
lord,  he  became  a  free  man  for  ever*. 

Another  useful  portion  of  society  is  to  be  found 
in  our  records  under  the  name  of  liberi  firmcvrii,  or 
free  yeomanry,  the  formation  of  which,  it  is  pre- 
sumed, may  be  attributed  in  a  great  measure  to  the 
ecclesiastical  establishments.  The  clergy,  from 
their  superior  education,  were  wiser,  in  their  gene- 
ration, than  their  neighbours ;  and  instead  of 
allowing  the  produce  of  their  lands  to  be  eaten  up 
by  hordes  of  idle  serfs,  they  preferred  letting  them 
at  a  valuation  to  industrious  free  men,  whom  they 
encouraged  by  the  immunities  which  they  had  it  in 
their  power  to  grant.  These  free  men  were  gene- 
rally the  descendants  of  the  clergy,  the  younger 
sons  of  gentlemen,  or  burgesses  possessed  of  small 
capitals.  From  this  judicious  management,  the 
church  lands  were  always  the  best  cultivated,  and 
consequently  the  most  productive  in  the  country. 

At  an  early  period  the  maritime  towns  were  fre- 
quented by  foreigners,  and  the  productions  of 
almost  every  clime  were  to  be  found  in  Scotland. 
By  an  Act  of  Alexander  Ill.f,  it  appears  that  the 
trade  of  the  country  had  rather  declined  during 
his  minority  ;  the  causes  of  which  are  stated  to 
have  been,  captures  by  pirates,  shipwrecks  on  the 
coast,  storms  at  sea,  and  detentions  on  slight 
grounds  in  various  ports  and  places.  In  order, 
therefore,  to  revive  the  foreign  commerce  of  the 
kingdom,  and  give  the  necessary  security  and  fa- 
cility to  transactions  with  strangers,  all  the  lieges 
were  strictly  prohibited  from  interfering  with  the 
said  traffic,  except  the  burgesses  at  the  different 
ports.  This  regulation  gave  confidence  to  foreign- 
ers, by  bringing  them  into  immediate  contact  with 
a  description  of  men,  with  whom  reciprocal  advan- 
tages would  naturally  beget  and  maintain  a  friendly 
understanding  J. 

*  Macpherson's  Annals  of  Commerce,  vol.  i.  p.  324. 

t  Fordun,  vol.  ii.  lib.  x.  cap.  42. 

J  Fordun,  vol.  ii.  lib.  x.  cap.  42.— If  we  compare  the  fol- 
lowing provisions  of  an  act  put  forth  by  Edward  I.,  with 
the  above-mentioned  enactment,  some  idea  may  be  formed 
respecting  the  views  entertained  by  the  two  British  mon- 
archs,  on  the  subject  of  foreign  commercial  intercourse. 
"  It  is  ordained,  that  no  fishmonger  shall  have  any  partner- 
ship with  a  stranger  who  brings  fish  from  sea  to  the  city ; 


LIFE  OF  SIR  WILLIAM  WALLACE. 


[CHAP.  i. 


The  consequence  of  this  liberal  policy  was  soon 
felt ;  and  before  the  year  expired,  vessels  from  all 
quarters  made  their  appearance  in  the  Scottish 
harbours,  willing  to  exchange  their  cargoes  for  the 
productions  of  the  country  ;  and  in  the  course  of  a 
few  years  Scotland  exhibited  a  very  flourishing 
appearance,  abounding  in  money  and  wealth  of 
every  description.  The  Flemings,  whom  the  Eng- 
lish had  expelled,  found  protection  and  encourage- 
ment in  Scotland,  and  were  allowed  to  fortify  their 
factory  at  Berwick,  called  "  The  Red  Hall,"  under 
condition  of  their  defending  it  to  the  last  extremity 
against  the  enemies  of  that  kingdom.  This  en- 
gagement, as  will  be  seen,  they  afterwards  nobly 
performed. 

A  number  of  wealthy  Lombards,  jealous  perhaps 
of  their  rivals  the  Flemings,  now  made  application 
to  the  government  of  Scotland  for  permission  to 
erect  similar  establishments  in  various  parts  of  the 
country,  particularly  at  Queensferry  and  other 
stations  on  the  Forth, — craving,  at  the  same  time, 
certain  spiritual  privileges.  The  States  of  the  king- 
dom acceded  at  once  to  their  request,  in  so  far  as 
they  regarded  trade  ;  but  as  the  Lombards  were 
the  vassals  of  the  Pope,  they  prudently  declined 
mixing  up  any  ecclesiastical  matters  with  affairs  of 
commerce.  In  the  mean  time,  the  unfortunate 
death  of  the  king  put  an  end  to  the  negociation. 
Fordun,  who  narrates  the  circumstance,  does  not 
condescend  on  the  nature  of  the  spiritual  privileges 
required.  It  is  highly  probable,  however,  that  they 
consisted  in  their  being  admitted  into  Scotland  on 
the  same  terms  which  they  enjoyed  in  England  and 
other  European  states,  where  they  were  recognised 
in  a  special  manner  as  "  the  Pope's  merchants,"  and 
were  intrusted  by  him  with  the  receiving  and  re- 
mitting the  immense  revenues  which  were  drawn 
from  every  country  where  their  Holy  Father's 
supremacy  was  acknowledged.  Trade,  with  them, 
was  often  a  secondary  consideration.  Lending  of 
money,  for  which  they  exacted  enormous  usury, 
constituted  the  most  lucrative  part  of  their  opera- 
tions ;  and  in  these  nefarious  transactions,  it  has 
been  conjectured,  that  they  were  often  commis- 
sioned to  employ  the  funds  belonging  to  the  Holy 
See,  whose  bulls  were  frequently  issued  in  their 
favour,  when  their  crimes  or  rapacity  had  aroused 
the  vengeance  of  the  governments  under  which 
they  resided*.  Their  severity  to  their  debtors, 
made  them  known  by  the  name  of  Caursini ;  and 
they  at  last  became  generally  obnoxious  for  their 
extortion.  If  the  account  given  of  them  by  Mat- 
thew Paris  may  be  relied  on,  the  caution  of  the 
Scots  respecting  the  admission  of  such  harpies  into 
the  country  was  highly  commendable. 

The  great  mart  for  foreign  commerce  in  the 
kingdom,  previous  to  1296,  appears  to  have  been 
Berwick.  The  importance  of  this  place  was  con- 
but  let  them  seek  for  fish  in  their  own  ships,  and  permit 
foreigners  to  bring  it  and  sell,  when  they  come  in  their  own 
ships.  Because,  by  such  partnerships,  they  who  are  of  the 
city,  and  have  known  the  state  of  the  city,  and  the  defect  of 
victuals,  will  hold  the  fish  at  a  dearer  rate  than  foreigners, 
who  shall  not  have  known  it;  and  also,  that  they  who  are 
of  the  city,  when  they  cannot  sell,  as  they  will  lay  it  up  in 
cellars,  and  sell  it  dearer  than  the  strangers  would  do,  if  they 
came  without  partnership,  and  knew  not  where  they  might  be 
harboured." — Lambert's  Historical  Survey  of  London,  vol.  i. 
p.  156,  157. 
*  Fcedera,  vol.  i.  p.  467. 


siderable.  Even  in  the  reign  of  Malcolm  IV.,  it 
possessed  more  ships  than  any  other  town  in  Scot- 
land, and  was  exposed,  from  its  wealth,  to  visits 
from  the  piratical  fleets  of  the  Norwegians.  In 
1156,  a  ship  belonging  to  a  citizen,  called  Knut  the 
Opulent,  and  having  his  wife  on  board,  was  taken 
by  Erlend,  Earl  of  Orkney  ;  but  it  is  recorded 
Knut  hired  fourteen  ships,  with  a  competent  num- 
ber of  men,  for  which  he  paid  one  hundred  merks 
of  silver,  and  went  in  pursuit  of  the  pirate,  who  had 
anchored  for  the  night  at  one  of  the  adjacent 
islands*. 

The  wealth  and  importance  of  this  ancient  em- 
porium of  commerce,  became  so  great  in  the  reign 
of  Alexander  II.,  as  to  excite  the  admiration  of 
contemporary  authors,  one  of  whom  calls  it  a 
"  second  Alexandria  ;"  and  eulogizes  the  inhabit- 
ants for  the  extent  of  their  donations  to  religious 
houses.  "  But  we  have,"  says  Macpherson,  in  his 
Annals  of  Comnierce,  "  better  authority  than  the 
voice  of  panegyric,  for  the  prosperity  of  Berwick  ; 
as  we  find  the  customs  of  it  assigned  by  King  Alex- 
ander to  a  merchant  of  Gascoigne  for  2,1 97^.  8s. 
sterling — a  sum  equal  to  32,961  bolls  of  wheat,  at 
the  usual  price  of  sixteen  pennies  •)*." 

In  the  years  1283  and  1284,  Robert  Durham  the 
Mayor,  together  with  Simon  Martel,  and  other 
good  men  of  Berwick,  enacted  the  Statute  of  the 
Gilt. 

"By  c.  20,  none  but  gild-brothers  were  per- 
mitted to  buy  hides,  wool,  or  wood-fells,  in  order 
to  sell  them  again,  or  cut  cloth,  except  foreign 
merchants. 

"  C.  22.  37.  and  44.  Herrings  and  other  fish, 
corn,  beans,  peas,  salt,  and  coals  J,  were  ordered 
to  be  sold  f  at  the  brayj  along  side  the  vessel  bring- 
ing them,  and  no  where  else  ;  and  they  were  not 
to  be  carried  on  shore  when  the  sun  was  down. 
Any  burgess  who  was  present  at  a  purchase  of 
herrings,  might  claim  a  portion  of  them  for  his  own 
consumption,  at  the  original  cost. 

"  C.  27-  Brokers  were  elected  by  the  commu- 
nity of  the  town,  and  their  names  registered.  They 
paid  annually  a  tun  (dolium)  of  wine  for  their  li- 
cense ;" — a  proof  that  their  business  must  have 
been  lucrative. 

"  C.  28.  No  regrator  was  allowed  to  buy  fish, 
hay,  oats,  cheese,  butter,  or  other  articles  brought 
into  the  town  for  sale,  till  the  bell  rung. 

"  The  government  of  the  town  was  declared 
to  be  by  a  mayor,  four  provosts  (prcepositis),  and 
twenty-four  councillors,"  &c. 

In  1283,  when  Edward. was  preparing  for  his 

*  Torfasi  Orcades,  lib.  i.  cap.  4. 

t  Chron.  of  Lanercoste.  See  Macpherson's  Annals  of 
Commerce,  vol.  i.  p.  446.  In  1282,  the  customs  of  England 
were  farmed  by  Bonricini,  Guidicon,  and  Co.,  of  Lucca,  and 
the  sum  realized,  from  Easter  1281  till  Easter  1282,  netted 
841U.  19*.  ll|d.  The  money,  it  may  be  observed,  at  this 
time,  was  the  same  in  both  countries. — Madox,  History  of 
the  Exchequer,  c.  23.  fo.  1. 

t  The  use  of  coal  as  fuel  was  very  early  known  in  Scot- 
land. By  a  charter,  dated  in  April,  1291,  William  de  Ober- 
vill  granted  liberty  to  the  monks  of  Dunfermline  to  dig 
coal  for  their  own  use  in  his  lands  of  Pittencrieff,  but  upon 
no  account  to  sell  any,  (Chart,  in  Statist.  Account  of  Scot- 
land, vol.  xiii.  p.  469.)  By  this  restriction,  it  would  seem 
that  the  proprietor  not  only  set  a  value  on  the  sale  of  coal, 
but  also  that  the  monks  of  those  days  were  in  the  habit  ot 
improving  their  resources,  by  trafficking  in  temporal  as  well 
as  in  spiritual  matters. 


CHAP.  I.] 


SCOTLAND  IN  THE  THIRTEENTH  CENTURY. 


invasion  of  Wales,  he  commissioned  one  John 
Bishop,  a  burgess  of  Lynne,  to  purchase  merchan- 
dise (meroimonia)  for  him  in  Scotland.  This  is 
rather  a  singular  instance  of  the  superiority  of  the 
Scots  market  in  those  days  *. 

The  other  cities  in  Scotland,  though  inferior  to 
Berwick,  were  not  without  their  proportion  of 
trade.  About  the  same  time,  the  sheriff's  of  Cum- 
berland and  Lancaster  were  ordered  to  send  people 
to  purchase  fish  on  the  west  coast  of  Scotland,  and 
convey  them  to  the  depot  at  Chester;  and  one  Adam 
de  Fulcham  was  commissioned  to  furnish  100  bar- 
rels of  sturgeons,  of  five  hundredweight  each,  5000 
salt  fish,  also  dried  fish.  The  fish  of  Aberdeen 
were  so  well  cured,  that  they  were  exported  to  the 
principal  fishing  port  of  Yarmouth. 

Four  hundred  fish  of  Aberdeen  (perhaps  sal- 
mon), one  barrel  sturgeons,  five  dozen  lampreys, 
fifty  pounds  whale  oil,  balen  (for  burning,  perhaps, 
during  the  voyage),  and  a  half  last  of  herrings, 
constituted  the  fish  part  of  the  provisions  put  on 
board  of  a  ship  fitted  out  at  Yarmouth  for  bringing 
the  infant  Queen  of  Scotland  from  the  court  of  her 
father,  the  King  of  Norway.  The  fish  of  Aberdeen 
cost  somewhat  under  three  pennies  ;  stock -fish 
under  one  penny  each,  and  the  half  last  of  herrings 
thirty  shillings  f. 

In  the  reign  of  Alexander  III.,  the  merchants  of 
St.  Omer's,  and  partners  of  the  Florentine  houses 
of  Pullici  and  Lambini,  had  established  correspond- 
ents in  Scotland  ;  and  one  Richard  de  Furbur,  a 
trader  of  the  inland  town  of  Roxburgh,  had  sent 
factors  and  supercargoes  to  manage  his  business  in 
foreign  countries,  and  various  parts  of  Britain. 

The  exports  of  Scotland,  at  this  time,  consisted 
of  wool  and  woolfells,  hides,  black  cattle  J,  fish, 
salted  and  cured,  horses,  greyhounds,  falcons, 
pearls,  and  herrings,  particularly  those  caught  in 
Lochfyne,  which  had  a  preference,  and  found  a 
ready  market  among  the  French,  who  came  and 
exchanged  their  wines  at  a  place  still  known  by  the 
name  of  French  Foreland ;  and  so  much  was  wine 
a  regular  understood  barter,  that  Lochfyne  (Locli- 

*  Ayloff's  Calendar,  p.  88.  Some  idea  may  be  formed  of 
the  injury  which  the  trade  of  Scotland  sustained  by  the  long 
protracted  and  impoverishing  warfare  she  had  to  maintain 
in  support  of  her  independence,  from  the  circumstance  of 
James  I.  being  obliged,  in  1430,  to  commission  two  citizens 
of  London  to  send  him  the  following  articles  for  his  own 
use :  viz.  twenty  tuns  of  wine,  twelve  bows,  four  dozen 
yards  of  cloth  of  different  colours,  and  twelve  yards  of  scar- 
let, twenty  yards  of  red  worsted,  eight  dozen  pewter  vessels, 
1200  wooden  bowls  (or  cups),  packed  in  four  barrels,  three 
dozen  coverels,  a  basin  and  font,  two  summer  saddles,  one 
hackney  saddle,  one  woman's  saddle,  with  furniture,  two 
portmanteaus,  four  yards  of  motley,  five  yards  of  morray, 
five  yards  of  black  cloth  of  Lyn,  twelve  yards  kersey,  twelve 
skins  of  red  leather,  and  some  trifling  articles.  These 
goods,  shipped  on  board  a  vessel  belonging  to  London,  were 
secured  by  a  royal  order  from  being  molested  by  English 
cruizers.but  they  were  to  pay  the  customary  duties. — Fccdera, 
vol.  x.  p.  470. 

t  Rymer's  Coll.  MS.  vol.  ii.  p.  287. 

j  This  traffic  was  frequently  interrupted  by  war;  in  time 
of  peace,  it  was  carried  on  to  a  considerable  extent.  The 
first  notice  that  we  have  of  its  revival  after  the  wars  of 
Wallace  and  Bruce,  occurs  in  a  letter  of  safe-conduct  granted 
12th  January,  1359,  to  Andrew  Murray  and  Alan  Erskine, 
two  Scottish  drovers,  with  three  horsemen  and  their  serv- 
ants for  travelling  through  England,  or  the  king's  foreign 
dominions,  for  a  year,  with  horses,  oxen,  cows,  and  other 
goods  and  merchandise. — Fccdera,  vol.  vi.  p.  114. 


i,  or  the  Wine  Loch,  became  the  only  name  for 
one  of  the  most  extensive  arms  of  the  Western 
Ocean  on  the  Scottish  coast.  The  pearl  was  a 
more  ancient  branch  of  traffic,  and  said  to  have 
been  in  request  among  the  Romans.  The  Scot- 
tish pearl,  however,  appears  to  have  been  partially 
superseded  in  the  French  market,  by  the  introduc- 
tion of  an  article  of  superior  lustre  from  the  East. 
The  goldsmiths  of  Paris,  therefore,  made  a  trade 
regulation,  forbidding  any  worker  in  gold  or  silver 
to  set  any  Scotch  pearls  along  with  Oriental  ones, 
except  in  large  jewels  for  churches.  The  grey- 
hounds *,  however,  kept  up  their  price  ;  and  the 
Scottish  falcons  were  only  rivalled  by  those  of 
Norway. 

The  reader  may  have  some  idea  of  the  quantity 
of  wine  consumed  at  the  table  of  Alexander  III., 
from  the  circumstance  of  one  hundred  and  seventy- 
eight  hogsheads  being  supplied  in  the  year  1263, 
and  sixty-seven  hogsheads  and  one  pipe  furnished 
the  following  year.  The  difference  in  the  quantity 
of  these  two  years  may  have  been  occasioned  by 
the  battle  of  Largs  having  taken  place  on  the  2d 
October,  1263  ;  after  which  there  would,  no  doubt, 
be  a  considerable  influx  of  barons  and  their  fol- 
lowers to  the  royal  presence,  to  partake  of  the  fes- 
tivities incident  to  the  occasion  f. 

Horses  were,  it  is  said,  an  article  of  importation 
as  well  as  exportation  with  the  Scots  in  the  thii 
teenth  century.  Alexander  I.  rode  a  fine  Arabian  ; 
and,  in  the  Norwegian  account  of  Haco's  invasion, 
we  are  told  that  a  large  body  of  Scottish  knights 
appeared  on  Spanish  steeds,  which  were  completely 
armed.  It  is  probable,  however,  that  the  warriors 
so  mounted  might  have  been  the  forces  of  the 
Temple,  as  this  wealthy  order  had  been  some  time 
before  established  in  the  country  ;  and  its  services 
would  no  doubt  be  required  on  so  stirring  an  occasion. 

Asia,  in  the  thirteenth  century,  was  the  grand 
military  school  for  the  nations  of  Europe  ;  and 
every  country  having  representatives  in  the  armies 
of  the  crusaders,  the  improvements  that  took  place 
in  the  art  of  war  were  quickly  transfused  through 
the  various  kingdoms  of  Christendom  ;  and  the 
offensive  and  defensive  armour  of  each  was,  there- 
fore, nearly  the  same.  The  warriors  of  Scotland 
and  England  assimilated  very  closely  to  each  other  ; 
and,  with  the  exception,  perhaps,  of  the  glaive-men 
and  the  bill-men  of  the  English,  and  the  Highland- 
ers and  Isles-men  of  the  Scots,  no  material  differ- 
ence could  be  discovered.  The  Scots,  as  well  as 
the  English,  had  "men-at-arms,"  who  fought  on 
foot ;  and  while  the  latter  used  the  lance,  the 
former  were  armed  with  a  spear  of  no  common 
length.  These  men  among  the  Scots  were  selected 
on  account  of  their  stature  and  strength,  and  were 

*  The  greyhounds,  "leporarii"  of  Scotland  were  con- 
sidered so  superior,  that  the  Duke  of  Berry,  in  France, 
thought  it  worth  while  to  send  his  valet,  and  three  other 
men,  to  procure  some  of  them,  and  to  obtain  letters  of  safe- 
conduct  from  the  King  of  England,  to  enable  them  to  travel 
through  his  dominions  on  that  business.-* Fccdera,  vol.  vii. 
page  831. 

t  By  the  chamberlain's  accounts,  it  appears  that  the  178 
hogsheads  cost  439J.  16*.  Sd.  sterling,  while  the  sixty- seven 
hogsheads  and  one  pipe  cost  3731.  IGs.  Sd.  Could  this  differ- 
ence arise  from  the  latter  being  of  superior  quality,  or  from 
the  market  being  overstocked,  in  consequence  of  the  ex- 
pected demand  ?  No  doubt  there  were  speculators  in  those 
days,  as  well  as  at  present. 

B2 


LIFE  OF  SIR  WILLIAM  WALLACE. 


[CHAP.  i. 


generally  placed  in  the  front  rank  of  the  squares, 
being  completely  enclosed  in  defensive  armour, 
which  consisted  of  steel  helmets,  a  tunic,  stuffed 
with  wool,  tow,  or  old  cloth,  with  a  habergeon,  or 
shirt  of  iron  rings,  the  joints  defended  by  plates  of 
the  same  metal.  The  stubbornness  with  which 
they  maintained  their  ranks  may  very  reasonably 
be  supposed  to  have  acquired  for  the  Scottish  pha- 
lanx or  schiltron,  that  high  character  for  firmness 
and  obstinate  valour  for  which  it  was  so  long  dis- 
tinguished. 

Hauberks  of  different  kinds,  with  padded  or 
quilted  pourpoints,  having  iron  rings  set  edgeways, 
were  generally  worn.  In  the  early  part  of  the 
reign  of  Alexander  III.  chain-mail  was  first  intro- 
duced into  Scotland  by  the  crusaders  ;  it  was  formed 
of  four  rings,  joined  to  a  fifth,  and  all  firmly  secured 
by  rivets.  Eastern  armour,  however,  had  appeared 
in  the  country  before  this  period,  as  we  find  that 
Alexander  I.  had  a  splendid  suit  of  Arabian  manu- 
facture, richly  ornamented  with  jewels,  with  a  spear 
and  shield  of  silver,  which,  along  with  his  Arabian 
steed,  covered  with  a  fair  mantle  of  fine  velvet,  and 
other  rich  housings,  he  dedicated  to  the  patron 
Saint  of  Scotland,  within  the  church  of  St.  An- 
drew's, in  the  early  part  of  the  thirteenth  century. 
This  was  considered  so  valuable  a  donation,  as  to 
require  the  sanction  of  David,  the  heir-apparent  of 
the  throne  *. 

Habergeons,  of  various  forms  and  dimensions, 
according  to  the  fancy  or  circumstances  of  the 
wearer,  prevailed  in  this  age.  These  were  gene- 
rally covered  by  a  gown  or  tabard,  on  the  back  and 
front  of  which  the  arms  of  the  wearer  were  em- 
blazoned. Jacked  or  boiled  leather,  with  quilted 
iron-work,  was  also  in  use  for  defending  the  arms 
and  legs.  Helmets,  bacinets,  and  skullcaps,  sur- 
mounted, according  to  the  dignity  of  the  person, 
formed  defences  for  the  head  ;  and  the  shields  were 
either  round,  triangular,  or  kite-shape,  with  the 
device  or  arms  of  the  warrior  painted  upon  them 
in  glaring  colours.  The  common  soldiers  wrapped 
pieces  of  cloth  about  the  neck,  their  numerous  folds 
of  which  formed  an  excellent  defence  from  the  cut 
of  a  sword.  The  "  Ridir"  or  Knight  among  the 
Highlanders,  differed  little  in  his  equipment  from 
those  of  the  same  rank  in  the  Low  Country.  In 
battle,  he  was  usually  attended  by  a  number  of 
Gall-oglaich.  These  were  soldiers  selected  as  the 
stoutest  and  bravest  of  the  clan,  and  might  be  con- 
sidered as  the  "men-at-arms"  among  the  Gael. 
They  were  supplied  either  with  the  corslet,  or  the 
liiireach  mhailleach  (the  habergeon,  literally  the  coat 
of  rings),  and  were  armed  with  the  Lochaber-axe, 
the  damdhmhor  (great  two-handed  sword),  and 
sometimes  a  heavy  shelving  stone-axe,  beautifully 
polished,  and  fixed  into  a  strong  shaft  of  oak  f.  In 
the  rear  of  the  Gall-oglaich,  stood  the  Ceatharnalch, 
an  inferior  sort  of  soldiers,  armed  with  knives  and 
daggers.  Their  duty  was  to  take,  kill,  or  disable 
those  whom  the  prowess  of  the  front  rank  had 
brought  to  the  ground.  The  boldest  and  most  dex- 
terous among  the  Gall-oglaich  was  made  squire  or 
armour-bearer  to  the  chief.  This  man,  as  well  as 
the  rest  of  his  companions,  received  a  larger  portion 
of  victuals  when  they  sat  at  their  leader's  table  ; 

*  Wyntown,  vol.  i.  p.  286. 

t  Some  fine  specimens  of  these  battle-axes  may  be  seen 
in  the  museum  at  Inverness. 


but  the  part  allotted  for  the  armour-bearer  was 
greater  than  any,  and  called,  on  that  account,  beath 
fir,  or,  "the  Champion's  Meal." 

Among  the  Knights  of  the  Isles,  the  conical- 
shaped  helmet  was  more  in  use  than  any  other. 
From  piratical  habits,  and  long  intercourse  with 
the  Norwegians,  their  followers  in  general  were 
better  equipped  than  those  of  the  mainland.  The 
habergeon  was  very  common  among  them  ;  and 
from  the  gown  they  put  over  it,  being  universally 
dyed  of  a  yellow  or  saffron-colour,  they  presented  a 
more  uniform  appearance  than  their  neighbours. 

Besides  the  lance  and  spear,  the  mace,  the  pike, 
the  tnartel  de  fer  (a  sort  of  iron  hammer),  the  two- 
handed  sword,  various  forms  of  daggers,  knives, 
clubs,  flails,  scythes  fixed  on  poles,  bows,  cross- 
bows *,  and  slings  made  by  a  thong  fixed  to  the  end 
of  a  staff,  were  in  use  among  the  Scots.  These 
slingers  used  their  weapons  with  both  hands.  They 
had  no  defensive  armour,  and  were  generally  placed 
among  the  archers,  who  were  divided  into  com- 
panies of  twenty -five  men  each. 

The  military  engines  in  use  in  attacking  or  de- 
fending castles,  or  other  fortified  places,  were  the 
Loup  de  Guerre,  or  war-wolf,  a  frame  formed  of 
heavy  beams,  with  spikes,  and  made  to  fall  on  the 
assailants  in  the  manner  of  a  portcullis — the  Scor- 
pion, a  large  stationary  cross-bow  of  steel,  which 
discharged  darts  of  an  uncommon  size,  and  the 
Balista,  Catapulta,  and  Trebuchet,  which  were  en- 
gines of  great  power  in  throwing  large  stones,  which 
were  often  heated  to  a  high  temperature.  The 
Bricolle  threw  large  square-headed  darts,  called 
Carreaux,  or  Quarrels.  This  engine  was  used  by 
the  Flemings  in  fortifying  their  factory  at  Berwick, 
called  the  "Red  Hall."  The  Espringal  threw  darts 
with  brass  plates,  instead  of  feathers,  to  make  their 
flight  steady.  The  Berfrarium,  an  engine  also  called 
Belfredus,  was  made  of  wood,  covered  with  skins  to 
defend  it  from  fire,  and  was  formed  like  a  tower, 
and  of  a  height  to  overlook  the  walls.  It  consisted 
of  several  stories,  and  was  rolled  on  wheels  towards 
the  object  of  attack,  and  filled  with  archers  and 
spearmen  ;  the  latter,  under  cover  of  the  former, 
either  rushed  upon  the  walls,  or  fought  hand  to 
hand  with  the  besieged.  The  name  was  afterwards 
given  to  high  towers  erected  in  cities,  for  the  pur- 
pose of  alarming  by  bells.  Hence  the  origin  of  the 
term  "Belfrey."  The  most  expert  in  the  manu- 
facture of  these  engines  of  destruction  was  a  monk 
of  Durham.  This  man  supplied  the  greatest  por- 
tion of  the  artillery  required  for  the  defence  of 
Berwick. 

Respecting  the  state  of  the  Arts,  it  would  be  dif- 
ficult to  give  any  thing  like  a  circumstantial  detail. 
That  various  useful  mechanical  professions  were 
known  and  prosecuted,  there  is  abundance  of  evi- 
dence to  prove  ;  but  to  what  degree  of  perfection 
they  were  brought,  is  not  so  clear.  That  the  com- 
pass was  familiar  to  the  mariners  of  Scotland  at  an 
early  age,  appears  from  the  manner  in  which  Bar- 
bour  expresses  himself,  in  the  description  of  Bru«e 
and  his  companions,  who,  in  crossing  from  Arran 
to  Carrick  in  the  night-time,  steered  by  the  light  of 
a  fire  upon  the  shore. 

*  By  the  chamberlain's  accounts  it  appears,  that  in  the 
reign  of  Alexander  III.,  the  king's  Balistarius,  or  keeper  of 
the  crow -bows  for  the  Castle  of  Ayr,  was  allowed  yearly  two 
merks  and  a  half. 


CHAP.  I.] 


SCOTLAND  IN  THE  THIRTEENTH  CENTURY. 


"  For  thai  na  nedill  had,  na  stane, 
Bot  rowyt  always  in  till  ane, 
Steerand  all  tyme  apon  the  fyr." 

Suke  Feyrd,  1.  23—25. 

According  to  Wyntown,  great  attention  was  paid 
to  agriculture  by  Alexander  III.,  who  fixed  that 
well-known  measurement  of  land  called  "  Oxgang." 
The  passage  is  worth  extracting. 

"  Yhwmen,  pewere  Karl,  or  Knawe, 
Dat  wes  of  mycht  an  Ox  til  hawe, 
He  gert  that  man  hawe  part  in  Pluche ; 
Swa  wes  corne  in  his  Land  enwche  ; 
Swa  than  begowth,  and  eftyr  lang 
Of  Land  was  mesure,  ane  Ox-gang. 
Mychty  men,  that  had  ma 

Oxyn,  he  gert  in  Pluchys  ga. 

A  Pluch  of  Land  eftyr  that 

To  nowmyr  of  Oxyn  mesur  gat. 

Be  that  Vertu  all  hys  Land 

Of  corn  he  gart  be  abowndand. 

A  Bolle  of  atis  pennys  foure 

Of  Scottis  Mone  past  noucht  oure ; 

A  boll  of  here  for  awcht  or  ten 

In  comowne  prys  sawld  wes  then; 

For  sextene  a  boll  of  qwhete ; 

Or  fore  twenty  the  derth  wes  grete. 

This  falyhyd  fra  he  deyd  suddanly." 

B.  vii.  c.  x.  507—525. 

If  the  beautiful  specimens  of  architecture  which 
were  produced  in  this  age  may  be  regarded  as  fur- 
nishing certain  criteria  for  judging  of  the  general 
state  of  the  arts,  we  would  be  warranted  in  assign- 
ing to  them  a  much  higher  degree  of  perfection 
than  many  of  our  readers  would  be  inclined  to  ad- 
mit. It  is,  however,  difficult  to  believe,  that  a 
nation  could  have  ai'rived  at  a  high  degree  of  ex- 
cellence in  an  art  which  required  a  superior  know- 
ledge of  the  principles  of  science,  as  well  as  the 
greatest  refinement  in  taste,  without  having  made 
a  corresponding  proficiency  in  those  of  a  subordi- 
nate character.  The  exquisite  workmanship  which 
adorned  the  crosses  and  monuments  within  the 
sacred  precincts  of  the  Island  of  lona,  commands 
at  once  the  admiration  and  respect  of  strangers  ; 
and  the  fragments  which  have  escaped  the  ravages 
of  modern  Vandalism,  display  a  neatness  of  execu- 
tion in  the  figures,  lettering  and  embellishments, 
which  may  justly  claim  competition  with  the  pro- 
ductions of  the  present  day.  Some,  who  will  not 
look  further  than  the  subsequent  poverty  and  de- 
gradation of  Scotland,  insist  that  these  crosses  and 
monuments  are  French  manufacture,  and  were 
imported  from  France.  This  conjecture  will  not 
admit  of  a  moment's  reflection.  They  might  as 
well  inform  us  that  the  Abbey  of  Melrose,  the 
Cathedral  of  Glasgow,  and  all  the  rest  of  our  sacred 
edifices,  were  importations  from  the  same  quarter. 
With  more  propriety,  however,  it  may  be  alleged, 
that  the  most  elegant  of  our  ecclesiastical  struc- 
tures were  erected  by  a  band  of  ingenious  archi- 
tects and  workmen  belonging  to  various  countries, 
who  associated  together  about  this  time,  under  the 
name  of  Freemasons,  and  wandered  about  Europe, 
offering  their  services  where  they  expected  the 
most  liberal  encouragement.  Of  these  men,  it  is 
presumed  Scotland  has  a  right  to  claim  a  fair 
proportion. 

Naval  architecture  also  appears  to  have  met  with 
due  encouragement ;  for  we  find,  in  the  year  1249, 


Hugh  de  Chantillon,  Earl  of  St.  Paul  and  de  Blois 
a  powerful  vassal  of  Louis  IX.,  joined  the  cru- 
saders under  that  monarch  at  Cyprus,  with  fifty 
knights  carrying  banners,  besides  a  numerous  body 
of  Flemings,  on  board  of  a  vessel  of  great  strength 
and  dimensions,  which,  according  to  Matthew 
Paris*,  (who  calls  it  a  marvellous  vessel,)  was 
built  at  Inverness,  in  the  Murray  Firth.  On  this 
occasion  Macpherson  remarks  f,  "  That  a  French 
nobleman  should  apply  to  the  carpenters  of  Inver- 
ness for  a  ship,  is  a  curious  circumstance  ;  which 
seems  to  infer,  that  they  had  acquired  such  a 
degree  of  reputation  in  their  profession,  as  to  be 
celebrated  in  foreign  countries."  A  large  vessel 
was  afterwards  built  for  the  Venetians  at  the  same 
place  J. 

As  the  state  of  literature  at  this  period  was 
nearly  on  a  level  all  over  Britain,  the  following 
specimens  of  the  earliest  lyrical  effusions  of  the 
Scottish  and  English  Muse  known  to  exist,  may 
serve  the  purpose  of  exciting  a  more  elaborate 
inquiry. 

ANCIENT  ENGLISH  SONG. 

Summer  is  come  in, 

Loud  sings  the  cuckoo ; 
Groweth  seed,  and  bloweth  meed, 
And  springth  woods  new, 

Singth  the  cuckoo. 
Ewe  bleateth  after  lamb, 
Loweth  after  calf,  cow  ; 
Bullock  starteth,  buck  verteth, 
Merry  sings  the  cuckoo, 

Cuckoo,  cuckoo, 
Well  singth  the  cuckoo, 
May'st  thou  never  cease. 

ANCIENT  SCOTTISH   SONG. 

"  Quhen  Alysandyr  oure  Kyng  wes  dede, 

That  Scotland  led  in  Luwe  and  Le, 
Away  wes  Sons  of  Ale  and  Brede, 

Of  Wyne  and  Wax,  of  Gamyn  and  Gle  : 
Oure  Gold  wes  changyd  in-to  Lede. 

Cryst,  borne  in-to  Virgynyte, 
Succour  Scotland  and  remede, 

That  Stad  is  in  perplexyte." 

The  law  of  Scotland  is  known  to  all  to  have  been 
that  of  the  Romans.  The  municipal  and  com- 
mercial departments  were  under  the  control  of  the 
Court  of  the  "  Four  Burghs,"  which  consisted  of 
representatives  from  Berwick,  Edinburgh,  Rox- 
burgh, and  Stirling  ;  to  whom  all  matters  connected 
with  commerce,  and  the  rights  and  privileges  of 
the  burgesses,  were  referred.  The  Chamberlain?s 
Court  had  also  a  jurisdiction  over  the  burghs  in 
matters  respecting  the  trade  and  general  policy  of 
the  kingdom.  The  chamberlain,  in  the  discharge 
of  his  duty,  was  constrained  to  make  periodical 
progress  through  the  kingdom,  to  adjust  the  stand- 
ards, weights  and  measures,  kept  in  the  different 
burghs.  It  was  also  his  duty  to  detect  any  imposi- 
tion that  might  be  practised  by  the  king's  servants, 
in  exacting  more  goods  at  the  king's  price  (which 
was  lower  than  the  market)  than  what  were  re- 
quired for  his  service,  and  thereby  making  a  profit 
to  themselves.  From  the  regulations  of  the  Cham- 
berlain's Court,  it  appears  that  inspectors  were 
appointed  to  examine  and  certify,  by  their  seal  of 

*  P.  668. 

t  Annals  of  Commerce,  vol.  i.  p.  397  &  398. 

I  Philosophical  Transactions,  vol.  xxi.  p.  230. 


LIFE  OF  SIR  WILLIAM  WALLACE. 


[CHAP.  i. 


office,  the  quantity  and  quality  of  cloth,  bread,  and 
casks  containing  liquors  ;  and  that  other  officers, 
called  "  Troners,"  had  the  inspection  of  wool. 
Salmon  fishings  also  were  carefully  regulated  ;  and 
fishing  during  the  night,  or  while  the  salmon  were 
not  in  season,  was  prohibited  *. 

The  great  councils  of  the  nation,  from  whence  all 
the  laws  emanated,  had  their  meetings  at  Scone  ; 
and  the  promulgation  of  any  new  act  was  preceded 
by  the  ringing  of  the  great  bell  of  the  monastery 
where  the  meetings  were  held.  By  this  practice 
"the  bell  of  Scoon"  became,  in  time,  a  cant  ex- 
pression for  the  law  of  the  land  f.  These  councils 
were  almost  solely  attended  by  the  barons  and 
ecclesiastics  of  the  highest  rank.  Neither  mer- 
chants nor  burgesses  were  admitted.  Representa- 
tions, therefore,  from  the  Chamberlain's  Court,  and 
the  Court  of  the  Four  Burghs,  afforded  the  only 
chance  for  correcting  the  mistakes  which  might 
arise  from  the  ignorance  of  these  aristocratic  legis- 
lators. 

From  the  intercourse  which  existed  between 
Scotland  and  England  during  the  long  interval  of 
peace,  previous  to  the  aggression  of  Edward,  the 
manners,  particularly  of  the  higher  classes,  were 
in  many  respects  nearly  the  same.  The  frequent 
intermarriages  tended,  more  than  any  other  cause, 
to  render  the  inhabitants  of  the  two  countries  fami- 
liar with  the  habits  and  customs  of  each  other,  while 
both  imitated  the  French  in  dress  and  language  ; 
and  their  domestic  economy,  in  numerous  instances, 
also  bore  a  close  resemblance.  . 

Though  the  barons  and  churchmen  among  the 
Scots  had  no  taste  for  the  high-spiced  wines  so 
much  relished  by  the  English,  yet  in  the  viands 
which  graced  their  festivities,  particularly  those 
who  held  lands  in  England,  there  appeared  to  have 
been  little  or  no  alteration.  On  great  occasions, 
the  seal,  the  porpoise,  and  the  wild  boar,  though 
now  banished  from  the  table,  never  failed  to  make 
their  appearance.  Venison  pasties,  game,  poultry, 
and  baked  meats  of  all  descriptions,  with  fish  in 
endless  variety,  were  common  at  the  tables  of  the 
great.  Shell-fish,  particularly  oysters,  were  much 
in  demand  among  the  ecclesiastics.  This  is  evi- 
dent from  the  quantity  of  shells  which  are  still  to 
be  found  in  digging  about  the  ruins  of  religious 
establishments.  The  frequent  recurrence  of  those 
periods  when  food  of  an  opposite  description  was 
forbidden,  sufficiently  accounts  for  this  profusion. 

Among  the  culinary  preparations  that  were  pecu- 
liar to  Scotland,  one  known  by  the  name  of  Mlr- 
Mor,  was  held  in  the  highest  estimation.  This 
savoury  dish  always  had  a  place  at  the  royal  table  ; 
and  so  much  was  it  a  favourite,  that  in  the  tradi- 
tionary songs  of  the  Gaelic  bards,  it  is  mentioned 
as  a  viand  fit  only  for  a  hero,  and  represented  by 
them  to  be  given  as  such  by  Fingal  to  his  friend 
Goll  Mac-mhairn,  in  addition  to  his  beaih-jvr,  or 
"champion's  meal,"  which  he  received  sitting  at 
the  right  hand  of  the  royal  donor.  Of  this  highly- 
prized  morceau  frland,  minced  meat,  marrow,  and 
herbs,  were  the  principal  ingredients  ;  and  in  this 
composition  it  is  not  difficult  to  trace  the  origin 

*  Macpherson's  Annals  of  Commerce,  vol.  i.  p.  440. 

t  The  following  proverb  is  still  floating  on  the  breath  of 
tradition  among  the  Highlanders — "Mar  thubhairt  clay 
Scdin,  an  rud  nach  buin  duit  na  buin  da;"  "As  the  bell  of 
Hcoon  rang,  what  belongs  not  to  you  meddle  not  with." 


of  the  "  Haggles,"  a  dish  still  considered  national 
among  the  Scots. 

Were  it  a  fair  criterion  to  estimate  the  strength 
and  importance  of  a  country  by  the  princely  reve- 
nues of  its  church  establishment,  Scotland,  in  the 
thirteenth  century,  might  be  considered  as  holding 
a  very  respectable  rank  among  the  nations  of  Eu- 
rope. The  deference  which  the  Roman  pontiffs, 
on  various  occasions,  paid  to  the  kings  of  Scotland, 
while  it  displayed  their  anxiety  to  preserve,  by 
conciliatory  conduct,  the  spiritual  supremacy  in 
the  kingdom,  also  shows  that  the  national  or  pa- 
triotic feelings  of  the  Scottish  ecclesiastics  were 
stronger  than  those  ties  which  connected  them  with 
the  See  of  Rome  ;  for,  by  their  well-timed  support 
of  the  royal  authority,  the  thunders  of  the  Vatican, 
so  terrible  in  other  countries,  rolled  harmlessly 
over  without  distracting  the  state  ;  and  the  king 
was  often  enabled  to  contest,  and  bring  to  a  favour- 
able termination,  those  differences  which  arose  be- 
tween him  and  the  Pope,  with  whose  legates  he 
frequently  assumed  very  high  ground,  not  only 
forbidding  them  his  presence,  but  even  refusing 
them  a  safe  conduct  through  his  dominions. 

To  give  any  thing  like  a  satisfactory  account  of 
the  revenues  of  the  several  ecclesiastical  endow- 
ments, would  occupy  a  space  not  consistent  with 
the  design  of  the  present  work.  It  may,  however, 
be  briefly  stated,  that  the  wealth  of  the  church  did 
not  altogether  arise  from  her  spiritual  emoluments. 
Agriculture,  and  various  branches  of  traffic,  en- 
gaged the  attention,  and  increased  the  riches  as 
well  as  the  luxuries  of  the  priesthood.  In  1254 
the  Cistercian  monks  were  the  greatest  breeders  of 
sheep  in  England.  Being  exempted  from  duties, 
their  wealth  rapidly  increased.  That  they  possessed 
similar  privileges  in  Scotland,  is  pretty  evident ;  for 
in  1275  *,  when  Bagamont,  an  emissary  from  Rome, 

*  The  name  and  labours  of  this  priest  have  created  a  little 
perplexity  among  the  learned.  He  appears  to  have  made  a 
sort  of  census  of  the  kingdom,  in  which  the  names  of  the 
bishops,  abbots,  priors,  parsons,  vicars,  abbesses,  earls, 
barons,  knights,  freeholders,  and  communities  of  cities 
and  burghs,  were  registered.  This  roll,  in  which  their 
rentals  were  stated,  is  known  in  Scottish  history  by  the 
name  of  "Bagimont's  Roll,"  and  was  always  referred  to  in 
disputes  respecting  church  property.  For  the  purpose  of  a 
like  assessment,  Bagamont  appears  to  have  made  a  similar 
census  in  England.  A  copy  of  the  Scotch  roll,  carried  off 
most  likely  by  Edward,  along  with  the  other  documents, 
from  Scone,  was  found  in  the  Tower  of  London,  and  given 
to  the  world,  by  the  more  modern  historians  of  England,  as 
the  "  Homage  Roll  of  Scotland,"  under  the  cognomen  of 
"  Ragman's  Roll."  The  disgrace  which  this  document 
seems  to  infer,  is  pathetically  bewailed  by  Abercromby.  If 
he  had  turned  to  the  learned  Bishop  of  Carlisle's  Scottish 
Historical  Library,  p.  53,  his  grief  might  have  been  a  little 
assuaged  by  the  following  passage: — "One  of  the  most 
ancient  repertories  of  the  primitive  state  and  rights  of  the 
Scottish  church,  is  the  old  Book  of  the  Taxation  of  Eccle- 
siastical Benefices,  whereof  Sir  John  Skene  has  given  us  the 
following  account.  (1)  '  The  Pape,  in  the  time  of  King  (2) 
James  the  Third,  sent  in  this  realm  ane  cardinal  and  legate, 
called  Bagimont :  quha  did  make  ane  taxation  of  all  the 
rentals  of  the  benefices,  that  the  samin  might  be  knawin 
to  the  Pape :  to  the  effect,  that,  when  any  person  came  to 
Rome  seikin  Bulles,  or  right  to  ony  benefice  fra  him,  he 
might  conform  to  the  said  rental  as  he  pleased,  sell  the 
samin  for  sa  meikle  silver  or  gold  as  he  thocht  maist  profit- 


(1)  De  Verb.  Sign,  in  voce  Bagimont. 

(2)  It  should  be  Alex. 


CHAP.  II.] 


ON  THE  CLAIM  OF  ENGLAND  TO  FEUDAL  HOMAGE. 


was  sent  to  levy  a  tenth  on  the  property  of  the  Scot- 
tish church  for  the  relief  of  the  Holy  Land,  this 
wealthy  order  of  temporal  as  well  as  spiritual  shep- 
herds, compounded  for  the  enormous  sum  of  50,000 
merks.  By  this  compromise,  the  amount  of  their 
revenues  remained  unknown. 

The  following  is  part  of  the  live-stock,  which 
(according  to  an  inventory  preserved  in  the  char- 
tulary  of  Newbottle)  at  one  time  belonged  to  the 
Abbey  of  Melrose,  viz.  325  forest  mares,  fifty-four 
domestic  mares,  104  domestic  horses,  207  stags  or 
young  horses,  thirty-nine  three-year  old  colts,  and 
172  year  old  colts.  Amidst  all  this  profusion  of 
wealth,  the  serious  reader  may  desire  to  know  how 
the  ceremonials  of  religion  were  attended  to.  From 
the  many  jokes  which  Fordun  relates  as  having 
taken  place  among  the  clergy  of  his  day,  we  cannot 
suppose  that  either  the  teachers  or  the  people  were 
more  devout  than  their  neighbours.  An  old  writer 
describes  the  interior  of  a  cathedral  as  a  place 
where  the  men  came  with  their  hawks  and  dogs, 
walking  to  and  fro,  to  converse  with  their  friends, 
to  make  bargains  and  appointments,  and  to  show 
their  guarded  coats  ;  and  among  the  Scots,  it  is 
well  known,  weapons  were  too  often  displayed  on 
such  occasions. 

From  what  has  been  stated  in  the  foregoing 
pages,  it  is  pretty  evident  that  Scotland  occupied 
a  more  prominent  station  among  the  nations  of 
Europe,  before  the  aggression  of  Edward  I.  than 
she  has  ever  done  since.  The  single  fact,  that 
Alexander  II.  mustered  and  led  to  the  borders  of 
England,  in  1244,  an  army  of  100,000  foot,  with  a 
well-appointed  body  of  cavalry,  proves  that,  at  the 
period  under  review,  when  the  numerical  strength 
of  the  two  British  kingdoms  were  marshalled,  the 
inferiority  of  Scotland  was  by  no  means  very  ap- 
parent. An  army  so  numerous  as  that  we  have 

able.'  This  is  by  no  means  exact,  nor  answerable  to  what 
we  commonly  have  from  that  learned  writer ;  for  that  very 
law  of  (3)  James  the  Third,  to  which'  he  refers,  cites  this 
taxation  by  the  name  of  the  '  Provinciallis  Buik,  or  the  auld 
taxation  of  Bagimont ;'  and  shows,  that  in  this  King's  time, 
endeavours  were  used  to  raise  the  values  of  the  livings  above 
what  they  were  rated  at,  to  the  advantage  of  the  Court  of 
Rome,  and  against  '  the  common  gude  of  the  realme.'  This 
act  was  confirmed  by  his  son  and  successor  James  the 
Fourth,  who  made  (4)  the  crime  capital  in  laymen,  ordaining 
that  all  such  should  '  tine  their  life  and  gudes.'  We  are, 
therefore,  still  in  the  dark  as  to  the  true  author  of  this 
ancient  valuation ;  being  certainly  misinformed  of  the  time 
wherein  he  lived,  and  (perhaps)  knowing  as  little  of  his 
proper  name.  If  I'  may  be  allowed  to  offer  my  conjecture,  I 
should  guess  that  this  ecclesiastical  survey  is  about  the  same 
age  with  that  which  was  made  (of  the  lands  in  England)  by 
our  Edward  the  First;  and  possibly  the  names  of  (5)  Rage- 
man  and  Bagimont  were  heretofore  one  and  the  same.  What 
this  or  the  other  means,  or  how  both  have  been  corrupted, 
let  the  nicer  etymologists  inquire." 


(3)  Vide  Spotswood,  lib.  2.  p.  46.  (3)  Parl.  6.  Ja.  3.  Act  43. 

(4)  Parl.  4.  St.  39. 

(5)  Vide  D.  Hen.  Spelman.  Gloss,  in  voce  Rageman,  and 
Repository  of  Records,  p.  26.    Had  this  candid  and  generally 
correct  writer  referred  to  Fordun,  Book  X.  chap,  xvii.,  he 
might  have  satisfied  himself  as  to  the  date,  origin,  and  nature 
of  this  roll,  as  well  as  the  name  and  character  of  its  author. 
The  alteration  of  Bagimont  to  Rageman,  is  evidently  an 
English  corruption,  which  the  writers  of  that  country  ought 
to  be  best  able  to  explain.     Ragman's  Roll,  as  a  roll  of  vas- 
salage to  Edward,  is  unknown  to  ancient  English  and  Scot- 
tish historians. 


mentioned,  no  subsequent  monarch  of  that  king- 
:lom  ever  had  it  in  his  power  to  bring  into  the  field. 
On  the  death  of  Alexander  III.  the  prosperity  of 
Scotland  became  eclipsed — anarchy  overspread  the 
land — the  machiavelism  of  her  arch-enemy  pre- 
vailed— her  ancient  glory  was  trampled  in  the  dust 
— and  commerce  deserted  a  country  overrun  with 
the  horrors  of  war.  Thus,  in  the  emphatic  language 
of  the  Bard,  "  Oure  gold  wes  changyd  into  lede  ; " 
"  and,"  says  MacPherson,  a  our  fishermen  and 
merchants  into  cut-throats  and  plunderers,  whose 
only  trade  was  war,  and  whose  precarious  and  only 
profit  was  the  ruin  of  her  neighbours." 


CHAPTER  II. 

ON  THE  CLAIM  OF  ENGLAND  TO  THE  FEUDAL  HOMAGE 
OF  SCOTLAND. 

SCOTLAND,  at  various  periods  of  her  history,  has 
been  placed  in  situations  of  imminent  peril,  from 
the  encroachments  and  invasions  of  her  ambitious 
neighbour  in  the  South.  Misled  by  an  insatiable 
thirst  for  conquest,  the  English  monarchs  were 
either  prosecuting  their  views  of  aggrandizement 
on  the  continent  of  Europe,  or  disturbing  the  tran- 
quillity of  Britain  by  endeavouring  to  subvert  the 
liberty  and  independence  of  her  states.  The  Welsh, 
after  being  driven  from  the  most  fruitful  of  their 
domains,  continued  an  arduous  but  ineffectual 
struggle  for  their  freedom,  amid  the  few  barren 
rocks  and  valleys  that  remained  to  them 'of  their 
ancient  and  once  flourishing  kingdom.  The  Scots, 
though  always  numerically  inferior  to  the  English, 
and,  from  the  comparative  poverty  of  their  country, 
deficient  in  those  internal  resources  which  their 
richer  neighbours  possessed  ;  yet,  from  their  war- 
like propensities,  their  parsimonious  habits,  and 
that  love  of  independence  which  formed  so  striking 
a  feature  in  the  character  of  all  the  tribes  of  which 
the  nation  was  composed,  were  either  prepared  to 
guard  the  frontier  of  their  kingdom,  or  retaliate  an 
aggression  by  invading  the  territories  of  the  enemy. 
This  last  measure  was  the  mode  of  defence  they 
chiefly  resorted  to  ;  aware  that,  with  the  exception 
of  Berwick,  the  English,  without  advancing  farther 
into  the  country  than  was  consistent  with  their 
safety,  would  find  no  booty  equivalent  to  what 
could  be  driven  by  the  Scots  from  the  fertile  plains 
of  their  more  wealthy  opponents.  These  hostilities 
were  frequently  embittered  by  a  claim  of  supe- 
riority which  the  English  urged  against  the  crown 
and  kingdom  of  Scotland  ;  and  as  the  attempts 
which  were  made,  from  time  to  time,  to  enforce  it, 
have  produced  more  misery  and  bloodshed  than 
any  other  national  quarrel  that  ever  existed  be- 
tween the  two  countries,  an  inquiry  into  the  nature 
and  foundation  of  the  alleged  plea  of  vassalage,  may 
be  of  importance  in  elucidating  the  conduct  of  the 
conflicting  parties  in  the  following  narrative.  In 
this  inquiry,  we  shall  dispense  with  any  reference, 
either  to  "  Brute  the  Trojan"  on  the  one  side,  or 
to  that  no  less  questionable  personage,  "  Scota, 
daughter  to  the  King  of  Egypt,"  on  the  other ;  and  i 
proceed,  at  once,  to  the  only  well-authenticated  evi- 
dence that  exists  on  the  subject. 

In  the  year  1174,  William,  King  of  Scotland,  dis- 
satisfied with  the  conduct  of  Henry  II.  of  England, 


LIFE  OF  SIR  WILLIAM  WALLACE. 


[CHAP.  ii. 


invaded  Northumberland,  instigated  thereto  by  a 
sense  of  his  own  wrongs,  real  or  imaginary,  and 
those  discontented  barons  who  wished  to  place  the 
young  king  on  the  throne, — an  ambitious  youth, 
whom  his  father  had  imprudently  allowed  to  be 
crowned  during  his  own  lifetime.  While  the  nu- 
merous army  of  William  was  spread  over  the  ad- 
jacent country,  wasting,  burning,  and  slaying  with 
that  indiscriminate  recklessness  peculiar  to  the 
age  ;  he,  with  a  chosen  band  of  his  followers,  be- 
sieged the  Castle  of  Alnwick.  The  devastations 
committed  by  the  marauding  army  of  the  Scots 
inflamed  the  minds  of  the  barons  of  Yorkshire  with 
a  generous  indignation  ;  and  they  determined  to 
exert  themselves  for  the  relief  of  their  distressed 
countrymen.  Having  congregated  at  Newcastle  to 
the  number  of  four  hundred  horsemen,  encased  in 
heavy  armour ;  they,  though  already  fatigued  with 
a  long  journey,  pressed  forward  under  the  command 
of  Sir  Bernard  de  Baliol ;  and,  by  travelling  all 
night,  came  in  sight  of  the  battlements  of  Alnwick 
Castle  by  daybreak.  William,  it  would  seem,  had 
been  abroad  in  the  fields,  with  a  slender  escort  of 
sixty  horse  ;  and,  mistaking  the  English  for  a  de- 
tachment of  his  own  troops,  he  was  too  far  advanced 
to  retire,  before  he  became  sensible  of  his  danger. 
"  Now  it  will  be  seen  who  are  true  knights,"  said 
the  intrepid  monarch,  and  instantly  charged  the 
enemy.  His  efforts,  however,  were  unavailing  ;  he 
was  soon  overpowered,  and,  along  with  his  com- 
panions, made  prisoner. 

The  chivalry  of  Yorkshire  thus  secured  for  their 
monarch  a  valuable  prize.  The  magnanimity  of 
Henry,  however,  was  not  equal  to  the  gallantry  of 
his  subjects  ;  for,  on  getting  possession  of  the  un- 
fortunate prince,  he  inflicted  on  him  every  possible 
mortification.  Not  satisfied  with  exhibiting  his 
rival,  like  a  felon,  with  his  feet  tied  under  his 
horse's  belly,  to  the  rude  gaze  of  the  vulgar ;  he 
summoned  all  his  barons  to  Northampton,  to  wit- 
ness "the  humiliating  spectacle  of  a  sovereign 
prince  exposed  in  public  to  a  new-invented  indig- 
nity *." 

It  may  appear  difficult  to  account  for  this  treat- 
ment of  a  royal  captive,  taken  under  such  circum- 
stances, in  an  age  when  the  honours  of  chivalry 
were  eagerly  sought  after  by  all  the  crowned  heads 
of  Europe.  When  we  reflect,  however,  that  on 
the  Thursday  preceding  the  capture  of  William, 
Henry  himself  had  been  ignominiously  scourged 
at  the  tomb  of  his  formidable  enemy,  Thomas  a 
Becket,  his  lacerated  feelings  might,  perhaps,  have 
found  some  relief  in  this  public  exhibition  of  his 
power  to  inflict,  on  a  brother  monarch,  something 
of  a  similar  degradation. 

William  was  at  first  committed  prisoner  to  Rich- 
mond castle,  in  Yorkshire ;  but  Henry,  either  from 
apprehension  of  his  being  insecure  among  the 
scarcely-extinguished  embers  of  the  late  insurrec- 
tion, or  wishing  to  enhance  his  value  in  the  eyes  of 
the  Scots,  by  removing  him  to  a  greater  distance, 
had  him  conveyed  beyond  seas,  to  Falaise  in  Nor- 
mandy. Meanwhile,  the  Scottish  army,  thunder- 
struck at  so  unusual  a  calamity,  after  some  ineffec- 
tual and  misdirected  attempts  at  revenge,  abandoned 
their  spoil,  and  hastily  retreated  to  their  own  coun- 
try. Alarmed,  however,  at  the  irregularities  which 
the  absence  of  the  head  of  their  government  was 

*  Hailes,  137,  138. 


likely  to  produce  among  the  discordant  and  inflam- 
mable materials  of  which  the  kingdom  was  com- 
posed, they  too  hastily  agreed  to  the  ignominious 
terms  proposed  by  the  enemy  ;  and  submitted  to 
their  king  becoming  the  liegeman  of  Henry  for  Scot- 
land., and  all  his  other  territories ;  and  further, 

"  The  King  of  Scotland,  David,  his  brother,  his 
barons,  and  other  liegemen,  agreed  that  the  Scot- 
tish church  should  yield  to  the  English  church 
such  subjection,  in  time  to  come,  as  it  ought  of  right, 
and  was  wont  to  pay  in  the  days  of  the  kings  of  Eng- 
land, predecessors  of  Henry.  Moreover,  Richard, 
bishop  of  St.  Andrew's,  Richard,  bishop  of  Dun- 
keld,  Geoffrey,  abbot  of  Dunfermline,  and  Herbert, 
prior  of  Coldingham,  agreed  that  the  English 
church  should  have  that  right  over  the  Scottish 
which  injustice  it  ought  to  hate.  They  also  became 
bound,  that  they  themselves  would  not  gainsay  the 
right  of  the  English  Church." 

"  A  memorable  clause  ! "  says  Lord  Hailes, 
"  drawn  up  with  so  much  skill  as  to  leave  entire 
the  question  of  the  independence  of  the  Scottish 
church.  Henry  and  his  ministers  could  never 
have  overlooked  such  studied  ambiguity  of  expres- 
sion. The  clause,  therefore,  does  honour  to  the 
Scottish  clergy,  who,  in  that  evil  day,  stood  firm  to 
their  privileges,  and  left  the  question  of  the  inde- 
pendence of  the  national  church  to  be  agitated,  on 
a  more  fit  occasion,  and  in  better  times." 

"  In  pledge  for  the  performance  of  this  miserable 
treaty,  William  agreed  to  deliver  up  to  the  English 
the  castles  of  Rokesburgh,  Berwick,  Jedburgh, 
Edinburgh,  and  Stirling,  and  gave  his  brother  David 
and  many  of  his  chief  barons  as  hostages." 

Thus  stood  the  right  of  England  to  feudal  homage 
over  Scotland  in  1175.  A  superiority,  acquired  in 
such  an  ungenerous  manner,  was  not  likely  to  be 
long  submitted  to  with  patience.  The  Scots  had 
always  plumed  themselves  on  being  an  unconquered 
people,  and  able  to  preserve  their  independence 
against  all  who  had  attempted  to  invade  them. 
Vassalage  implies  protection ; — it  was  therefore  pre- 
sumption in  England  to  pretend  to  defend  Scotland 
against  those  enemies  before  whom  she  herself  had 
been  obliged  to  truckle. 

It  was  not  long  before  the  conduct  of  William 
displayed  that  covered  scorn  of  his  liege-lord,  which 
his  late  injuries  were  calculated  to  inspire.  Coun- 
tenanced by  him,  the  Scottish  bishops,  at  a  council 
held  at  Northampton,  boldly  declared,  in  the  pre- 
sence of  the  Pope's  legate,  ((that  they  had  never 
yielded  subjection  to  the  English  church,  nor  ought 
they." 

Wiiliam  also  entered  the  lists  with  the  Roman 
Pontiff, — before  whose  threats  and  anathemas 
Henry  had  so  ignominiously  crouched : — yet, 
though  all  the  thunder  of  the  Vatican  was  levelled 
against  him, — and  the  Archbishop  of  York,  armed 
with  Papal  authority,  had  not  only  excommuni- 
cated him,  but  placed  the  kingdom  under  an  inter- 
dict ;  still  he  maintained  his  point  with  inflexible 
resolution,  till  the  judgment  of  the  apostolic  father 
was  annulled,  and  an  honourable  compromise  ob- 
tained. The  contrast  thus  exhibited  by  his  vassal 
could  not  be  very  consoling  to  the  feelings  of  the 
English  monarch. 

In  the  year  1178,  William,  in  the  same  spirit, 
Founded  and  amply  endowed  an  abbey  at  Aber- 
brothick,  in  honour  of  the  holy  martyr,  Thomas  a 
Becket, — a  saint  who  had  been  thrust  down  the 


CHAP.  II.] 


ON  THE  CLAIM  OF  ENGLAND  TO  FEUDAL  HOMAGE. 


71 


throat  of  his  liege-lord  with  the  salutary  application 
of  the  whip.  It  would  be  doing  William  injustice 
to  doubt  the  sincerity  of  the  gratitude  which  insti- 
gated him  to  this  act  of  munificence. 

In  1189,  Henry  II.  died,  and  was  succeeded  by 
his  son  Richard  Coeur  de  Lion.  Unlike  his  father, 
Richard,  though  haughty  and  imperious,  was  alive 
to  all  the  noble  and  virtuous  qualities  which  ought  to 
constitute  the  character  of  a  king.  As  soon  after 
the  obsequies  of  his  father  as  decency  would  per- 
mit, he  invited  William  to  his  court  at  Canterbury, 
and  magnanimously  restored  Scotland  to  her  inde- 
pendence. The  important  document  runs  thus — 
"  That  Richard  had  rendered  up  to  William,  by  the 
grace  of  God,  King  of  Scots,  his  castles  of  Rokesburgh 
and  Berwick,  to  be  possessed  by  him  and  his  heirs 
for  ever  as  their  own  proper  inheritance." 

"  Moreover,  we  have  granted  to  him  an  acquit- 
tance of  all  obligations  which  our  father  extorted 
from  him  by  new  instruments,  in  consequence  of  his 
captivity ;  under  this  condition  always,  that  he  shall 
completely  and  fully  perform  'to  us  whatever  his 
brother  Malcolm,  King  of  Scotland,  of  right  per- 
formed, or  ought  of  right  to  have  performed,  to  our 
predecessors  *."  u  Richard,"  says  Lord  Hailes, 
"  also  ordained  the  boundaries  of  the  two  kingdoms 
to  be  re-established  as  they  had  been  at  the  cap- 
tivity of  William."  He  calls  them, "  the  marches  of 
the  kingdom  of  Scotland  (marchice  regni  Scotia"). 

"  He  became  bound  to  put  William  in  full  pos- 
session of  all  his  fees  in  the  earldom  of  Huntingdon 
or  elsewhere  (et  in  omnibus  aliis),  under  the  same 
conditions  as  heretofore." 

"  He  delivered  up  all  such  of  the  evidences  of 
the  homage  done  to  Henry  II.  by  the  barons  and 
clergy  of  Scotland,  as  were  in  his  possession,  and 
he  declared,  that  all  evidences  of  that  homage, 
whether  delivered  up  or  not,  should  be  held  as 
cancelled." 

"  The  price  which  William  agreed  to  pay  for 
this  ample  restitution,  was  ten  thousand  merks 
sterling." 

It  is  with  difficulty  a  smile  can  be  suppressed 
when  we  find,  even  in  the  nineteenth  century,  an 
author  of  such  learning  and  talents  as  Dr.  Lingard, 
endeavouring  to  fritter  away  the  meaning  and  import 
of  the  above  deed  of  restitution,  by  such  fallacious 
reasoning  as  the  following  :  "  The  King's "  (Rich- 
ard I.)  "  CHARTER  to  the  King  of  Scots  may  be 
seen  in  Rymer,  i.  64.  It  is  NOT,  as  sometimes  has 
been  supposed,  a  FORMAL  RECOGNITION  OF  THE  IN- 
DEPENDENCE OF  SCOTLAND,  but  a  recognition,  on 
the  part  of  Richard,  of  all  those  RIGHTS  which 
Henry  had  extorted  from  William  for  his  RANSOM. 
In  lieu  of  them  he  received  ten  thousand  pounds, 
probably  the  sum  which  William  would  have  given 
to  Henry.  The  respective  rights  of  the  two  crowns, 
are  now  replaced  on  the  same  footing  as  formerly. 
William  was  to  do  to  Richard  whatever  Malcolm 
ought  to  have  done  to  Richard's  predecessors,  and 
Richard  was  to  do  to  William  whatever  they  ought 
to  have  done  to  Malcolm,  according  to  an  award  to 
be  given  by  eight  barons,  to  be  equally  chosen  by 
the  two  kings.  Moreover,  William  was  to  possess 
in  England  the  lands  which  Malcolm  had  possessed  ; 
and  to  become  the  liegeman  of  Richard  for  all 
lands  for  which  his  predecessors  had  been  the  liege- 
men of  the  English  kings.  The  award  was  after- 

*  Hailes,  155,  156. 


wards  given,  by  which  it  appears  that  the  words 
^ibertates,  dignitates,  honor es,  debiti,  &c.  mean  the 
allowances  to  be  made,  and  the  honours  to  be 
shown,  to  the  King  of  Scots,  as  often  as  he  came  to 
;he  English  court  by  the  command  of  his  lord  the 
English  king,  from  the  moment  that  he  crossed  the 
3orders  till  his  return  into  his  own  territories, 
Rym.  i.  87-  This  will  explain  the  clause  of  Salvis 
iujnitatibus  suis,  in  the  oath  taken  by  the  Scottish 
kings,  which  some  writers  have  ERRONEOUSLY  CON- 
CEIVED TO  MEAN,  SAVING  THE  INDEPENDENCE  OF 

THEIR  CROWN  *."  If  William  was  already  the  vas- 
sal of  Henry,  where  was  either  the  policy  or  the 
necessity  of  the  latter  bringing  his  right  of  homage 
into  question,  by  making  it  again  a  subject  of  nego- 
ciation  ?  and  if  it  was  not  for  "  A  FORMAL  RECOGNITION 

OF  THE    INDEPENDENCE  OF  SCOTLAND5'    that  William 

paid  the  ten  thousand  pounds  (merks)  to  Richard, 
for  what  purpose  was  that  sum  paid  ?  Henry  ex- 
torted no  money  from  William  for  his  "  RANSOM  ;" 
his  vanity  being  amply  gratified  by  the  deed  of 
"lomage.  Richard  had  no  claim  to  10,000£.  from 
William,  without  granting  him  what  he  considered 
an  equivalent.  This  equivalent  could  not  have  been 
the  independence  of  the  Scottish  church;  for  even 
during  the  reign  of  Henry,  we  find,  by  a  note  ap- 
pended by  the  learned  author  to  his  work  (vol.  ii. 
p.  397,  3d  edit.),  that  when  the  obedience  of  the 
Scottish  church  was  demanded  by  the  Archbishop 
of  York,  "  it  was  answered  that  none  was  due ; 
and  the  answer,  after  a  long  controversy,  was  con- 
firmed by  Pope  Clement  III.  in  1188." 

How  "  Salvis  dignitatibus  suis  "  can  be  explained 
so  as  not  to  include  the  independence  of  the  monarch's 
crown,  we  are  much  at  a  loss  to  perceive.  One 
thing,  however,  is  sufficiently  apparent,  that  the 
sophistry  we  have  quoted  ought  not  to  have  found 
a  place  in  a  publication  of  such  acknowledged  merit 
as  that  of  Dr.  Lingard. 

As  he  has  evidently  allowed  the  prejudices  of 
the  old  English  chroniclers  to  warp  his  judgment 
in  this  affair,  we  may  be  permitted,  in  order  to 
place  the  question  on  its  proper  basis,  to  quote  the 
following  short  passage  from  his  own  work,  by 
which  it  will  be  seen  that  the  LION  of  England 
showed  as  little  pluck  as  HE  of  Scotland,  when 
placed  in  a  similar  situation. — "  In  an  assembly  of 
the  German  princes  and  English  envoys,  by  the 
delivery  of  the  cap  from  his  head,  he  [Richard  I.} 
resigned  his  crown  into  the  hands  of  Henry  ;  who 
restored  it  to  him  again  to  be  held  as  a  fief  of  the 
empire,  with  the  obligation  of  a  yearly  payment  of 
five  thousand  pounds  +."  Had  this  claim  been 
prosecuted  against  England  with  the  same  pertina- 
city as  England  advanced  her  absurd  pretensions 
against  Scotland,  it  is  presumed  they  would  have 
been  repelled  with  similar  scorn  and  derision. 

Though  the  generosity  of  Richard  towards  Wil- 
liam in  the  above  transaction  appears  sufficiently 
conspicuous,  yet  there  was  that  in  the  situation  of 
his  affairs  which  rendered  it  a  matter  of  political 
expediency.  From  the  arrangements  necessarily 
connected  with  the  crusade,  in  which  he  and  his 
barons  were  about  to  embark,  it  became  a  matter 
of  necessity,  before  he  left  Britain,  to  do  something 
towards  smoothing  down  the  mane  of  the  chafed 
Lion  of  Scotland.  The  gracious  manner  in  which 
the  boon  was  conferred,  fixed  its  proper  value  in 

*  Vol.  ii.  p.  443  and  444.      f  Vol.  ii.  p.  487,  3d  edition. 


10 


LIFE  OF  SIR  WILLIAM  WALLACE. 


[CHAP.  ii. 


the  estimation  of  the  Scots,  and  "  converted  an 
impatient  vassal  and  implacable  enemy  into  a  faith- 
ful and  affectionate  ally." 

English  historians  have,  on  this  occasion,  charged 
Richard  with  impolicy.  Happy  would  it  have  been 
for  both  countries,  if  his  successors  had  possessed 
half  the  sagacity  he  displayed  on  this  occasion. 
The  consequence  of  this  prudent  measure  was  a 
cessation  of  hostilities  between  the  two  nations  for 
nearly  a  century.  This  tranquillity — uninterrupted 
except  by  the  assistance  which  Alexander  II.  ren- 
dered the  English  barons,  when  engaged  in  pro- 
tecting their  liberties  against  the  encroachments  of 
King  John — was  highly  beneficial  to  both  king- 
dom. Intermarriages  took  place  among  the  no- 
bility, and  to  such  an  extent,  that  there  were  few 
families  of  note  but  had  their  cpnnexions  ;  and 
many  became  possessed  of  lands  under  both  govern- 
ments. Trade  rose  to  be  an  object  of  attention, 
and  received  encouragement  from  the  legislature. 
The  Scottish  burghs  emerged  from  obscurity  ;  and 
money  became  so  plenty,  that,  though  William  had 
given  ten  thousand  merks  for  the  resignation  of 
the  homage  of  Scotland,  and  a  farther  sum  of  two 
thousand  *,  to  enable  Richard  to  make  up  the  ran- 
som exacted  from  him  by  the  emperor,  still  he  was 
able  to  offer  fifteen  thousand  merks  for  Northum- 
berland f,  besides  giving  dowries  upon  the  marriage 
of  his  two  daughters  J,  amounting  to  fifteen  thou- 
sand more.  The  burgesses  of  the  towns  had,  in 
this  short  interval,  so  much  increased  their  means, 
as  to  offer  six  thousand  merks  on  this  occasion. 
The  nobles  offered  ten  thousand  ;  and  on  the 
supposition  that  both  ranks  tendered  according 
to  their  ability,  it  may  afford  some  criterion 
for  judging  of  their  relative  situations  in  pecu- 
niary matters.  Though  all  these  drains  had 
been  made  on  the  treasury,  yet  Alexander  II.  was 
able  to  give  ten  thousand  merks,  besides  lands,  as  a 
dowry  to  his  second  sister.  He  also  sent  §  two 
bishops  as  envoys  to  Haco,  King  of  Norway,  to 
negociate  the  purchase  of  all  the  Western  Isles, 
which  they  entreated  him  to  value  in  fine  silver. 
The  overture,  though  declined  by  Haco,  shows  the 
state  of  the  precious  metals  among  the  Scots  of 
those  days. 

In  the  year  1234,  though  the  resignation  by 
Richard  must  have  been  still  fresh  in  the  memory 
of  the  English,  Pope  Gregory  IX.,  at  the  request 
of  Henry,  exhorted  Alexander  to  perform  the  con- 
ditions of  the  old  treaty  between  Henry  II.  and 
William  of  Scotland.  Alexander  had  too  great  a 
regard  for  the  head  of  the  Papal  Church,  to  let  him 
remain  long  in  ignorance  of  the  impropriety  of 
such  exhortations  ;  and  with  the  same  spirit  which 
characterized  the  conduct  of  his  father  towards  the 
see  of  Rome,  refused,  according  to  Lord  Hailes  ||, 
"to  receive  a  legate,  whose  original  commission 
respected  England  alone,"  as  it  "  might  be  inter- 
preted in  a  sense  prejudicial  to  the  independency 
of  the  Scottish  church.  It  is  reported  that  Alex- 
ander consented  to  his  admission,  at  the  joint  re- 
quest of  the  nobility  of  both  kingdoms  ;  and  that 
he  insisted  for,  and  obtained  a  written  declaration 
from  the  legate,  that  this  should  not  be  drawn  into 
a  precedent.  Certain  it  is,  that  the  legate  pro- 
ceeded not  beyond  Edinburgh,  and  that  Alexander 

*  Chron.  Melrose,  p.  179.  t  Hoveden,  fol.  420. 

J  Foedera,  vol.  i.  p.  155.  §  Icelandic  Chronicle. 

||  Hailes,  188,  189. 


avoided  his  presence."  It  is  added,  "  The  Legate 
sojourned  in  the  principal  towns  on  this  side  the 
sea,  and  having  collected  a  large  sum  of  money, 
secretly,  and  without  leave  asked,  he  departed  from 
Scotland." 

Lord  Hailes  continues,  "  Such  was  the  magna- 
nimity of  Alexander  II.  that  the  high-spirited  pon- 
tiff, Gregory  IX.,  submitted  to  soothe  him  by  a 
detail  of  specious  and  affected  reasons,  tending  to 
evince  the  propriety  of  a  legation  in  Scotland." 
The  "  church  of  Scotland,"  says  that  pope,  "  ac- 
knowledges the  Romish  see  as  her  immediate 
mother  in  things  spiritual.  To  leave  her  destitute 
of  the  consolation  of  a  legate  from  us,  would  be 
an  indignity  which  we  cannot  in  conscience  allow. 
Were  we,  by  our  legate,  to  visit  the  church  of 
England,  and  yet  neglect  the  neighbouring  church 
of  Scotland,  she  might  think  us  destitute  of  maternal 
affection." 

In  1239,  Alexander  married  Mary  de  Couci, 
daughter  of  a  powerful  baron  in  Picardy.  The 
politics  of  this  lady's  family  were  adverse  to  Eng- 
land, and  Henry  became  jealous  of  her  influence 
over  her  husband.  Various  circumstances  occurred 
to  foster  the  seeds  of  animosity  in  the  mind  of  the 
English  monarch  ;  among  other  things,  it  was  told 
him  that  Alexander  had  said,  that  "  he  owed  no 
homage  to  England  for  any  part  of  his  territories, 
and  would  perform  none."  Henry  secretly  pre- 
pared for  war,  by  soliciting  succour  from  the  Earl 
of  Flanders,  and  instigating  the  Irish  to  invade 
Scotland  ;  while  he  collected  a  numerous  army  at 
Newcastle,  ready  to  co-operate  with  them. 

Though  the  claim  of  homage  was  not  put  forth 
among  the  reasons  for  this  display  of  hostility,  yet 
the  real  ground  of  quarrel  was  well  enough  under- 
stood by  the  Scots  ;  and  on  that  account  the  war 
became  so  popular,  that  though  Henry  had  inter- 
cepted troops  sent  to  aid  Alexander  by  John  de 
Couci,  his  brother-in-law,  he  was  enabled  to  con- 
front his  enemy  with  a  formidable  body  of  well- 
appointed  cavalry,  and  nearly  one  hundred  thousand 
foot,  all  hearty  in  the  cause,  and  animated,  by  the 
exhortations  of  their  clergy,  to  the  highest  pitch 
of  enthusiasm.  Under  these  circumstances,  Henry 
found  it  expedient  to  negociate  ;  and  his  lofty  pre- 
tensions were  softened  down  to  a  very  moderate 
and  reasonable  agreement,  viz.  "  Alexander  became 
engaged  to  live  in  amity  with  England,  and  never  to 
aid  her  enemies,  unless  the  English  should  do  him 


ith  such  a  character,  Henry  found  it  was  in 
vain  to  tamper.  We,  therefore,  hear  nothing  more 
of  Scottish  homage  till  after  the  death  of  Alex- 
ander, who  being  succeeded  by  his  son,  a  child  of 
eight  years  old,  Henry  solicited  a  mandate  from 
Pope  Innocent  IV.  to  the  effect,  "  That  Alexander, 
being  his  liegeman,  should  not  be  anointed  or 
crowned  without  his  permission.  He  also  re- 
quested a  grant  of  the  tenth  of  the  ecclesiastical 
revenues  of  Scotland."  To  expect  that  the  last 
request  would  have  been  granted,  was  preposter- 
ous ;  but  Henry  perhaps  imagined,  that  by  angling 
with  two  hooks,  he  might  chance  to  catch  one  fish. 
"The  Pope  honestly  and  peremptorily  rejected 
both  requests  ;  the  first,  as  derogating  from  the 
honour  of  a  sovereign  prince  ;  the  second,  as  un- 
exampled." In  the  mean  time,  the  Scots,  without 
deigning  to  wait  the  decision  of  the  pontiff,  pro- 
ceeded with  the  coronation  of  their  infant  sovereign. 


CHAP.  II.] 


ON  THE  CLAIM  OF  ENGLAND  TO  FEUDAL  HOMAGE. 


11 


On  the  26th  December,  1252,  Alexander  III., 
being  about  ten  years  of  age,  appeared  at  York,  to 
celebrate  his  nuptials  with  Margaret,  daughter  of 
Henry  III.,  to  whom  he  had  been  betrothed  in 
1242.  After  doing  homage  for  his  estates  in  Eng- 
land, Henry  also  demanded  that  he  should  do 
homage  for  the  kingdom  of  Scotland,  as  a  fief 
holding  of  England,  "  according  to  the  usage  re- 
corded in  many  chronicles."  The  answer  of  Alex- 
ander showed  that  his  instructors  had  not  left  him 
unprepared  on  the  subject.  He  stated,  "  That  he 
had  been  invited  to  York  to  marry  the  Princess  of 
England,  not  to  treat  of  affairs  of  state,  and  that  he 
could  not  take  a  step  so  important,  without  the 
knowledge  and  approbation  of  his  Parliament  *." 
Passing  over  the  meanness  of  Henry,  in  endeavour- 
ing to  circumvent  a  child  of  ten  years  old,  the  futility 
of  thus  practising  upon  a  minor,  ought  to  have  pre- 
vented such  a  proposal  ;  since  he  must  have  known, 
that  although  Alexander  had  even  then  reached 
the  years  of  maturity,  yet,  without  the  sanction  of 
his  Parliament,  his  compliance  was  unavailing. 
Indeed  Henry's  attempt  to  entrap  the  innocence  of 
his  son-in-law,  would  almost  indicate  that  he  was 
I  very  far  advanced  in  dotage. 

Henry  appears  either  to  have  seen  his  mistake 
afterwards,  or  to  have  become  ashamed  of  his 
attempts  on  Alexander.  In  1259,  the  Pope,  having 
appointed  his  own  chaplain,  John  de  Cheyam,  an 
Englishman,  to  the  vacant  see  of  Glasgow,  Henry 
thus  writes  to  Alexander,  who  intended  the  vacancy 
for  Nicolas  Moffat,  Archdeacon  of  Teviotdale. 
"Although  he  is  my  subject,"  said  Henry,  "  I 
would  not  solicit  you  in  his  behalf,  could  any  benefit 
arise  to  you  from  your  opposition  to  a  man  on 
whom  the  Pope  has  already  bestowed  ecclesiastical 
jurisdiction." 

In  1260,  the  Queen  of  Scotland  became  enceinte; 
and  being  desirous  to  lie-in  at  her  father's  court, 
Alexander  accompanied  her,  after  the  following 
clause  was  inserted  in  their  safe-conduct,  "  That 
neither  the  king  nor  his  attendants  should  be  re- 
quired to  treat  of  state  affairs  during  this  visit." 
Henry  also  made  oath,  that  he  would  return  the 
queen  and  her  child  in  safety  to  the  Scots. 

In  1263,  Henry  affected  to  use  his  influence  with 
Haco,  King  of  Norway,  to  desist  from  his  hostile 
intentions  against  Scotland.  Haco  denied  such 
intentions  ;  and  Alexander,  who  perhaps  questioned 
the  sincerity  of  Henry's  interference,  sent  the 
steward  of  Scotland  to  demand  payment  of  the 
arrears  of  his  daughter's  dowry.  Henry  made  a 
partial  payment  of  five  hundred  merks,  and  pro- 
mised the  remainder  in  two  instalments,  one  at 
Michaelmas  in  1263,  and  the  other  at  Easter,  1264. 
"  I  appoint  such  distant  terms,"  said  he,  "  because 
I  mean  to  be  punctual,  and  not  to  disappoint  you 
any  more."  "  To  an  English  reader,"  says  Lord 
Hailes,  "  this  might  seem  incredible  ;  but  the 
original  instrument  exists." 

In  1268,  Prince  Edward,  son  of  Henry,  being 

*  This  reply  of  Alexander  has  been  noticed,  by  various 
historians,  as  an  uncommon  instance  of  the  precocity  of  the 
royal  intellect.  Lord  Hailes  speaks  of  it  as  displaying  "  pru- 
dence and  resolution  superior  to  his  years."  Without  de- 
tracting from  the  merits  of  Alexander,  it  might  with  more 
propriety  be  considered  as  merely  the  well-conned  lesson 
given  him  by  the  watchful  guardians  of  the  independence  of 
bis  nrown,  whom  experience  had  taught  to  be  prepared  for 
the  attempt. 


about  to  engage  in  a  crusade,  Pope  Clement  IV., 
at  the  instigation  of  the  English  court,  ordered  the 
Scottish  clergy  to  pay  a  tenth  of  their  revenues  to 
the  King  of  England,  to  aid  the  undertaking.  This 
indirect  attempt  on  their  liberties  was  resisted  by 
Alexander  and  his  ecclesiastics,  who  spurned  at  the 
obnoxious  assessment,  though  they  declared  their 
willingness  to  furnish  their  proper  quota  of  crusa- 
ders. Adam,  Earl  of  Carrick,  and  David,  Earl  of 
Athol,  with  other  barons,  engaged  in  the  expe- 
dition. 

On  Michaelmas- day,  1278,  Alexander,  being 
present  in  the  English  Parliament,  swore  fealty  to 
Edward,  in  general  terms,  for  the  lands  held  by 
him  of  the  crown  of  England.  Edward  accepted 
it,  "  saving  the  claim  of  homage  for  the  kingdom 
of  Scotland,  whenever  he  or  his  heirs  should  think 
proper  to  make  it ;"  an  early  development  of  the 
views  of  this  ambitious  monarch,  which  did  not 
escape  the  notice  of  Alexander. 

No  further  measures  inimical  to  the  independence 
of  Scotland,  appear  to  have  been  taken  till  1 284, 
when  Edward  applied  to  Pope  Martin  IV.  for  "  a 
grant  of  the  tenths  collected  in  Scotland  for  the 
relief  of  the  Holy  Land."  The  conduct  of  the  pon- 
tiff, however,  showed  the  opinion  he  entertained  of 
the  request.  He  made  the  grant  under  these  con- 
ditions all  equally  unpalatable  or  inconvenient  to 
the  royal  applicant :  They  were,'  "  That  Edward 
himself  should  assume  the  cross  before  Christmas, 
— obtain  the  consent  of  the  King  of  Scots, — and, 
out  of  the  money  levied,  supply  the  Scottish  cru- 
saders." 

The  following  year,  Scotland  was  deprived  of 
the  prudent  and  watchful  guardianship  of  her  mon- 
arch, who  was  killed  by  an  accident,  16th  March, 
1285-6.  At  a  grand  council  held  at  Scone,  llth  of 
April,  1286,  a  regency  was  appointed  for  the  gov- 
ernment of  the  kingdom.  The  lineage  of  Alex- 
ander had  become  extinct  in  his  person,  with  the 
exception  of  an  infant  grandchild,  daughter  of  Eric, 
King  of  Norway.  This  female,  whose  right  to  the 
crown  had  been  solemnly  acknowledged  by  the 
Scottish  barons  in  1284,  was  deemed  by  Edward  a 
desirable  match  for  his  son  ;  and  he  lost  no  time 
in  despatching  ambassadors  to  Scotland  to  negociate 
a  marriage.  From  the  comparatively  good  under- 
standing that  had  prevailed  between  the  two  coun- 
tries during  the  late  reign,  he  found  the  Scots  no 
way  opposed  to  his  views.  The  proposal  was  there- 
fore entertained  ;  and  on  the  18th  of  July,  1290, 
the  regents,  clergy,  and  baronage  of  Scotland, 
having  met  the  ambassadors  of  England  at  Brig- 
ham,  situated  on  the  north  bank  of  the  Tweed, 
between  Coldstream  and  Kelso,  a  treaty  was  con- 
cluded, consisting  of  fourteen  articles  ;  in  all  of 
which  not  the  slightest  allusion  is  made  to  any 
superiority  over  Scotland,  with  the  exception  of  the 
following  clause  : — "  Saving  always  the  right  of  the 
King  of  England,  and  of  all  others  which,  before  the 
date  of  this  treaty,  belonged  to  him,  or  any  of  them,  in 
the  marcJies,  or  elsewhere,  or  which  ought  to  belong  to 
him,  or  any  of  them,  in  all  time  coming." 

In  the  salvo  thus  artfully  introduced,  we  have  a 
continuation  of  that  quibbling,  sinister,  and  narrow- 
minded  policy,  which  marked  the  conduct  of  the 
English  government  in  this  disgraceful  affair.  After 
the  question  had  been  so  completely  set  at  rest,  it  was 
extremely  irritating  for  the  Scots,  whenever  any 
national  calamity  befel  them,  to  be  annoyed  by  the 


12 


LIFE  OF  SIR  WILLIAM  WALLACE. 


[CHAP.  ii. 


perpetual  recurrence  of  such  barefaced  attempts 
upon  their  liberties.  Though  the  Kings  of  Scotland 
repeatedly  did  homage  to  the  Kings  of  England, 
for  the  lands  they  held  in  that  country,  it  was  no 
more  than  what  the  latter  submitted  to  do  to  those 
of  France.  When  the  English,  therefore,  strove, 
by  such  insidious  measures,  to  entrap  the  inexpe- 
rience of  the  Scottish  kings,  and  to  encroach  on  the 
independence  of  their  crown,  it  engendered  among 
those  who  had  the  honour  of  their  country  at  heart, 
a  bitterness  of  spirit,  which,  as  the  attempts  were 
persevered  in,  settled  down  to  a  deep-rooted  and 
inextinguishable  animosity.  There  was  no  scarcity 
of  men  in  both  countries,  who  had  sufficient  pene- 
tration to  see,  and  judgment  to  appreciate,  the 
advantages  that  might  have  been  secured  to  all, 
were  the  whole  island  united  under  one  head.  But, 
from  the  ungenerous  policy  of  the  English,  this 
desirable  object  could  not  be  attained,  except  by  a 
sacrifice  on  the  part  of  the  Scots,  of  all  that  ho- 
nourable minds  hold  dear, — THE  GLORIES  OF  A  LONG 

AND  UNCONQUERED  LINE  OF  ANCESTRY,  THEIR  OWN 
INDEPENDENCE,  AND  THE  CONSEQUENT  DEGRADATION 

OF  THEIR  OFFSPRING.  These  were  the  terms  which 
the  English  unjustly  demanded  ;  and  such  terms 
the  Scottish  nation  as  sternly  rejected  *.  Events 
have  shown  the  soundness  of  their  judgment ;  and 
their  posterity  may  learn,  from  the  history  of  Ire- 
land, the  extent  of  gratitude  to  which  their  patriot- 
ism is  entitled. 

The  question  of  homage  has  now  been  traced 
from  its  origin  to  the  negociation  of  Edward  with 
the  Scots  at  Brigham.  Had  all  other  evidence 
respecting  the  independence  of  Scotland  been  de- 
stroyed, the  existence  of  this  treaty  would  alone 
have  annihilated  the  pretensions  of  Edward  :  for, 
if  the  King  of  Scots  had  been  the  liegeman  of  the 
English  monarch,  his  daughter,  or  any  unmarried 
female  succeeding  to  the  throne  of  Scotland,  would 
of  necessity  have  been  a  ward  of  the  English 
crown.  Can  it,  therefore,  for  a  moment  be  sup- 
posed, that  Edward  I.,  a  prince  so  feelingly  alive 

*  The  following  quotation  is  from  the  work  of  a  learned 
Englishman. 

"  There  is "  (inter  Poemata,  M.S.  D.  R.  Maithland,  p. 
S.Pepys,  Armig.)  "a  manuscript  account  of  Robert  the 
Third's  contest  with  our  Henry  the  Fourth,  upon  the  subject 
of  Homage ;  in  the  conclusion  whereof  (after  the  word  Finjs) 
is  this  inscription — The  Ring  (for  Reign)  of  the  Roy  Robert, 
made  be  Dean  David  Steill.  In  this  the  King  of  England 
summons  Robert  to  do  fealty  at  London. 

Eftir  the  richt  of  Brutus  King, 

Quhilck  had  all  Ingland  in  governing,  &c. 
In  return  to  which,  'tis  affirmed  that 

Scotland  evir  yit  hes  bene  free, 

Sin  Scota  of  JEgypt  tuick  the  see. 

It's  likewise  observ'd,  that  England  itself  (having  been  four 
times  conquer'd  by  the  Romans,  Saxons,  Danes,  and  Nor- 
mans) has  little  ground  for  such  a  challenge ;  and  ought  to 
remember  how  frequently  she  has  miscarry'd  in  her  adven- 
tures of  that  kind.  In  conclusion,  Robert  proposes  the  de- 
ciding this  controversie  by  sixty  against  sixty  (of  the  Royal 
blood  of  both  kingdoms),  forty  against  forty,  or  twenty 
against  twenty :  Or,  if  Henry  approves  it,  that  the  two  kings 
themselves  may  end  it  in  a  single  combat.  In  which  last 
offer,  are  these  remarkable  lines : 

I  proffer  me  to  prief  on  the 

At  we  and  Scotland  yit  are  free, 

And  of  the  Paip  nothing  we  hauld, 

But  of  the  Kirk  our  Faith  of  auld." 

See  Nicholson's  Scottish  Historical  Library,  p.  154,  155,  8vo 
ed.  and  43  of4to. 


to  what  he  considered  his  prerogative,  and  whose 
political  sagacity  and  intimate  acquaintance  with 
the  whole  system  of  jurisprudence  had  procured 
for  him  the  title  of  the  "  ENGLISH  JUSTINIAN,"  would 
have  so  far  forgotten  what  was  due  to  himself,  as 
to  submit  to  negotiate,  where  he  had  a  right  to 
command  ? 

The  views,  however,  of  both  parties  in  the  above 
treaty,  were  not  destined  to  be  realized.  The 
young  queen,  the  object  of  such  solicitude,  and  on 
whom  the  hopes  of  the  Scottish  nation  were  sus- 
pended, sickened  on  her  voyage,  and  died  at  Orkney 
about  the  end  of  September,  1290.  No  provision 
had  been  made  for  the  succession  to  the  Scottish 
crown,  beyond  the  offspring  of  Alexander  ;  and,  as 
Lord  Hailes  judiciously  remarks,  "  the  nation 
looked  no  farther,  and  perhaps  it  durst  not  look 
farther."  Under  these  circumstances,  the  sceptre 
of  Scotland  became  a  bone  of  contention  between 
the  leaders  of  two  powerful  factions  :  and  there 
being  no  third  party  in  the  country  able  to  control 
and  enforce  the  submission  of  the  unsuccessful 
claimant,  it  was  deemed  expedient  to  submit  their 
pretensions  to  the  arbitration  of  the  King  of  Eng- 
land. Edward,  who  watched  every  opportunity  of 
aggrandizing  himself  at  the  expense  of  his  neigh- 
bours, had  determined,  whether  solicited  or  not,  to 
interfere  in  the  disposal  of  the  Scottish  crown. 
Having  summoned  the  barons  of  Yorkshire,  Lan- 
cashire, Westmoreland,  Cumberland,  and  North- 
umberland (among  whom  were  Bruce  and  Baliol,  the 
two  competitors  for  the  Scottish  throne),  to  meet  him, 
with  horse  and  foot,  at  Norham,  on  the  5th  of  June, 
he  desired  the  nobility  and  clergy  of  Scotland  to 
assemble  at  the  same  place  on  the  10th  May. 

A  conference  accordingly  was  held,  when  Ed- 
ward commanded  Roger  le  Brabazon,  Justiciary  of 
England,  to  inform  the  assembly,  in  his  name, 
"  That  he  had  considered  the  difficulties  in  which 
'the  kingdom  of  Scotland  was  involved  by  the  death 
of  Alexander  and  his  offspring,  and  the  dangers 
arising  from  disputed  succession  :  that  his  good 
will  and  affection  to  the  whole  nation,  and  to  each 
individual  in  it,  were  sincere,  for  in  their  defence  he 
himself  was  interested :  that  he  had  called  the  Scots 
to  meet  him  at  this  place,  with  the  view  that  justice 
might  be  done  to  all  the  competitors,  and  the  in- 
ternal tranquillity  of  the  kingdom  established  :  that 
he  had  undertaken  a  long  journey  to  do  justice, 
in  person,  to  all,  as  Superior  and  Lord  Paramount 
of  the  kingdom  of  Scotland:  that  he  meant  not  to 
encroach  on  the  rights  of  any  man  ;  but,  on  the 
contrary,  as  Lord  Paramount,  to  administer  ample 
and  speedy  justice  to  all." 

That  his  purposes  might  be  the  more  effectually 
accomplished,  he  required  their  hearty  recognition 
of  his  title  as  Lord  Paramount ;  and  he  declared 
his  willingness  to  use  their  advice  in  the  settlement 
of  the  nation. 

The  whole  assembly  stood  motionless  and  silent. 
At  length  some  one  had  the  courage  to  utter  these 
words  : — "  No  answer  can  be  made  while  the 
throne  is  vacant."  "  By  holy  Edward  ! "  cried 
the  king  ;  "  by  holy  Edward,  whose  crown  it  is 
that  I  wear,  I  will  vindicate  my  just  rights,  or 
perish  hi  the  attempt  *  ! "  The  Scots  requested  a 
delay  in  order  to  inform  those  of  their  countrymen 
who  were  absent  ;  and,  hi  consequence,  the  pro- 

•  Hailes,  p.  243,  244. 


CHAP.  III.] 


HIS  BIRTH,  PARENTAGE,  AND  EARLY  YEARS. 


13 


ceedings  were  put  off  till  the  next  day.  A  further 
delay  was  then  requested  ;  and  they  were  allowed 
a  term  of  three  weeks.  By  that  time,  Edward 
knew  that  the  barons  he  had  summoned  would  be 
assembled  in  arms. 

This  power  was,  no  doubt,  intended  to  insure  the 
submission  of  the  Scots.  Enemies,  however,  more 
dangerous  than  the  English  barons,  were  at  work 
in  their  councils.  Amongst  the  secret  emissaries 
of  Edward,  William  Frazer,  Bishop  of  St.  An- 
drew's, and  one  of  the  regents,  acted  with  treacher- 
ous duplicity  towards  his  colleagues.  A  partisan 
of  Baliol,  he  scrupled  at  no  means,  however  dis- 
graceful, provided  they  advanced  the  interest  of 
his  employer  *.  Conduct  of  this  kind  could  not 
well  be  concealed  ;  it  quickly  engendered  animosity 
and  distrust  among  those  who  adhered  to  the  in- 
terest of  Bruce.  Weakened,  therefore,  by  their 
jealousies,  and  disunited  by  their  conflicting  inter- 
ests, the  aristocracy  of  Scotland  soon  became  as 
subservient  as  the  crafty  usurper  could  desire. 

Edward,  finding  them  in  this  manner  moulded  to 
his  purpose,  and  wishing  to  take  away  the  appear- 
ance of  compulsion,  appointed  the  Scots  to  meet 
him  at  Upsettlington,  within  the  boundary  of  their 
own  country.  The  Bishop  of  Bath,  who  was  the 
Chancellor  of  England,  resumed  the  proceedings 
of  the  adjourned  meetings.  He  stated,  that  "  by 
various  evidences,  it  sufficiently  appeared  that  the 
English  Kings  were  Lords  Paramount  of  Scotland, 
and,  from  the  most  distant  ages  f,  had  either  pos- 
sessed, or  claimed  that  right ;  that  Edward  had 
required  the  Scots  to  produce  their  evidences  or 
arguments  to  the  contrary,  and  had  declared  him- 
self ready  to  admit  them,  if  more  cogent  than  his 

»  Baliol,  who,  on  the  death  of  the  Scottish  queen,  assumed 
the  title  of  "  H ceres  regni  Scotice"  had  engaged  the  powerful 
interest  of  the  Bishop  of  Durham,  by  a  grant  of  all  the 
manors  possessed  by  Alexander  III.  in  Cumberland ) — or,  in 
the  event  of  Edward  refusing  to  sanction  the  grant,  fifty 
manors  in  Scotland,  in  lieu  of  them.  Had  any  of  the  other 
competitors  been  preferred,  this  grant  must  have  fallen  to 
the  ground. — Original  Charter  in  possession  of  Mr.  Astle, 
and  published  in  his  Account  of  the  Seals  of  the  Kings  of 
Scotland,  p.  22.  It  is  more  than  probable  that  the  influence 
and  services  of  the  Bishop  of  St.  Andrew's  had  been  secured 
by  prospects  perhaps  equally  advantageous. 

t  In  support  of  this  claim,  Dr.  Lingard  has,  with  great 
industry,  collected  the  evidence  afforded  by  the  ancient 
chronicles  of  England  from  Brutus  downward.  These  fabri- 
cations of  the  cloistess,  however,  are  contradicted  by  events, 
respecting  the  truth  of  which  the  historians  of  both  countries 
are  agreed.  It  is  rather  singular,  that  when  John  became 
the  liegeman  of  the  See  of  Rome,  and,  with  the  consent  of 
his  barons,  surrendered  THE  "  KINGDOMS  OF  ENGLAND 

AND    IRELAND    TO    BE    HELD    OF    THE    POPE    IN    FEE,    FOR 

A  THOUSAND  MERKS,"  that  he  should  have  tricked  his 
holiness  out  of  THE  KINGDOM  OF  SCOTLAND.  Surely  the 
example  of  Ananias  was  lost  on  the  English  monarch,  when 
he  thus  trifled  with  the  church,  and  kept  back  a  third  of  his 
kingdoms.  Dr.  Lingard  does  not  inform  his  readers  how 
the  watchful  guardian  of  "the  Patrimony  of  St.  Peter" 
came  to  wink  at  so  gross  an  imposition. 

After  all  that  the  learned  doctor  has  advanced  on  the  sub- 
ject, it  is  pretty  plain,  that  the  homage  of  England  over 
Scotland  is  something  like  that  which  was  extorted  by  St. 
Dunstan  from  a  certain  potentate  who  shall  be  nameless. 
Though  the  saint  compelled  him  to  cry  peccavi,  in  a  manner 
that  made  a  great  noise  in  the  world  at  the  time,  yet,  when 
he  became  relieved  from  the  scrape,  and  had  got  his  nose  in 
order,  his  saintship  found  his  vassal  as  troublesome  and  evil- 
disposed  as  ever. 


own,  and  upon  the  whole  matter  to  pronounce 
righteous  judgment ;  that  as  the  Scots  had  pro- 
duced nothing,  the  King  was  resolved,  as  Lord 
Paramount,  to  determine  the  question  of  the  suc- 
cession *." 

The  Scots  were  right  in  refraining  from  the  dis- 
cussion of  a  question  which  they  knew  had  long 
since  been  set  at  rest.  Had  they  entered  the 
arena,  they  would  have  found  themselves  but  ill- 
prepared  to  meet  the  lawyers  of  Edward  f,  who 
had  possessed  themselves  of  the  chronicles  and 
other  writings  that  were  kept  in  those  Scottish 
monasteries,  which  had  been  under  the  charge  of 
English  ecclesiastics.  These  records  were  after- 
wards found  to  differ  essentially  from  those  kept 
in  monasteries  where  Scottish  churchmen  had  the 
superiority.  In  the  muniments  of  the  former,  every 
thing  favourable  to  Scotland,  respecting  the  ques- 
tion, had  either  been  suppressed,  or  rendered  nuga- 
tory by  interpolation  ;  while  in  the  archives  of  the 
latter,  her  ancient  independence  and  unsullied  re- 
putation were  as  clearly  manifested.  A  reference, 
however,  to  these  falsified  documents,  surprised 
and  bewildered  the  inexperienced  among  the  Scots. 

It  was  part  of  the  policy  of  Edward  to  increase 
the  difficulties  of  coming  to  a  decision,  by  encou- 
raging new  candidates  to  come  forward  ;  as  their 
claims,  though  futile,  alarmed  the  original  compe- 
titors, and  rendered  them  more  obsequious  to  his 
will.  At  this  meeting  eight  claimants  appeared  for 
the  crown,  and  they  were  afterwards  increased  to 
ten  ;  all  of  whom,  including  Bruce  and  Baliol, 
acknowledged  Edward  as  Lord  Paramount  of  Scot- 
land, and  agreed  that  seizine  of  the  kingdom  and 
its  fortresses  should  be  delivered  to  Edward  ; "  be- 
cause," said  they,  "judgment  cannot  be  without 
execution,  nor  execution  without  possession  of  the 
subject  of  the  award."  Edward  was  to  find  se- 
curity for  the  faithful  restitution  of  his  charge  in 
two  months  from  the  date  of  his  award. 

In  consequence  of  this  agreement,  Scotland  and 
her  fortifications  were  surrendered  into  the  hands 
of  her  artful  adversary  on  the  llth  June,  1291. 

An  universal  homage  was  now  required  ;  and 
during  the  summer,  many  churchmen,  barons,  and 
even  burgesses,  swore  fealty  to  the  usurper. 


CHAPTER  III. 


BIRTH,  PARENTAGE,  AND  EARLY  YEARS  OF  WALLACE. 

SIR  WILLIAM  WALLACE  was  descended  from  a 
respectable  family  in  the  west  of  Scotland.  His 
father,  who  enjoyed  the  honour  of  knighthood,  was 
Laird  of  Elderslie  and  Auchinbothie,  and  married 
the  daughter  of  Sir  Raynald,  or,  according  to  some, 
Sir  Hugh  Crawford,  sheriff  of  Ayr.  The  exact 
period  when  the  ancestors  of  Wallace  first  settled 
in  this  country,  is  a  matter  of  uncertainty  J.  It  is, 

*  Hailes,  p.  245,  246.  t  Langtoft,  vol.  ii.  p.  248. 

J  A  family  of  the  name  of  Waleis  also  existed  in  England, 
some  of  whom  appear  to  have  attained  the  highest  civic 
honours  in  the  city  of  London.  We  are  informed  by  Stowe, 
that,  in  1299,  when  part  of  the  palace  of  Westminster,  and 
the  public  buildings  of  the  adjoining  monastery,  were  de- 
stroyed by  fire,  a  parliament  was  held  by  Edward  in  the 
house  of  Henry  Waleis,  mayor  of  London,  at  Stebenheth, 


14 


LIFE  OF  SIR  WILLIAM  WALLACE. 


[CHAP.  in. 


however,  very  probable  that  they  were  originally 
from  Normandy  ;  and  those  who  support  this  opi- 
nion mention  one  Eimerus  Galleius,  as  the  imme- 
diate progenitor  of  the  Scottish  family  of  this  name. 
This  person  appears  as  a  witness  to  the  charter  of 
the  Abbey  of  Kelso,  founded  by  David  I.  about  the 
year  1128,  and  is  supposed  to  have  been  the  father 
of  Richard  Wallace,  one  of  the  witnesses  to  the 
charter  of  the  Abbey  of  Paisley,  founded  in  1160, 
by  Walter,  High  Steward  of  Scotland.  From  the 
Steward  he  received  a  grant  of  a  considerable  por- 
tion of  the  district  of  Kyle,  which  he  named 
Richardton,  or  Richardtown,  after  himself.  This 
Ricard,  or  Richard,  who  was  the  most  powerful 
vassal  of  the  Stewards  in  Kyle,  granted  to  the 
monks  of  Melrose  the  lands  of  Barmon  and  Gode- 
neth,  with  their  pertinents  ;  and  this  grant,  as 
appears  from  the  Chart  of  Melrose,  No.  127,  Cale- 
donia, III.  p.  488,  was  confirmed  by  the  second 
Walter  the  Steward.  Richard  was  succeeded  by 
his  eldest  son,  also  named  Richard,  who  appears  to 
have  altered,  or  softened  down  the  name  into 
Walays.  Respecting  this  last  person,  no  particu- 
lars have  been  related,  except  that  he  was  cotem- 
porary  with  Alan  the  High  Steward,  who  died 
about  1204.  He  was  succeeded  by  his  younger 
brother,  Henry  Walays,  who  acquired  some  lands 
under  the  Steward  in  Renfrewshire,  early  in  the 
thirteenth  century  ;  which  lands  descended  by  in- 
heritance to  Adam  Walays,  who  is  stated  to  have 
been  living  in  the  year  1259,  and  to  have  had  two 
sons,  Adam  and  Malcolm.  Adam,  being  the  e'dest, 
succeeded  to  the  family  estate  of  Ricardtown. 
Malcolm,  the  father  of  our  hero,  received  the  lands 
of  Elderslie,  and  married,  as  we  have  already 
stated,  the  daughter  of  the  Sheriff  of  Ayr.  Some 
writers  assert  this  to  have  been  his  second  mar- 
riage ;  and  farther,  that  by  his  first  he  had  two 
daughters,  one  of  whom  was  married  to  Thomas 
Haliday  or  Halliday,  who  held  lands  under  Bruce 
in  Annandale  ;  while  others  maintain  that  he  had 
only  two  sons,  Malcolm  *  and  William,  the  former 
by  the  first  marriage,  and  the  latter  by  the  daughter 
of  Sir  Hugh  Crawford.  It  is,  however,  more  than 
probable  that  these  two  sons  were  the  issue  of  one 
marriage  ;  as  Wyntown,  who  mentions  the  circum- 
stance of  his  having  an  elder  brother,  takes  no 
notice  of  their  being  born  of  different  mothers. 
His  elder  brother  is,  by  some,  supposed,  to  have 
been  killed  along  with  his  father,  Sir  Malcolm,  in 
a  skirmish  with  the  English  ;  but  this  statement 
seems  at  variance  with  Wyntown's  couplet — 

"  Hys  eldare  Brodyre  the  herytage 
Had,  and  joysyd  in  his  dayis." 

Vol.  ii.  p.  91. 

From  which  it  would  appear,  that  the  "  eldare  bro- 

"when  crokards,  pollards,  and  rosaries,  coyned  in  foreign 
parts  beyond  seas,  and  uttered  for  sterlings,  were  cried 
down."  Henry  Waleis  was  also  mayor  in  1300 ;  and  a  person 
of  the  same  name  is  mentioned  as  having  contributed  largely 
to  the  building  of  "  St.  Martyn's  Church,  in  the  vintry  of 
London ;"  he  is  also  said  to  have  filled  the  office  of  mayor, 
during  which  time  he  built  a  prison,  called  the  Tun, 
in  Cornhill,  for  night-walkers.  In  1296,  when  Edward 
granted  the  citizens  of  London  the  right  of  electing  their 
chief  magistrate,  one  William  Waleis  was  called  by  the  public 
voice  to  the  civic  chair. 

*  Fordun  says  the  name  ef  the  elder  son  was  Andrew,  and 
thus  speaks  of  him — "  Cujus  frater  senior  miles  Andreas 
nomine,  et  militise  cingulo  succinctus." 


dyre "  outlived  the  father,  since  he  succeeded  to 
"  the  herytage  ;"  and  though  he  may  have  fallen 
by  the  hands  of  the  English,  it  must  have  been 
subsequent  to  the  death  of  his  father. 

Sir  William,  the  subject  of  our  narrative,  was 
born  in  the  reign  of  Alexander  III.  The  precise 
year  of  his  birth  is  not  mentioned  in  any  record  at 
present  known  to  exist.  It  is  usual,  however,  for 
our  historians  to  commence  their  accounts  of  him 
in  1297,  as  if  he  had  then,  for  the  first  time,  \iurst 
forth  upon  the  notice  of  his  countrymen,  though 
they  are  represented  as  being  already  prepared  to 
place  implicit  confidence  in  his  talents  as  a  leader, 
without  any  explanation  of  his  previous  deeds  to 
merit  the  honourable  distinction.  In  the  preface 
to  one  edition  of  Blind  Harry,  he  is  stated  to  have 
been  about  twenty-seven  years  of  age  at  the  time 
of  his  execution.  This,  however,  would  imply  a 
precocity  of  nature  and  strength,  and  a  maturity  of 
judgment  too  miraculous  not  to  be  dwelt  on  at 
greater  length  by  those  early  writers  who  have 
handed  down  his  story.  If  he  was  twenty-seven  in 
1305,  he  would  consequently  be  only  nineteen  in 
1297.  Can  it  be  supposed  that  a  youth  of  that  age, 
without  influence,  and  without  fame,  would  have 
been  able  to  persuade  men,  his  superiors  in  birth, 
years,  and  experience,  to  array  themselves  under 
his  banner,  and  submit  to  his  control  \  In  the 
work  of  the  Minstrel,  we  are  told 

"  Fourty  and  fyve  off  age,  Wallace  was  cauld, 
That  tym  that  he  was  to  [the]  Southeron  sauld." 

As  this,  however,  is  at  variance  with  what  is 
elsewhere  stated  in  the  same  work,  it  is  probably 
an  error  of  the  transcriber,  who  may  have  mistaken 
"thirtie"  for  "fourty,"  as  we  find  it  is  said,  in 
"  Buke  Fyrst,"  in  alluding  to  our  hero,  "  Scotland 
was  lost  quhen  he  was  bot  a  child."  The  term 
"  child  "  here  made  use  of,  is  not  to  be  considered 
as  inferring  that  degree  of  infancy  usually  under- 
stood in  our  day,  but  a  youth  acting,  or  able  to  act, 
as  page  or  squire  to  some  feudal  superior.  That 
this  is  the  Minstrel's  meaning,  is  evident  from  the 
following  lines  : 

"  Yhit  he  was  than  semly,  stark  and  bald ; 
And  he  of  age  was  bot  auchtene  yer  auld," 

an  age  inconsistent  with  his  being  forty-five  at  the 
time  of  his  death.  If  we  are  to  suppose  that  Henry 
dated  the  loss  of  Scotland  from  the  solemn  surren- 
der of  the  kingdom,  and  all  its  fortifications,  to 
Edward  on  the  1 1th  of  June,  1291,  it  will  nearly 
correspond  with  the  correction  now  offered  ;  and 
if  his  words  are  to  be  taken  in  the  strict  literal 
sense,  that  he  was  thirty -five  years  of  age  on  the 
day  he  was  betrayed  to  the  English,  it  will  follow, 
that  he  was  born  on  the  5th  of  August,  1270. 
Wyntown,  who  first  introduces  him  to  notice  in  the 
spring  of  1297,  says  that  he  had  already  distin- 
guished himself  in  such  a  manner,  as  to  have  ex- 
cited the  envy  and  animosity  of  the  English  soldiers. 
In  accordance  with  the  above  date,  Wallace  would 
then  be  in  his  twenty-seventh  year  ;  which,  con- 
sidering that  there  was  no  open  rupture  to  call 
forth  the  fiery  spirits  of  the  age  till  1296,  was  al- 
lowing him  no  more  than  a  reasonable  time  for 
spreading  his  fame  among  the  English  garrisons 
stationed  in  Scotland. 

1291.    His  early  years  are  said  to  have  been 


CHAP.  III.] 


HIS  BIRTH,  PARENTAGE,  AND  EARLY  YEARS. 


15 


passed  under  the  superintendence  of  his  uncle,  a 
wealthy  ecclesiastic  at  Dunipace  in  Stirlingshire, 
from  whom  he  received  the  first  rudiments  of  his 
education.  This  worthy  man  had  been  at  great 
pains  in  storing  his  mind  with  the  choicest  apo- 
phthegms to  be  found  in  the  Latin  classics,  parti- 
cularly those  where  the  love  of  liberty  is  most  power- 
fully recommended  ;  and  the  efforts  of  the  tutor 
were  amply  rewarded  by  the  amor  patrice  excited 
in  the  breast  of  the  pupil.  How  long  he  remained 
at  Dunipace  is  uncertain  ;  but  he  appears  to  have 
been  at  Elderslie  in  1291,  when  the  order  for  an 
universal  homage  of  the  people  of  Scotland  was 
promulgated  by  Edward,  in  his  assumed  character 
of  Lord  Paramount.  "  All  who  came  were  ad- 
mitted to  swear  fealty.  They  who  came  and  re- 
fused, were  to  be  arrested,  until  performance  ; 
they  who  came  not,  but  sent  excuses,  to  have  the 
validity  of  their  excuses  tried  in  the  next  parlia- 
ment ;  they  who  neither  came  nor  sent  excuses,  to 
be  committed  to  close  custody  *."  The  family  of 
Elderslie  appear  to  have  been  among  the  last  class 
of  recusants.  Sir  Malcolm,  setting  all  the  penal- 
ties of  non-conformity  at  defiance,  resolutely  re- 
fused to  take  an  oath  so  subversive  of  the  inde- 
pendence of  his  country.  Aware,  however,  that 
the  strength  of  his  fortalice  at  Elderslie  was  insuffi- 
cient to  protect  him  against  the  consequences  of 
his  refusal,  he  retired  with  his  eldest  son  to  the 
fastnesses  of  the  Lennox,  while  William,  along  with 
his  mother,  sought  the  protection  of  a  powerful 
relation  at  Kilspindie  in  the  Carse  of  Gowrie  ;  and 
from  this  latter  place  he  was  sent  to  the  seminary 
attached  to  the  cathedral  of  Dundee,  to  receive 
what  farther  education  the  learning  of  the  age 
afforded.  Here  he  contracted  a  sincere  and  lasting 
friendship  with  his  biographer,  John  Blair,  a  young 
man  at  that  time  of  great  promise,  who,  on  finish- 
ing his  studies,  became  a  Benedictine  monk,  and 
afterwards  officiated  as  chaplain  to  his  heroic 
friend. 

With  this  faithful  companion,  and  other  youths 
of  similar  dispositions,  Wallace  used  to  lament 
over  the  degradation  to  which  the  country  was 
daily  subjected  ;  and  fired  with  indignation  at  the 
growing  insolence  of  the  English  soldiers,  he  formed 
an  association  among  his  fellow-students  for  the 
purpose  of  defending  themselves,  and  restraining 
the  wanton  outrages  of  the  intruders,  by  chastising 
their  aggressions  whenever  the  parties  were  to  be 
found  in  convenient  situations.  This,  from  the 
licentious  habits'  of  the  soldiery,  frequently  oc- 
curred ;  and  seldom  were  they  allowed  to  escape, 
without  experiencing  the  effects  of  their  vengeance. 

In  these  juvenile  bickerings,  too  unimportant  to 
attract  the  attention  of  those  in  authority,  Wallace 
had  frequent  opportunities  of  displaying  that  dex- 
terity and  strength,  with  which  Nature  had  so  am- 
ply endowed  him.  In  him,  his  companions  found 
united  all  the  qualifications  they  could  desire  in 
a  leader — a  head  to  devise,  and  a  hand  to  execute, 
the  most  daring  enterprises — a  fertile  imagination 
ever  teeming  with  stratagems — and  a  prudence  and 
foresight  which  provided  against  all  contingencies  ; 
so  that,  when  once  he  determined  on  any  project, 
however  difficult,  they  were  always  confident  of  its 
being  crowned  with  success. 

It  is  not  to  be  imagined  that  an  association  of 

*  Hailes,  p.  253. 


young  men,  among  whom  talents  and  bravery  were 
distinguishing  characteristics,  would  not  feel  deeply 
interested  in  the  momentous  crisis  to  which  their 
country  was  approaching.  The  ambition  of  Ed- 
ward, and  his  designs  against  the  independence  of 
their  native  land,  were  too  apparent  to  escape  the 
notice  of  any  who  had  not  an  interest  in  appearing 
wilfully  blind.  The  subserviency  of  those  who 
represented  the  aristocracy  was,  therefore,  regarded 
by  their  countrymen  with  feelings  of  humiliation 
and  shame.  It  happened  unfortunately  for  their 
characters,  as  well  as  for  the  safety  of  the  country, 
that  most  of  the  nobility  held  possessions  on  both 
sides  of  the  Tweed  ;  and  their  selfishness  dictated 
a  line  of  policy  extremely  dangerous  to  the  inde- 
pendence of  Scotland.  A  wish  to  preserve  their 
estates  in  both  countries  inclined  them  to  a  ready 
obedience  to  whatever  side  was  most 'likely  to  gain 
the  preponderance.  Edward,  who,  in  addition  to 
his  conquests  on  the  Continent,  had  annexed  the 
principality  of  Wales  to  the  English  crown,  ap- 
peared to  them,  in  the  distracted  state  of  their 
country's  affairs,  as  very  likely  to  consolidate 
Britain  under  his  powerful  and  energetic  sway. 
Under  these  feelings,  they  vied  with  each  other  in 
their  endeavours  to  propitiate  the  usurper  by  dis- 
graceful compliances.  The  poorer  gentry,  how- 
ever, entertained  sentiments  of  a  different  descrip- 
tion, and  watched  the  progress  of  the  submission 
respecting  the  'succession  with  feverish  impatience. 
1291.  Since  the  surrender  of  the  Regents  on  the 
llth  of  June,  the  different  towns  and  castles  of 
Scotland  had  been  garrisoned  by  English  soldiers. 
Between  the  military  and  the  inhabitants,  as  might 
have  been  expected,  brawls  were  of  no  unfrequent 
occurrence — and  in  those  which  came  under  the 
notice  of  our  hero,  he  seldom  remained  an  inactive 
spectator.  Gilbert  de  Umfraville  *  being  removed 
from  the  command  of  the  castles  of  Dundee  and 

*  This  Gilbert  de  Umfraville,  according  to  Dugdale,  v.-as 
descended  from  Robert  de  Umfraville,  Knight  of  Tours, 
otherwise  called  Robert  with  the  Beard,  who  was  a  kinsman 
of  William  the  Conqueror.  Having  obtained  a  grant  of  the 
Scottish  as  well  as  the  English  inheritance  of  Ingram  de 
Baliol,  Umfraville  became  Earl  of  Angus,  and  was  consti- 
tuted governor  of  the  castles  of  Dundee  and  Forfar.  Justly 
considering  that  he  held  these  fortresses  in  charge  from  the 
Scottish  Regency,  he  could  not  surrender  them  to  England, 
unless  Edward  and  the  Scottish  'Regency  joined  in  an  obli- 
gation to  indemnify  him.  His  demand  was  complied  with ; 
on  which  Lord  Hailes  remarks,  that  "  he  was  the  only  Scots, 
man  who  acted  with  integrity  and  spirit  on  this  trial  of 
national  integrity  and  spirit."  But,  unfortunately  for  even 
this  solitary  instance  of  integrity,  Gilbert  de  Umfraville  was 
an  Englishman,  and,  as  his  conduct  showed,  a  prudent,  cau- 
tious, circumspect  man  of  the  world,  who  wished  to  pre- 
serve his  possessions  in  both  countries,  by  standing  fair  with 
both  governments.  His  request  could  not  be  objected  to  by 
either  of  the  parties.  The  expenses  he  laid  out  in  main- 
taining the  castle  were  afterwards  allowed  him,  in  conse- 
quence of  a  precept  sent  by  Edward  to  the  Bishops  of  St. 
Andrew's  and  Glasgow,  and  the  other  guardians  of  the  king- 
dom. In  22  Edward  I.  (according  to  Dugdale)  he  was  sum- 
moned to  Portsmouth,  with  horse  and  arms,  to  attend  Ed- 
ward on  his  expedition  to  France ;  and  in  23  Edward  I.  he 
was  summoned  to  Parliament,  but  not  by  the  title  of  Earl  of 
Angus,  till  25  Edward  I.,  at  which  time,  says  the  above 
authority,  "  our  lawyers  of  England  were  somewhat  startled, 
and  refused,  in  their  briefs  and  instruments,  to  acknow- 
ledge him  Earl,  by  reason  that  Angus  was  not  within  the 
kingdom  of  England,  until  he  "had  openly  produced  the 
king's  warrant." 


LIFE  OF  SIR  WILLIAM  WALLACE. 


[CHAP.  in. 


Forfar,  one  Selby,  the  head  of  a  freebooting  family 
in  Cumberland,  was  appointed  to  succeed  him. 
His  son,  a  fiery  and  impetuous  youth,  having  too 
rashly  insulted  Wallace,  the  latter  struck  him  dead 
on  the  spot  with  his  dagger  ;  and,  though  sur- 
rounded by  the  train  of  his  insulter,  effected  his 
escape  to  the  house  of  a  female  dependent,  who 
concealed  him  from  his  pursuers.  Besides  young 
Selby,  two  or  three  others,  who  attempted  to  inter- 
cept him  in  his  flight,  were  either  killed  or  severely 
wounded.  The  case,  therefore,  became  one  of  too 
serious  a  nature  to  be  overlooked.  The  prudent 
management  of  his  preserver  enabled  him  to  quit 
the  town  without  being  observed.  An  act  of  out- 
lawry followed  this  slaughter  ;  and  Wallace  was 
hunted  from  covert  to  covert  by  the  emissaries  of 
the  constable,  who,  eager  to  revenge  the  death  of 
his  son,  offered  great  rewards  for  his  apprehension. 
His  success  in  eluding  his  pursuers  was  equal  to 
the  boldness  of  his  offence*. 

After  lurking  among  the  woods  and  impenetrable 
recesses  of  the  country,  till  the  heat  of  the  pursuit 
had  subsided,  Wallace  ventured  to  communicate 
with  his  relations  at  Kilspindie.  The  anxiety  of 
his  mother  respecting  his  fate  required  to  be 
relieved  ;  and,  in  obedience  to  her  solicitation,  to 
remove  himself  further  from  the  scene  of  danger, 
he  agreed  to  accompany  her  on  a  pilgrimage  to  the 
shrine  of  St.  Margaret  at  Dumfries.  The  dress 
required  for  this  purpose  afforded  a  suitable  dis- 
guise ;  and  the  respect  paid  by  the  English  to  a 
saint  of  the  royal  blood  of  their  country,  insured, 

*  Lord  Hailes,  in  remarking  on  this  anecdote,  as  told  by 
Buchanan,  says,  "  I  suspect,  however,  that  this  is  nothing 
more  than  an  abridgement  of  Blind  Harry  in  classical  Latin. 
It  may  be  remarked,  by  the  way,  that  this  is  one  of  the  most 
specious  tales  in  the  book,  for  it  is  characteristical."  The 
value  of  his  Lordship's  "  Historical  Doubts  "  are  now  be- 
ginning to  be  appreciated.  There  are  many  tales  equally 
specious,  and  equally  characteristical,  to  be  found  in  the 
book,  which  his  natural  acuteness  would  have  found  no 
difficulty  in  discovering,  had  he  laid  down  the  quill  of  the 
lawyer,  when  he  took  up  the  pen  of  the  historian.  Mr. 
Tyler  gives  the  story,  and  quotes  Wyntown  as  one  of  his 
authorities.  This  is  a  mistake ;  Wyntown  is  silent  on  the 
subject ;  and  I  suspect  the  truth  of  it  must  rest  on  the  evi- 
dence of  the  Minstrel,  and  traditions  still  current  in  the 
country,  among  which  are  the  following: — "Edward  I. 
thought  Dundee  of  sufficient  consequence  to  be  occupied  by 
an  English  garrison ;  and  the  illustrious  Wallace  (with  his 
companions,  John  Blair,  probably  of  the  Balthayock  family, 
and  Sir  Niel  Campbell  of  Lochaw)  is  said  by  tradition  to 
have  received  his  education  at  Dundee  school,  and,  in  this 
situation,  to  have  begun  his  exploits  with  the  death  of 
the  son  of  the  English  Governor." — Stat.  Account,  vol.  viii. 
p.  212,  213. 

"  There  is  a  very  respectable  man  in  Longforgan  (in 
Perthshire),  of  the  name  of  Smith,  a  weaver,  and  the  farmer 
of  a  few  acres  of  land,  who  has  in  his  possession  a  stone 
which  is  called  Wallace's  Stone.  It  is  what  was  formerly 
called  in  this  country  a  bear-stone,  hollow  like  a  large  mor- 
tar, and  was  made  use  of  to  unhusk  the  bear  or  barley,  as  a 
preparative  for  the  pot,  with  a  large  wooden  mell,  long 
before  barley-mills  were  known.  Its  station  was  on  one  side 
of  the  door,  and  covered  with  a  flat  stone  for  a  seat  when 
not  otherwise  employed.  Upon  this  stone  Wallace  sat  on 
his  way  from  Dundee,  when  he  fled  after  killing  the  gover- 
nor's son,  and  was  fed  with  bread  and  milk  by  the  good- 
wife  of  the  house,  from  whom  the  man  who  now  lives  there, 
and  is  the  proprietor  of  the  stone,  is  lineally  descended ; 
and  here,  his  forbears  (ancestors)  have  lived  ever  since,  in 
nearly  the  same  station  and  circumstances,  for  about  rive 
hundred  years."— Stat.  Account,  xix.  561,  562. 


in  those  days  of  superstition,  all  the  facilities  which 
their  situation  required. 

While  our  hero  was  thus  employed,  his  father,  it 
would  appear,  had  become  obnoxious  to  the  Eng- 
lish ;  but  in  what  manner,  we  are  left  entirely  to 
conjecture.  Whether  they  had  endeavoured  to 
apprehend  him,  for  disobedience  to  the  order  al- 
ready alluded  to,  or  if,  driven  from  his  house  and 
his  resources,  he  found  himself  constrained  to 
retaliate  upon  his  oppressors  the  injuries  they  had 
inflicted,  are  circumstances  respecting  which  all 
authorities  are  silent. 

An  unfortunate  rencounter,  however,  appears  to 
have  taken  place  in  the  district  of  Kyle  in  Ayrshire, 
between  Sir  Malcolm,  at  the  head  of  a  few  of  his 
retainers,  and  a  party  of  the  English,  under  an 
officer  of  the  name  of  Fenwick  ;  in  which,  after  a 
gallant  resistance,  the  Scots  were  defeated  and 
their  chieftain  slain.  Blind  Harry  asserts,  that  the 
brother  of  Wallace  also  fell  on  this  occasion  ;  but 
he  is  evidently  mistaken,  as  it  has  already  been 
shown  from  Wyntown,  that  Sir  Malcolm  was  suc- 
ceeded in  his  estate  by  his  eldest  son. 

The  death  of  his  father  was  not  calculated  to 
lessen  the  animosity  which  Wallace  had  hitherto 
entertained  towards  the  English.  Thirsting  for 
revenge,  he  spurned  the  offers  of  some  of  his  rela- 
tions, who  proposed  to  use  their  influence  to  get 
the  act  of  outlawry  recalled  ;  and  having  placed 
his  mother  under  the  charge  of  his  uncle  Sir  Ray- 
nald  Crawford,  he  again  betook  himself  to  the 
woods. 

The  talents,  strength,  and  dexterity  of  the  young 
outlaw,  soon  attracted  to  his  fortunes  a  number  of 
reckless  and  intrepid  spirits,  inclined  alike  from 
habit  and  from  circumstances,  to  prefer  a  life  of 
savage  and  unrestrained  liberty,  to  the  uncertain  and 
degrading  protection  of  those,  who,  though  wearing 
the  mask  of  friendship,  were  daily  wounding  their 
feelings,  by  their  encroachments  on  the  independ- 
ence of  their  country. 

1292.  As  Scotland,  at  that  time,  abounded  with 
game  of  every  description,  Wallace  and  his  com- 
panions found  no  difficulty  in  maintaining  them- 
selves in  their  woodland  retreats  ;  from  whence 
also  they  could  issue  forth  to  surprise  the  English, 
and  supply  themselves  with  those  necessaries  which 
their  situation  otherwise  prevented  them  from  ob- 
taining. However  well  disposed  the  regency  and 
barons  of  Scotland  might  have  been  to  submit  to 
the  claims  of  England,  it  was  quite  different  with 
the  nation ;  and  the  proceedings  of  Wallace, 
though  not  sanctioned  by  the  shadow  of  govern- 
ment which  still  lingered  in  the  country,  were 
viewed  by  the  poorer  classes  of  the  Scots,  not  only 
with  indulgence,  but  with  approbation.  From  the 
prevalence  of  this  feeling,  he  derived  many  im- 
portant advantages,  and  much  useful  information 
respecting  the  movements  of  his  enemies. 

At  this  early  period  of  his  history,  his  conduct 
is  said  to  have  drawn  upon  him  the  notice  of  Tho- 
mas of  Ercildoune,  otherwise  named  Thomas  the 
Rymer.  This  shrewd  observer  of  the  "  signs  of  the 
times,"  so  highly  appreciated  his  talents  and  hardi- 
hood, as  to  risk  his  prophetic  fame,  then  in  its 
zenith,  by  pointing  him  out  to  his  countrymen  as 
the  man  destined  to  restore  the  ancient  glory  of 
Scotland.  His  matchless  strength  and  acute  wit, 
joined  to  the  sagacity  with  which  he  gave  effect  to 
his  stratagems,  tended,  no  doubt,  to  impress  the 


CHAP.  III.] 


HIS  BIRTH,  PARENTAGE,  AND  EARLY  YEARS. 


17 


seer  with  this  favourable  opinion.  Among  the 
stories  told  of  his  early  years,  the  following  are 
perhaps  entitled  to  a  preference,  on  account  of 
their  being,  as  Lord  Hailes  observes,  "  eharac- 
teristical." 

One  day,  having  visited  Ayr  in  disguise,  his  at- 
tention was  attracted  by  a  crowd  collected  near  the 
quarters  of  the  military.  In  the  midst  of  a  circle 
of  his  own  countrymen,  there  stood  an  English- 
man of  huge  dimensions,  playing  off  his  raillery 
against  the  Scots,  and  offering,  for  a  groat,  an  op- 
portunity of  avenging  any  injury  they  might  have 
received  from  the  English,  by  permitting  the  best 
among  them  to  exert  their  utmost  strength  in 
striking  a  blow  upon  his  back  with  a  pole  which  he 
held  in  his  hand  ;  accompanying  this  absurd  decla- 
ration with  certain  ridiculous  gestures  and  scurrilous 
language,  while  his  mailed  companions,  with  arms 
akimbo,  stood  loitering  around,  laughing,  and  en- 
joying the  humour  of  their  bulky  buffoon.  Wallace 
approached,  and  tendered  treble  the  sum  for  the 
permission  offered.  This  was  readily  agreed  to  by 
the  jester,  who  winked  to  his  companions  as  he 
prepared  to  fulfil  the  conditions.  The  wary  Scot 
had  observed  the  trick  ;  and,  grasping  the  pole 
above  the  place  where  it  was  intended  to  give  way, 
he  let  fall  a  blow  with  such  good  will,  that  the 
spine  yielded  to  its  force,  and  the  foolish  witling 
sunk  with  a  groan  at  the  feet  of  his  companions. 
Instantly  the  swords  of  the  English  were  out  to 
revenge  the  slaughter  of  their  favourite.  One  of 
them,  advancing  towards  the  offender,  received  a 
blow  on  the  head,  which  laid  him  lifeless  across 
the  body  of  the  jester.  Surrounded  on  all  sides  by 
the  increasing  numbers  of  his  adversaries,  he  plied 
his  weapon  with  a  rapidity  and  a  force  which  kept 
the  most  forward  of  them  at  bay.  Over  the  steel 
bacinet  of  a  powerful  trooper,  the  fatal  pole  was 
shivered  to  pieces.  Others,  seeing  him,  as  they 
imagined,  disarmed  by  this  accident,  rushed  for- 
ward, expecting  to  overwhelm  him  with  their 
numbers  ;  but  on  drawing  his  sword,  which  he 
had  concealed  under  his  dress,  they  as  quickly 
receded  from  the  well-known  power  of  his  arm. 
Having,  by  his  trusty  blade,  cleared  the  way  to  one 
of  the  outlets  of  the  town,  he  was  there  attacked 
by  two  of  the  boldest  of  the  garrison,  who  had  not 
before  mingled  in  the  fray.  The  object  of  one  of 
them  appeared  to  be,  to  engage  him  in  a  little 
sword-play,  and  thus  give  his  party  an  opportunity 
of  hemming  him  in,  but  Wallace,  aware  of  the 
value  of  his  time,  broke  through  the  guard  of  his 
artful  opponent,  with  a  blow  which  clove  him  to 
the  teeth  ;  while  the  other,  in  the  act  of  retreating, 
received  a  thrust  through  an  opening  in  his  armour, 
which,  reaching  his  vitals,  laid  him  senseless  by  the 
side  of  his  companion.  Five  of  the  English  sol- 
diers had  now  fallen  beneath  the  arm  of  the  youth- 
ful warrior  ;  and  the  rest  seemed  so  averse  to 
come  within  his  reach,  that  he  had  time  to  gain  a 
little  copse  in  the  neighbourhood,  where  he  had 
left  his  horse  before  he  entered  the  town,  and, 
bounding  into  the  saddle,  the  hardy  trooper  was 
soon  beyond  the  reach  of  any  fresh  assistance 
they  might  procure.  Horse  and  foot  were,  how- 
ever, soon  on  the  alert ;  but  after  a  long  and  fruit- 
less pursuit,  they  were  obliged  to  return, — some  of 
those  who  had  already  witnessed  his  prowess  no 
way  displeased  at  their  want  of  success. 

The  entire  absence  of  any  thing  like  fear,  seems 


to  have  formed  the  most  prominent  feature  in  the 
character  of  Wallace.  Although  he  had  so  nar- 
rowly escaped  on  the  above  occasion,  and  also 
aware  of  the  ease  with  which  he  could  be  recog- 
nised, yet  it  was  not  long  before  he  ventured  back 
to  the  same  place.  The  occasion  was  as  follows  : — 

A  report  had  circulated  about  the  country,  that 
on  a  day  named,  a  celebrated  English  prize-fighter 
would  exhibit  on  the  esplanade  at  Ayr,  as  a  gene- 
ral challenger.  An  occurrence  of  this  kind  had 
powerful  attractions,  in  an  age  when  every  man 
required  to  know  something  of  the  use  of  a  sword. 
Scots,  as  well  as  English,  became  deeply  interested 
as  the  day  of  exhibition  drew  on  ;  and  Wallace, 
instigated  partly  by  curiosity,  and  partly  by  a  wish 
to  acquire  information  respecting  the  numbers  and 
the  motions  of  his  enemies,  determined  to  be  pre- 
sent. Having  equipped  himself  and  fifteen  of  his 
companions  with  dresses  which  concealed  their 
habergeons,  he  proceeded  to  the  scene  of  action. 
Their  horses  they  left  in  a  place  of  safety  outside 
the  town,  and  then  made  their  entry  from  different 
directions,  in  such  numbers  as  would  not  attract  the 
notice  of  their  enemies. 

In  the  midst  of  the  crowd  collected  to  witness 
the  feats  of  the  English  champion,  Wallace  stood, 
with  his  face  partially  concealed  in  his  cloak,  to  all 
appearance  an  unconcerned  spectator,  till  he  saw 
several  of  his  countrymen,  who  had  been  baffled 
by  the  superior  dexterity  of  their  more  practised 
antagonist,  afterwards  scoffed  at,  and  otherwise  in- 
sulted by  the  English  soldiery.  The  feelings  which 
this  conduct  excited  were  displayed  on  the  fine  ex- 
pressive countenance  of  our  hero,  in  such  a  manner 
as  did  not  escape  the  notice  of  the  victor  ;  and  the 
latter,  flushed  with  his  success,  invited  him  to  a 
trial  of  his  skill.  Wallace  readily  accepted  the 
challenge  ;  and  drawing  his  sword,  prepared  for 
the  onset.  The  ease  and  grace  with  which  he 
handled  his  weapon  soon  convinced  the  English 
that  their  "  buckler-player"  had  at  last  engaged  in 
a  perilous  enterprise.  His  art  and  agility  appeared 
unavailing  against  the  cool  self-possession  of  the 
Scot,  who,  after  a  few  passes,  became  the  assailant ; 
and  a  blow,  which  descended  with  the  rapidity  of 
lightning,  laid  the  arrogant  gladiator  dead  at  his 
feet.  This  unexpected  interruption  of  their  amuse- 
ment irritated  the  English  ;  but  when  they  dis- 
covered, in  the  successful  combatant,  the  bold  and 
audacious  outlaw  with  whom  they  had  been  so 
lately  engaged,  they  eagerly  crowded  round,  and 
endeavoured  to  prevent  his  escape.  Unappalled 
by  the  numbers  with  whom  he  was  environed,  he 
dealt  his  blows  in  all  directions  with  unerring  and 
deadly  effect,  while  his  followers,  drawing  their 
swords,  attacked  those  who  were  nearest  them  with 
a  fury  that  spread  consternation  and  uproar 
through  the  whole  assemblage. 

The  English,  finding  themselves  assailed  from 
so  many  quarters,  conceived  that  they  were  sur- 
rounded by  a  multitude  of  enemies.  Wallace,  al- 
ways first  in  the  place  of  danger,  according  to  the 
homely,  but  expressive  phraseology  of  Blind  Harry, 
"  Gret  roume"  about  him  "maid;"  and  the  enemy 
had  already  begun  to  give  way,  when  an  additional 
force  from  the  castle  made  its  appearance.  The 
battle  was  now  renewed  with  redoubled  fury  on 
both  sides  ;  and  the  capture  of  our  hero  being  the 
principal  object  in  view,  he  became  the  subject  of 
their  most  inveterate  hostility.  The  few,  however, 


18 


LIFE  OF  SIR  WILLIAM  WALLACE. 


[CHAP.  iv. 


who  ventured  within  his  reacli,  soon  paid  the  for- 
feit of  their  temerity.  Having  collected  his  com- 
panions in  a  body,  he  fearlessly  advanced  into  the 
centre  of  the  English,  diminishing  their  numbers 
with  every  stroke  of  his  broadsword,  while  his  fol- 
lowers pressed  with  determined  ferocity  upon  those 
who  attempted  to  intercept  him.  From  the  in- 
creasing number  of  his  opponents,  he  at  last  be- 
came apprehensive  of  having  his  retreat  cut  off,  if 
the  unequal  contest  were  much  longer  protracted. 
Placing  himself,  therefore,  in  front  of  the  battle  he 
ordered  them  to  make  the  best  of  their  way,  while 
he  endeavoured  to  prevent  the  enemy  from  harass- 
ing their  rear.  By  incredible  exertions,  they  at  last 
regained  their  post  at  the  outside  of  the  town  ;  and, 
mounting  their  horses,  they  were  soon  lost  to  their 
pursuers  amid  the  shades  of  Laglane  woods,  leaving 
about  thirty  of  the  English,  among  whom  were 
three  knights  belonging  to  Northumberland,  dead 
upon  the  streets  of  Ayr. 

These,  and  similar  exploits,  appear  to  have  fur- 
nished employment  to  Wallace,  during  the  time 
that  the  English  held  possession  of  the  country 
under  the  nominal  authority  of  the  Scottish  re- 
gency. It  will  now,  however,  be  necessary  to  re- 
vert to  the  proceedings  on  the  Border. 


CHAPTER  IV 

ACCESSION    OF    BALIOL — SIEGE    OF    BERWICK — BATTLE 
OF   DUNBAR. 

1292.  THE  submission  respecting  the  succession 
to  the  crown  of  Scotland  was  now  drawing  near  a 
close.  There  is  reason  to  believe,  that  the  know- 
ledge of  many  of  the  humiliating  circumstances, 
which  had  occurred  during  its  progress,  had  been 
confined,  in  a  great  measure,  to  the  parties  engaged 
in  it.  Enough,  however,  had  transpired  to  excite 
the  jealousy  of  the  poorer  gentry,  who  having  no 
possessions  out  of  Scotland,  considered  their  honour 
as  inseparably  connected  with  its  independence. 
When  the  edict,  therefore,  was  proclaimed  for  a 
general  homage  to  the  King  of  England,  the  na- 
tional degradation  became  apparent,  and  the  ser- 
vility of  their  more  powerful  representatives  was 
regarded  with  undissembled  mortification.  The 
dangerous  practice  of  allowing  the  influential  ba- 
rons to  hold  lands  in  England,  might  now  be  regret- 
ted ;  but  the  fatal  effects  were,  for  the  present, 
beyond  the  power  of  remedy.  Eager  for  the  re- 
moval of  the  English  garrisons,  and  desirous  for  the 
establishment  of  something  like  a  regular  govern- 
ment, the  body  of  the  Scottish  nation,  concealing 
their  chagrin  at  the  conduct  of  Edward,  became 
anxious  for  the  decision.  The  machinations  of 
Frazer,  and  the  influence  of  the  Bishop  of  Durham, 
at  last  determined  the  English  king  to  declare  in 
favour  of  John  Baliol,  who  received  the  crown  with 
all  humility,  and  swore  fealty  to  the  royal  arbiter, 
as  his  liege-lord,  at  Norham,  on  the  20th  Novem- 
ber, 1292.  On  the  30th  of  the  same  month  he  was 
crowned  at  Scone  ;  and,  on  the  26th  December 
following,  he  again  repeated  his  oath  of  allegiance 
at  Newcastle. 

1293.  John,  though  he  had  not  made  a  greater 
sacrifice  of  the  national  dignity  than  the  other  can- 
didates were  prepared  to  agree  to,  soon  found,  on 


his  return  to  Scotland,  that  the  station  he  had  been 
so  desirous  to  attain,  was  surrounded  by  cares  and 
difficulties  of  no  ordinary  description.  The  con- 
duct of  Edward,  too,  in  continually  harassing  Baliol 
with  summonses  to  attend  complaints  instituted 
against  him  in  the  English  courts,  on  very  trifling 
occasions,  was  a  source  of  unceasing  annoyance  ; 
and  while  the  latter  reflected  on  the  indignities  he 
had  already  submitted  to,  he  was  conscious  of  having 
forfeited  every  claim  to  the  sympathy  or  respect  of 
his  people,  by  the  sacrifice  he  had  made  of  their 
independence.  It  seemed  evident,  indeed,  that  the 
only  chance  which  remained  of  recovering  their 
favour,  was  to  renounce  the  fealty  he  had  sworn, 
and  to  afford  them  an  opportunity  of  effacing,  by 
force  of  arms,  the  stigma  that  had  been  affixed  to 
their  national  character. 

That  this  was  the  feeling  of  the  Scots,  is  manifest 
from  the  alacrity  with  which  they  came  forward, 
when  Baliol,  stung  almost  to  madness  by  the 
repeated  insults  received  from  his  liege-lord,  had 
determined  to  throw  off  his  allegiance.  Levies  of 
Scottish  troops  had  been  ordered  by  Edward  to  be 
made  and  sent  to  him,  in  order  to  be  employed  in 
an  expedition  which  he  meditated  against  France. 
This  the  newly-crowned  vassal  had  neither  the 
inclination  nor  the  ability  to  perform  ;  on  the  con- 
trary, he  secretly  negociated  an  alliance  with  the 
French  king. 

1294.  The  Scots  assembled  in  parliament  at 
Scone  ;  and,  "  under  the  specious  pretence  of  dimi- 
nishing the  public  charge,  they  prevailed  on  Baliol 
to  dismiss  all  the  Englishmen  whom  he  maintained 
at  his  court."  "  They  then  appointed  a  committee 
of  twelve — four  bishops,  four  earls,  and  four  barons 
— by  whose  advice  all  national  affairs  were  to  be 
regulated.  If  we  may  credit  the  English  histo- 
rians, they  had  a  watchful  eye  over  Baliol  himself, 
and  detained  him  in  an  honourable  captivity  *." 
This  latter  circumstance,  more  than  any  other, 
evinces  the  feelings  of  the  people  on  the  occasion. 

It  would  be  difficult  to  say  how  Wallace  was 
employed  at  this  particular  period.  It  seems  pro- 
bable, that,  relieved  by  the  removal  of  the  English 
from  the  apprehensions  he  might  have  entertained 
of  the  consequences  of  the  act  of  outlawry,  he 
became  permanently  resident  among  his  relations. 
In  a  charter  of  James,  Lord  High  Steward  of  Scot- 
land, dated  in  1294,  confirming  the  donation  of  the 
predecessors  of  Sir  Arthur  de  Denoonf  to  the 
monastery  of  Paisley,  the  witnesses  are,  Robert, 
Bishop  of  Glasgow,  John,  the  brother  of  the  Lord  High 
Steward,  Sir  Arthur  de  Denoon,  Sir  Nicolas  Camp- 
bell, and  Sir  Reginald  Crawford,  Knights  ;  William 
de  Shaw,  Alexander  de  Normanville,  Esquires. 
Though  Wallace  is  not  mentioned  here,  yet  we 
have  the  names  of  five  of  his  future  companions  in 
arms  ;  and  it  may  be  doubted  if  Sir  Nicolas  Camp- 
bell, whose  patrimony  lay  at  such  a  distance,  would 
have  made  a  journey  to  Paisley  for  the  mere  pur- 
pose of  witnessing  a  charter  in  which  he  had  no 
personal  interest,  had  objects  of  greater  moment 
not  attracted  him  to  the  spot ; — and  possibly,  a 
wish  to  visit  Wallace  at  Elderslie,  of  whom,  as  has 
been  already  stated,  he  was  a  school-companion 
and  intimate  associate,  may  in  a  more  satisfactory 
manner  account  for  his  appearance  on  that  occa- 

*  Hailes,  p.  284. 

t  Douglas'  Baronage,  p.  456, 


1 


CHAP.  IV.] 


ACCESSION  OF  BALIOL— SIEGE  OF  BERWICK. 


19 


sion,  while  the  presence  of  Sir  Reginald  Crawford, 
the  uncle  of  Wallace,  rather  increases  the  proba- 
bility of  this  conjecture.  The  association  of  the 
names  of  so  many  parties  with  whom  he  was  after- 
wards so  closely  connected,  is  at  all  events  a  very 
singular  circumstance.  The  fame  he  had  acquired 
by  the  exploits  already  narrated,  and  the  dangers 
he  had  escaped,  would  no  doubt  have  excited  the 
curiosity  and  the  sympathy  of  his  friends. 

1295.  The  treaty  which  Baliol  negociated  with 
France  was  peculiarly  offensive  to  Edward.    After 
stating  that  the  King  of  Scotland,  "  grievously  af- 
fected at  the  undutiful  behaviour  of  Edward  to  the 
King  of  France  his  liege-lord,"  he  bound  himself 
to  assist  King  Philip  with  all  his  power,  and  at  his 
own  charge,  in  the  event  of   Edward    invading 
France.     Philip  also  agreed  to  aid  the  Scots,  if 
attacked  by  England,  either  by  making  a  diversion 
in  their  favour,  or  by  sending  succours.     In  this 
treaty  were  included  the  prelates,  earls,  barons, 
and  other  nobles  of  Scotland,  as  well  as  the  Uni- 
versities and  distinguished  public  bodies  of  that 
kingdom,  who  were  thereto  required  to  affix  their 
seals  *.     Indeed  it  may  be  considered  as  truly  a 
national  treaty,  showing  the  degree  of  surveillance 
which  the  Scots  exercised  over  the  conduct  of 
Baliol. 

1296.  The  treaty  was  soon  followed  by  a  solemn 
renunciation  of  the  homage  exacted  by  Edward  ; 
and  a  numerous  army  was  collected  for  the  invasion 
of  his  northern  counties.     The  Scots,  though  thus 
eager  to  come  to  blows,  were  by  no  means  in  a 
state  of  discipline  that  would  enable  them  success- 
fully to  contend  with  the  experienced  veterans  of 
England,  who  had  been  inured  to  martial  habits  in 
their  wars  with  France,  and  possessed  many  advan- 
tages over  troops  that  had  never  seen  the  face  of  a 
foreign  enemy.      Thirty-three  years  had  elapsed 
since  the  battle  of  Largs  ;  and  the  residue  of  those 
warriors  who  had  distinguished  themselves  on  that 
occasion,  could  not  now  be  either  very  numerous 
or  effective.     The  country,  it  is  true,  teemed  with 
men  in  the  vigour  of  life,  panting  to  restore  the 
tarnished  glory  of  their  country  ;  but  although  in- 
dividually brave,  and  not  unacquainted  with  their 
weapons,  yet,  unaccustomed  to  act  in  concert,  they 
could  neither  fully  understand  their  own  deficiency, 
nor  sufficiently  appreciate  the  advantages  of  that 
discipline  which  gave  the  enemy  so  great  a  supe- 
riority.    Under  these  circumstances,  and  guided 
more  by  the  hasty  dictates  of  their  own  passion 
than  the  commands  of  their  leaders,  the  army  of 
the  Scots  burst  into  Cumberland,  on  26th  March, 
1296.     The  injury  done,  however,  was  not  very 
extensive.     They  assaulted  Newcastle,  and  set  fire 
to  the  town,  but  were  eventually  compelled  to  a 
dishonourable  retreat. 

On  the  8th  April  they  also  entered  Northumber- 
land, plundered  Lanercoste  and  Hexham,  and  re- 
tired in  disorder  from  before  Harbottle. 

At  this  time  a  circumstance  of  rather  a  curious 
nature  took  place.  An  English  nobleman,  Sir 
Robert  de  Ros,  lord  of  the  Castle  of  Werk,  had 
become  deeply  enamoured  of  a  Scottish  lady,  and, 

*  Quod  tarn  Praelati  quam  Comites,  Barones  et  alii  nobiles, 
necnon  universitates  communitatesque  notabiles  dicti  regni 
Scotiae,  suas  nobis  super  hoc  patentes  literas  suis  munitas 
sifrillis  quam  citius  fieri  poterit  destinabunt. — Fosdera,  t.  ii. 
n.696. 


influenced  by  the  violence  of  his  passion,  he  de- 
serted the  standard  of  his  country,  and  went  over 
to  the  Scots.  With  the  intention  of  gaining  the 
affections  of  the  object  of  his  desire,  he  endea- 
voured to  seduce  his  kinsman,  William  de  Ros, 
from  his  allegiance.  In  this,  however,  he  was  un- 
successful ;  for  William,  after  upbraiding  him  with 
his  baseness,  proceeded  to  the  camp  at  Berwick  to 
inform  Edward  of  the  treason,  who  furnished  him 
with  1000  men,  to  garrison  the  Castle  of  Werk. 
Robert,  in  the  mean  time,  had  joined  the  Scots  ; 
and  learning  that  the  troops  sent  by  Edward  were 
to  quarter  the  following  night  at  Prestfen,  on  their 
way,  he  procured  a  body  of  Scots  from  Roxburgh, 
and  secretly  surrounded  the  village.  To  enable  his 
followers  to  recognize  each  other,  he  gave  them,  as 
a  password,  "  Tabard  and  Surcoat  * ,-"  command- 
ing, that  whoever  named  the  first  of  these  words, 
if  the  person  to  whom  he  expressed  it  did  not  reply 
by  giving  the  other,  he  should  instantly  kill  him. 
With  this  understanding  they  entered  Prestfen  at 
midnight,  and,  setting  fire  to  the  houses,  surprised 
and  cut  off  the  enemy. 

Edward,  who  had  now  reached  Berwick  with  an 
army  equal  in  numbers  to  that  of  the  Scots,  and 
more  formidable  from  its  superior  discipline,  deter- 
mined to  attack  the  town  both  by  sea  and  land. 
His  navy  was,  however,  found  unequal  to  the  task, 
and  eighteen  of  his  ships  were  either  burnt  or  dis- 
abled. The  exasperation  f  which  this  discomfiture 
occasioned  in  the  mind  of  Edward,  increased,  if 
possible,  the  natural  ferocity  of  his  temper,  and 
determined  him  to  lead  in  person  his  army  to  the 
assault  J. 

*  Dugdale. 

t  Wyntown  thus  quaintly  describes  the  feelings  of  Edward, 
on  being  told  of  the  loss  of  his  fleet : — 

"  Quhen  the  Kyng  Edward  of  Ingland 
Had  herd  of  this  deidfull  Tythand, 
All  breme  he  belyd  in-to  berth, 
And  wrythyd  all  in  wedand  werth, 
Alsd  kbbbyd  in  his  crope 
As  he  had  ettin  ane  Attyrcope." 

Wyntown,  vol.  ii.  p.  81. 

I  Before  the  attack,  Antony  Bek,  Bishop  of  Durham, 
joined  the  English  army,  with  140  knights,  500  horse,  and 
1000  foot,  accompanied  by  the  consecrated  banners  of  St. 
Cuthbert  and  St.  John  of  Beverley ;  the  former  carried  by 
Henry  de  Horncester,  a  stout  monk  of  Durham,  and  the 
latter  by  Gilbert  de  Grymmesby  (so  called  by  the  English),  a 
Scottish  Vicar  of  Beverley  College,  born  in  the  district  of 
Kyle,  in  Ayrshire, — who  had  spent  a  great  part  of  his  life  in 
the  service  of  Edward  in  France,  where  he  had  acted  as  a 
pursuivant.  The  banner  of  St.  Cuthbert  accompanied  the 
king  only  on  extraordinary  occasions.  The  following  de- 
scription of  it  may  not  be  unacceptable. 

"  This  banner  was  fastened  to  a  staff,  five  yards  in  length. 
All  the  pipes  were  of  silver,  to  be  sliven  (slipt)  on  along  the 
banner-staff;  and  on  the  uppermost  pipe,  on  the  height  of  it, 
was  a  little  silver  cross,  and  a  goodly  banner-cloth  pertaining 
to  it,  and  in  the  midst  of  the  banner-cloth  was  a  white 
velvet,  half  a  yard  square  every  way,  and  a  cross  of  crimson 
velvet  over  it,  and  within  the  said  white  velvet  was  the  holy 
relique,  wherewith  St.  Cuthbert  covered  the  chalice  when  he 
said  mass,  and  the  residue  of  the  banner-cloth  was  of  crim- 
son velvet,  embroidered  all  over  with  gold  and  green  silk 
most  sumptuously.  It  was  not  carried  out  but  on  his  anni- 
versary, and  some  other  principal  festivals  in  procession.  It 
was  the  clerk's  office  to  wait  on  it  in  his  surplice,  with  a  fair 
red-painted  staff,  having  a  fork  or  cleft  at  the  upper  end 

C2 


20 


LIFE  OF  SIR  WILLIAM  WALLACE. 


[CHAP.  IT. 


The  first  attack  of  the  English  was  repulsed.  On 
the  second,  a  well-concerted  stratagem  put  them  in 
possession  of  the  town,  which  was  given  over  to 
pillage,  and  a  frightful  and  unsparing  massacre 
ensued.  Some  English  writers  state,  that  no  less 
than  40,000  of  the  inhabitants  *  were  immolated, 
to  assuage  the  wrath  of  the  victor.  Wyntown, 
however,  may  be  considered  nearer  the  truth, 
when  he  fixes  the  amount  of  the  carnage  at  7,500. 
Barons  and  burgesses,  nuns  and  friars,  women  and 
children, — all  were  involved  in  one  indiscriminate 
and  appalling  butchery,  which  continued  through 
the  day,  and  only  subsided  when  the  following 
occurrence  rekindled  the  spark  of  humanity,  which 
had  become  extinct  in  the  breast  of  the  unprin- 
cipled usurper. 

"  Thus  thai  slayand  ware  sa  fast 
All  the  day,  qwhill  at  the  last 
This  Kyng  Edward  saw  in  that  tyde 
A  woman  slayne,  and  of  hyr  syde 
A  barne  he  saw  fall  out,  sprewland 
Be-syd  that  woman  slayne  lyand. 
'  Lasses,  Lasses,'  than  cryid  he ; 
'  Leve  off,  leve  off/  that  word  suld  be." 

Wyntown,  vol.  ii.  p.  83. 

This  catastrophe,  from  which  Berwick  never 
entirely  recovered,  took  place  on  Good  Friday, 
while  the  people  were  preparing  for  the  celebra- 
tion of  that  high  festival — a  circumstance  which 
sufficiently  proves  that  the  Scots  were  taken  by 
surprise.  Edward  remained  at  Berwick  from  the 
30th  of  March  till  the  27th  April,  during  which 
time  he  received  the  formal  renunciation  of  the 
allegiance  of  Baliol,  who  also  published  an  edict, 

which  cleft  was  lined  with  soft  silk,  having  a  down  under 
the  silk  to  prevent  it  hurting  or  bruising  the  pipes  of  the 
banner,  which  were  of  silver,  to  take  it  down  and  raise  it  up 
again,  by  reason  of  the  weightiness  thereof.  There  were 
always  four  men  to  wait  on  it,  besides  the  clerk,  and  divers 
who  carried  it.  This  last  wore  a  strong  girdle  of  white 
leather,  to  which  the  banner  was  fastened  by  two  pieces  of 
the  same,  having  at  each  end  of  them  a  socket  of  horn  to 
put  the  end  of  the  banner-staff  into." — Hist,  and  Antiq.  of 
Durham  Abbey,  p.  118,  120. 

By  the  Wardrobe  Accounts,  it  appears  that  the  monk  who 
carried  the  banner  of  St.  Cuthbert  into  Scotland,  was  paid 
Is.  per  day,— while  he  who  carried  that  of  St.  John  was 
allowed  8£d.,  and  one  penny  per  day  to  bring  it  back. 

*  Knighton  says  there  were  17,000  killed,  and  that  rivulets 
of  blood  flowed  through  the  city  for  two  days.  Langtoft 
informs  us,  that  Edward  was  the  first  to  enter  the  breach, 
which  he  did  on  his  favourite  horse,  named  "  Bayard."  He 
has  omitted  to  say,  if  "  Bayard  "  was  a  pale  horse.  This  dis- 
tinguishing trait  seems  only  a-wanting,  to  render  the  descrip- 
tion given  of  this  "most  pious  and  clement  prince,"  no  unapt 
representation  of  the  Grand  Destroyer  and  last  enemy  of 
mankind. 

The  only  man  of  consequence  who  fell  on  the  side  of  the 
English,  was  Sir  Richard  de  Cornwall.  He  was  killed  by  a 
quarrell,  shot  by  a  Flemish  merchant  from  the  "  Red  Hall." 
This  place  was  a  fortified  factory  or  store,  occupied  by  a 
company  of  Flemings  trading  in  Berwick,  and  held  by  them 
of  the  crown  of  Scotland,  on  condition  of  defending  it  against 
the  English  to  the  last  extremity.  Their  knightly  devoirs 
they  bravely  performed.  The  fortress  held  out  the  whole 
day  against  all  the  force  the  English  could  bring  against  it. 

j   At  night  it  was  set  on  fire,  and  the  faithful  little  band  of 

j   trading  warriors  perished  in  the  flames. 

I - 


inefices  I 


ordering  all  English  ecclesiastics  holding  be: 
in  Scotland  to  quit  the  country. 

On  the  27th  April,  regardless  of  the  atrocities  j 
resulting  from  his  guilty  ambition,  Edward  left  the 
shambles  at  Berwick,  and  proceeded  northward  on 
his  desolating  career,  having  previously  despatched 
the  Earl  of  Warren,  with  10,000  chosen  troops,  to 
reduce  the  Castle  of  Dunbar.  This  fortress,  from 
its  strong  position,  was  considered  as  one  of  the 
keys  to  the  kingdom,  and  had  belonged  to  the  Earl 
of  March,  a  disappointed  candidate  for  the  crown, 
who  had  now  attached  himself  to  the  banner  of 
England.  His  wife,  however,  possessing  more 
patriotism  than  her  husband,  delivered  it  over,  in 
his  absence,  to  be  garrisoned  by  the  King  of  Scot- 
land. Aware  of  its  importance,  Baliol  led  the 
army  he  had  collected,  amounting  to  upwards  of 
40,000  men,  to  its  defence.  In  the  mean  time, 
Sir  Richard  Siward,  the  governor,  had  agreed  to 
deliver  it  up  to  Warren  in  three  days,  if  not 
relieved.  On  the  third  day,  the  army  of  Scotland 
appeared  on  the  heights,  and  took  up  a  strong 
position  on  Downhill,  above  Dunbar.  Warren 
advanced  to  attack  them  ;  and  from  having  a  diffi- 
cult line  of  road  to  traverse,  his  ranks  became 
irregular.  The  Scots,  from  their  elevated  station, 
saw  the  momentary  confusion,  and  foolishly  ima- 
gined that  the  English  were  on  the  retreat.  Under 
this  impression,  they  abandoned  their  strong  and 
well-chosen  position,  and  rushed  down  on  the 
enemy.  The  English  received  their  disorderly 
charge  with  firmness,  and  repulsed  them  with 
slaughter.  Broken,  and  dismayed  at  their  unex- 
pected reception,  a  great  part  of  the  Scots  betook 
themselves  to  flight.  Sir  Patrick  Graham,  how- 
ever, and  a  few  chivalrous  spirits,  maintained  the 
unequal  contest ;  and,  though  mostly  cut  to  pieces, 
yet  the  heroism  and  self-devotion  they  displayed, 
extorted  the  applause,  and  excited  the  regret,  of 
their  adversaries. 

Though  there  be  no  direct  evidence  of  the  fact, 
yet  there  is  reason  to  conjecture,  that  both  Wal- 
lace and  his  brother  were  present  at  the  battle  of 
Dunbar.  It  has  already  been  shown,  from  re- 
spectable authority,  that  Sir  Malcolm  outlived  his 
father  ;  and,  in  the  work  of  the  Minstrel,  we  have 
an  account,  though  rather  obscure,  of  the  manner 
in  which  he  met  his  death.  He  is  represented  as 
surrounded  by  a  multitude  of  enemies,  and  bravely 
defending  himself  on  his  knees,  with  all  the  energy 
of  despair,  after  he  had  been  hamstrung,  in  order 
to  prevent  his  escape.  Being  at  last  borne  down 
by  a  mass  of  spearmen,  he  was  unmercifully  put  to 
death*.  Though  Henry  does  not  mention  when 
this  took  place,  yet,  from  the  previous  comparative 
tranquillity  which  reigned  in  the  country,  the  con- 
flict of  Dunbar  appears  most  likely  to  have  been 
the  scene  of  so  deadly  a  struggle  ;  and  the  close 
intimacy  which  Wallace  afterwards  maintained 
with  the  family  of  Graham,  may  have  originated 
in  the  circumstance  of  his  brother  and  himself 
having  been  among  the  few  who  stood  by  their 
chief,  Sir  Patrick  +,  on  this  disastrous  occasion. 

The  banner  of  Sir  Richard  Siward  (black,  with 
a  white  cross  flowered  at  the  ends)  J  still  floated  on 

*  Henry,  Buke  Fyrst,  p.  10,  11. 

t  Some  accounts  say  that  Sir  Patrick  Graham  waj  the 
elder  brother  of  the  gallant  Sir  John. 
I  Walter  of  Exeter. 


CHAP.  IV.] 


SIEGE  OF  BERWICK. 


21 


the  battlements  of  the  Castle  of  Dunbar.  To  this 
place  many  of  the  Scottish  barons  fled  for  refuge. 
The  protection  they  received,  however,  was  of 
short  duration.  The  fortress,  according  to  agree- 
ment, was  surrendered  to  Warren.  On  this  Lord 
Hailes  remarks,  "  Our  historians  impute  this  also 
to  ^treachery  ;  and  they  accuse  the  Governor, 
Richard  Siward.  But  this  charge  is  manifestly 
unjust.  Siward  had  agreed  to  surrender  the  castle, 
if  it  was  not  relieved  within  three  days  ;  and  it  was 
not  relieved."  His  Lordship  is  sometimes  rash 
in  bringing  charges  against  the  historians  of  his 
country.  The  treason  of  Siward  did  not  consist 
in  delivering  the  castle,  according  to  agreement, 
but  in  making  that  agreement.  There  is  enough  in 
the  fact  of  his  consenting  to  surrender  one  of  the 
strongest  and  most  commanding  fortresses  in  the 
country,  in  so  short  a  time,  to  warrant  the  charge 
they  have  made  against  him.  That  the  Scots 
nobles  were  ignorant  of  the  terms,  is  evident  from 
their  flying  to  it,  after  the  battle,  as  to  a  place  of 
safety,  which  they  would  not  have  done,  had  they 
known  that  they  were  instantly  to  be  delivered 
over  in  chains  to  the  mercy  of  the  enemy.  Siward 
could  have  no  certainty  of  his  being  succoured  in 
three  days,  as  the  Scottish  army,  according  to  his 
Lordship's  account,  only  came  in  sight  "  on  the 
third  day  ;"  and  if  any  accident  had  detained  it, 
Dunbar  must  have  been  surrendered  on  the  day 
following.  Besides,  if  Lord  Hailes  had  referred  to 
Vol.  II.  p.  274,  275,  of  the  Chronicle  of  Peter 
Langtoft,  an  Englishman,  and  a  favourite  authority 
of  his  own,  he  would  have  found  not  only  the  state- 
ment of  Scottish  authors  confirmed,  but  a  regular 
detailed  account  of  the  treason.  That  his  Lord- 
ship, in  the  face  of  such  evidence,  should  have 
charged  the  Scottish  historians  with  doing  what 
was  "  manifestly  unjust,"  can  only  be  imputed  to 
that  singular  predilection  towards  whitewashing 
the  negro,  which  his  Lordship  has  displayed  on  so 
many  occasions. 

1296.  Ten  thousand  Scots  were  slain  at  this 
memorable  battle,  and  a  vast  number  were  made 
prisoners,  among  whom  were  many  of  the  principal 
nobility  of  the  kingdom,  who  were  sent  to  the 
South  in  chains,  and  distributed  among  the  prisons 
of  England  and  Wales.  Baliol,  after  performing  a 
most  degrading  feudal  penance,  and  imploring  the 
clemency  of  his  conqueror,  was  sent  prisoner,  along 
with  his  son  Edward,  to  the  Tower  of  London, 
having  previously  resigned  the  kingdom  and  the 
people  of  Scotland  into  the  hands  of  Edward. 
Thus  terminated  the  brief  and  unfortunate  reign  of 
John  Baliol,  who  had  aspired  to  a  sceptre  he  had 
neither  the  judgment  nor  the  energy  to  wield. 
With  a  spirit  subdued  before  the  commanding 
genius  of  Edward,  any  efforts  he  made  to  regain 
the  independence  he  had  relinquished,  were  rather 
forced  upon  him,  by  the  impatience  of  his  people 
to  the  English  yoke,  than  the  result  of  any  mag- 
nanimous resolution  of  his  own.  Though  possess- 
ing qualities  that  might  have  graced  the  seclusion 
of  private  life,  he  was  destitute  of  those  talents 
which  were  required  in  the  discharge  of  the  duties 
of  a  sovereign. 

Selected  by  Edward  from  the  other  competitors, 
more  on  account  of  the  natural  timidity  of  his  cha- 
racter than  the  superior  justice  of  his  claim,  it 
is  impossible  to  look  on  the  degradation  that  was 
inflicted  on  him,  without  feeling  disgusted  at  the 


total  want  of  generosity  which  marked  the  charac- 
ter of  the  English  monarch.  Listening  to  the  inte- 
rested advice  of  the  Bishop  of  Durham  *,  who  coun- 
selled him  to  set  aside  the  claim  of  Bruce,  because 
the  talents  and  spirit  of  the  latter  might  be  trouble- 
some, he  arrayed  Baliol  in  the  trappings  of  royalty  ; 
and,  while  he  insulted  the  tame  unresisting  puppet 
he  had  created,  he  fancied  himself  trampling  with 
impunity  on  the  hitherto  unsullied  majesty  of  a  free 
people. 

The  destruction  of  Berwick,  and  the  discomfiture 
at  Dunbar,  laid  Scotland  prostrate  at  the  feet  of 
her  invader,  who  marched  triumphantly  through 
the  kingdom,  receiving  the  homage  of  the  terrified 
chieftains,  and  placing  garrisons  in  the  deserted 
fortresses  ;  while  churchmen  of  all  grades,  earls, 
barons,  knights,  and  esquires,  hastened  to  avert 
his  displeasure,  by  taking  the  oath  of  allegiance, 
and  renouncing  the  French  alliance. 

On  the  6th  June  f,  Edward  besieged  and  took 
the  Castle  of  Edinburgh,  in  which  he  found  the 
regalia,  consisting  of  the  crown,  sceptre,  and  cloth 
of  gold.  On  the  1 4th,  he  was  at  Stirling  and  Lin- 
lithgow.  On  the  24th  July,  he  encamped  on  the 
banks  of  the  Spey.  He  was  at  Elgin  on  the  26th, 
where  he  remained  two  days.  He  was  at  Aberbro- 
thick  on  the  5th  August,  and  again  at  Stirling  on 
the  14th,  at  Edinburgh  on  the  17th,  and  at  Berwick 
on  the  22d,  having  spent  twenty-one  weeks  in  his 
progress  of  subjugation  J.  For  the  final  settlement 
of  his  conquest,  he  appointed  John,  Earl  of  Warren, 
lieutenant  or  guardian  of  the  kingdom  ;  Hugh  de 
Cressingham,  an  avaricious  ecclesiastic,  treasurer  ; 
William  Ormsby,  justiciary ;  Henry  de  Percy, 
keeper  of  the  county  of  Galloway  and  sheriffdom 
of  Ayr  ;  while  Robert  de  Clifford  had  charge  of  the 
eastern  districts.  The*  ancient  Great  Seal  of  Scot- 
land, surrendered  by  Baliol  at  Brechin,  was  broken 
in  pieces,  and  a  new  seal  in  place  of  it  was  pre- 
sented to  Walter  de  Agmondesham,  as  chancellor. 

The  conduct  of  these  ministers  was  ill-calculated 
to  secure  the  conquest  which  the  policy  and  talents 
of  their  master  had  achieved.  Haughty  and  rapa- 
cious themselves,  they  imposed  little  restraint  on 
the  licentious  soldiery,  who  lorded  it  over  the 
wretched  inhabitants  with  the  most  intolerable 
brutality.  While  property  of  every  description 
was  held  by  the  frail  tenure  of  the  will  of  the 
usurpers,  outrages  were  committed  on  the  domestic 
feelings  of  the  oppressed,  which  the  delicacy  of 
modern  writers  has  withdrawn  from  the  page  of 
history.  Neither  was  this  galh'ng  oppression  con- 
fined to  the  common  people  ;  the  cup  of  misery 
went  round  ;  and  the  noblest  of  the  land  partook 
of  its  unmingled  bitterness.  The  unlimited  exac- 
tions of  Cressingham,  and  the  little  control  he 
exercised  over  his  underlings,  soon  banished  com- 
merce from  the  Scottish  shores.  Deprived,  by  his 
impolitic  proceedings,  of  this  lucrative  branch  of 
the  national  resources,  with  whetted  appetite  for 
plunder,  he  turned  upon  the  wretched  and  already 
impoverished  inhabitants,  who  looked  in  vain  to 
their  nobles  for  that  protection  afforded  them  in 
times  past.  Those  chieftains  who  would  have 
stepped  forward  in  their  defence,  had  either  fallen 
beneath  the  axe  of  the  executioner,  or  were  lan- 
guishing out  the  pritne  of  their  existence  in  the 
distant  dungeons  of  the  invader. 

*  Wyntown.  f  Stowe. 

t  Vide  Appendix  to  Tytler's  History  of  Scotland,  vol.  i. 


22 


LIFE  OF  SIR  WILLIAM  WALLACE. 


[CHAP.  v. 


The  fiendish  policy  that  instigated  the  massacre 
of  the  Minstrels  of  Wales,  lest  their  strains  should 
animate  their  countrymen  to  revolt,  had  also  sug- 
gested the  idea  of  depriving  the  Scots  of  the  monu- 
ments *  of  their  ancient  glory.  The  nobility  still 

*  The  object  of  the  greatest  national  importance,  and  of 
the  most  venerable  antiquity,  which  he  carried  off  on  this 
occasion,  was  the  Lia-faile,  called  also  Clack  na  cineamhuinn 
(fatal  stone),  on  which  the  Kings  of  Scotland,  from  the 
earliest  ages  of  their  monarchy,  had  been  crowned.  At  the 
ceremony  of  their  inauguration,  a  seanachaidh,  or  heraldic 
bard,  clothed  in  a  robe  of  sky-blue,  stood  before  the  Lia- 
faile,  and  recited  to  the  king,  as  he  sat  on  it,  the  genealogy 
of  the  Kings  of  Scotland,  from  the  foundation  of  their 
dynasty.  The  last  performance  of  this  ancient  Celtic  custom 
was  at  the  coronation  of  Alexander  III.  The  person  who 
officiated  on  that  occasion  is  said  to  have  had  on  a  scarlet 
robe.  This,  however,  was  not  the  colour  used  by  the  Celts 
for  that  office.  The  person  of  the  heraldic  bard  was  sacred 
above  all  others,  and  he  wore  sky-blue  as  emblematic  of 
peace.  The  early  history  of  the  Lia-faile  is  involved  in  the 
obscurity  of  fable,  and  no  small  degree  of  sacredness  has 
been  attached  to  it  from  the  connexion  it  is  supposed  to 
have  with  the  destinies  of  the  Scots.  The  following  Druidical 
Oracle  is  considered  as  first  giving  currency  to  this  belief. 

Cioniodh  scuit  saor  an  fine, 
Man  ba  breag  an  Faisdine. 
Mar  a  bh'  f  huighid  an  lia-fail, 
Dlighid  flaitheas  do  ghabhail. 

Which  Hector  Boethius  has  thus  rendered  into  Latin : 

Ne  fallat  fatum,  Scoti  quocunque  locatum 
Invenient  lapidem  hunc,  regnare  tenentur  ibidem. 

English  Translations. 
Except  old  saws  do  feign, 
And  wizards'  wits  be  blind, 
The  Scots  in  place  must  reign, 
Where  they  this  stone  shall  find. 


Consider,  Scot,  where'er  you  find  this  stone, 

If  fates  fail  not  (or  lie  not),  there  fix'd  must  be  your  throne. 

Another  from  Langtoft,  vol.  ii.  p.  527. 

The  Scottis  sail  bruke  that  realme,  as  natyve  Ground, 
(Geif  weirdis  fayll  nocht)  quhair  euir  this  chiar  is  found. 

That  part  of  the  history  of  the  Lia-faile  which  is  considered 
authentic,  may  soon  be  told. — It  was  at  an  early  period 
brought  from  Ireland  to  Dunstaffnage ;  from  thence  to 
Scone,  in  842,  by  Kenneth  II. ;  and,  lastly,  to  Westminster, 
in  1296.  In  the  Wardrobe  Account  of  Edward,  for  March, 
1299,  there  is  the  following  entry  of  a  payment  to  "Walter 
the  painter,  for  a  step  to  the  foot  of  the  New  Chair,  in  which 
the  Stone  of  Scotland  was  placed,  near  the  altar,  before  the 
shrine  of  St.  Edward,  in  Westminster  Abbey,  and  to  the 
carpenters  and  painters  painting  the  said  step ;  and  the  gold 
and  colours  to  paint  it  with ;  and  making  a  case  to  cover  the 
said  chair,  L.  1  :  19  :  7." — Remarks  on  the  Wardrobe  Account, 
page  xli.  Walsingham  says,  that  the  use  Edward  put  it  to, 
was  to  serve  as  a  chair  for  the  celebrating  priests  at  West- 
minster. 

In  the  treaty  of  peace  between  Robert  Bruce  and  Edward 
III.,  there  is  a  particular  stipulation  for  the  restoration  of 
this  Stone.  The  Londoners,  however,  had  taken  a  fancy  to 
it,  and  excited  a  commotion  to  prevent  its  removal ;  and 
Robert  had  no  difficulty  to  persuade  his  people  to  waive  the 
performance  of  the  agreement.  Indeed,  so  deep-rooted  has 
been  the  belief  of  the  Scots  in  the  augury  attached  to  it,  that 
many  looked  upon  the  accession  of  James  to  the  British 
throne  as  the  fulfilment  of  the  prediction.  Even  in  the  pre- 


remained  tame  spectators  of  this  fresh  outrage, 
and  relaxed  not  in  their  supple  assiduities  to  con- 
ciliate the  favour  of  the  tyrant.  Thus  abandoned 
by  those  who  ought  to  have  been  her  protectors, 
the  distracted  country,  crushed  and  bleeding  at 
every  pore,  lay  convulsed  within  the  coils  of  this 
human  Boa.  But  that  Providence  which  "  ruleth 
in  the  kingdoms  of  men,"  had  foreseen  her  cala- 
mity, and  prepared  a  deliverer,  with  personal  qua- 
lifications beyond  the  common  lot  of  men,  and  a 
mind  unendowed  with  every  requisite  for  the  mighty 
undertaking. 


CHAPTER  V. 

WALLACE    AGAIN    TAKES    REFUGE    IN    THE    WOODS. 

ORGANIZES    A    SYSTEM     OF    WARFARE. HARASSES 

THE  ENGLISH  IN  THEIR  CANTONMENTS. — CONFLICT 
OF  BEG. — BIOGRAPHICAL  NOTICES  OF  HIS  EARLY 
COMPANIONS. — HIS  DRESS  AND  ARMOUR. — ANECDOTE 
OFTHE  RELATIVE  PERSONAL  PROWESS  OF  WALLACE 
AND  BRUCE. 

WALLACE,  who  had  been  stigmatized  by  the  Eng- 
lish as  an  outlaw  and  a  robber,  found  it  necessary, 
after  the  battle  of  Dunbar,  to  withdraw  to  his  for- 
mer mountainous  retreat,  from  whence  he  would, 
no  doubt,  observe  the  gaudy  pageant  of  the  feudal 
power  of  England,  as  it  traversed  the  devoted  land 
in  all  the  insolent  security  of  conquest.  And 
while  the  national  distress  deepened  around,  and 
every  tale  that  reached  him  was  fraught  with 
tidings  of  the  misery  of  his  enslaved  and  degraded 
countrymen,  the  resources  of  the  enemy,  and  the 
possibility  of  emancipating  the  beloved  land  of  his 
nativity,  formed  the  subject  of  his  unceasing  re- 
flections. He  had  observed,  that  the  reverses 
which  the  Scots  had  sustained  in  the  field,  arose 
more  from  a  want  of  subordination  and  discipline 
among  themselves,  than  from  any  superior  valour 
on  the  part  of  their  enemies.  He  was  aware  of, 
and  deeply  lamented,  the  jealousy  and  treachery 
which  existed  among  the  nobility,  and  their  readi- 
ness to  stoop  in  the  most  servile  manner  *  to  the 
will  of  the  Usurper,  if  they  might  thereby  obtain 

sent  day,  when  there  is  so  much  anxiety  evinced  for  the 
recovery  of  objects  held  in  national  estimation,  we  do  not 
hear  of  any  application  being  made  to  his  majesty  for  the 
restoration  of  the  Lia-faile.  There  is  no  doubt  but  many  of 
those  who  witnessed  the  original  aggression,  would  console 
themselves  with  the  reflection,  that  the  "Lang-shanked 
Souther  one"  had  caught  a  Tartar. 

*  The  servility  of  the  Scottish  Barons  was  not  always  un- 
requited. By  the  Rotuli  Scotiae,  19  Edward  I.  et  passim  24, 
it  appears  he  gave  obligations  of  the  following  import : — 

Annual  Value. 

To  the  Bishop  of  Glasgow,  lands  of       .    £.100 
To  James  the  Steward  .        .        .        100 

To  Patrick  Earl  of  Dunbar    .        .        .        100 
To  John  de  Soulis          .        .        .        .        100  merks. 
To  William  Sinclair        .        .        .        .        100 
To  Patrick  de  Graham   .        .        .        .        100 
To  William  de  Soulis      ....        100 
Edward  afterwards  changed  his  plan,  and  gave  these  barons 
and  prelates  gratifications  in  money,  or  other  value.    But 
to    John  Comyn    the  King   gave   the    enormous  sum  of 
£1563.  14s.  Q^d.—  Ty tier's  Hist,  vol.  i.  p.  99. 


CHAP.  V.] 


RENCOUNTERS  WITH  THE  ENGLISH. 


2:$ 


even  a  temporary  exaltation  for  their  party  ;  and 
he  justly  conceived,  that  by  banding  together  a  few 
resolute  spirits,  allied  to  no  faction,  but,  like  him- 
self, attached  to  the  general  good,  that  more  could 
be  done  toward  the  restoration  of  his  country's 
independence,  than  by  all  the  tumultuous  hordes 
which  the  treacherous  and  disunited  chieftains  could 
bring  together.  Fully  impressed  with  this  con- 
viction, his  days  and  nights  were  passed  in  extend- 
ing the  number  of  his  followers,  and  in  organizing 
a  system  of  warfare,  which  was  soon  destined  to 
spread  terror  and  dismay  among  the  invaders. 
The  elite  of  every  district  were  instructed  and  dis- 
ciplined in  a  manner  peculiarly  his  own.  With 
the  simple,  but  well-known  sounds  of  his  bugle- 
horn,  he  could  regulate  all  their  operations.  At 
the  appearance  of  danger,  he  could  disperse  them, 
to  seek  more  secure  retreats, — or  rally  them 
around  him,  as  circumstances  might  require.  This 
mode  of  discipline,  either  by  himself  or  his  most 
trusty  associates,  he  secretly  extended  over  a  great 
part  of  the  Lowlands  of  Scotland  ;  so  that  either 
amidst  the  fastnesses  of  Carrick,  the  deep  recesses 
of  Cartland,  or  on  the  shores  of  the  Lomond,  the 
rallying  note  of  their  country's  liberator  was  fol- 
lowed by  the  prompt  appearance  of  well-armed 
warriors  at  their  respective  places  of  muster. 

The  prowess  which  he  had  displayed  in  his  en- 
counters with  the  English — his  almost  miraculous 
escapes — and  the  prediction  g;ven  out  in  the  name 
of  the  Seer  of  Ercildowne*,  of  his  being  destined 
to  deliver  Scotland  from  the  tyi-anny  of  England, — 
all  conspired  to  excite  the  hopes,  and  gain  him  the 
confidence,  of  the  less  wealthy  classes  of  his  coun- 
trymen. 

His  tactics  were  admirably  fitted  for  harassing 
the  foes  he  had  to  contend  with.  The  fortresses 
in  their  possession  were  surrounded  by  secret  ene- 
mies, ever  on  the  watch  to  discover  and  convey  to 
their  leader  any  information  that  might  enable  him 
to  way-lay  their  convoys,  or  surprise  them  in  their 
strongholds.  It  was  in  vain  the  warders  kept 
watch  on  their  lofty  stations  :  distant  as  the  eye 
could  reach,  no  enemy  appeared,  no  foreboding 
sound  met  their  ear,  to  warrant  them  in  disturbing 
the  tranquillity  of  the  revellers  within.  Far  in  the 
woodlands,  the  sound  of  a  horn  might  be  heard ; 
but  it  passed  away  unregarded,  as  proceeding  from 
some  lonely  forester  going  his  rounds.  The  draw- 
bridge is  let  down  to  admit  fuel  or  provisions  for 
the  garrison  ; — the  loads  are  thrown  in  the  en- 
trance of  the  gate  ; — the  porter  knocked  on  the 
head,  and  the  burden-bearers  bristle  into  resolute 
or  well-armed  assailants  ; — the  wine-cup  is  dashed 
from  the  hands  of  the  astonished  governor,  who  is 
only  made  sensible  of  his  situation  by  the  carnage 
that  ensues  ; — the  castle  demolished,  and  the  spoil 

*  Prophetic  announcements  respecting  him  were  also,  at 
an  after  period,  sent  abroad  by  the  Scottish  clergy.—"  Nam 
revelatione  mirifica  ostensum  est  fide  dignioribus  diversis, 
sanctissimum  apostolum  Andream,  regni  Scotiae,  protec- 
torem  et  patronum,  dicto  Willielmo  Wallace  gladium  cruen- 
tatum  manu  aliter  commisisse,  stricte  sibi  prsecipiendo  eo 
utrobique  uti  ad  defensionem  regni  'Anglicos  propulsando. — 
Gustos  itaque  effectus,  misit  manum  suam  ad  fortia,  An- 
glicos prosternens,  Anglicatos  reconcilians,  oppresses  rele- 
vans,  et  quotidianis  incrementis  proficiens."  MS.  Cu- 
prensis.  See  Fordun's  Scotichronicon,  vol.  ii.  p.  170.— This 
vision  of  St.  Andrew  is  also  taken  notice  of  by  Blind  Harry. 
—Vide  BuJte  Sewynd,  v.  57. 


divided  among  his  followers,  who  are  now  allowed 
to  return  home.  Wallace,  meanwhile,  attended 
perhaps  by  a  few  select  worthies,  pursues  his  way, 
to  call  forth  the  avenging  swords  of  his  adherents, 
in  some  more  remote  part  of  the  kingdom. 

Such  were  the  fruits  of  that  admirable  system  of 
warfare  which  Wallace  was  engaged  in  explaining 
and  enforcing  at  the  meetings  of  his  nonjuring 
countrymen,  during  the  winter  of  1296,  and  which 
it  has  been  thought  proper  to  allude  to  at  this  stage 
of  the  history,  in  order  that  the  reader  may  be  able 
to  comprehend  the  possibility  of  certain  of  those 
exploits  which  afterwards  obtained  for  the  heroic 
champion  of  the  Scots,  the  applause  and  admiration 
of  mankind. 

The  spring  of  1297  had  scarcely  set  in  before  the 
guerrilla-parties  thus  formed  began  to  molest  the 
invaders  ;  and  so  persevering  and  successful  were 
their  attacks,  that  in  a  very  short  time,  throughout 
the  whole  range  of  the  forest  of '  Clydesdale,  Wal- 
lace and  his  followers  held  undisputed  sway  ;  and, 
emerging  from  parts  least  expected  by  the  enemy, 
surprised  and  cut  off  their  convoys.  The  English 
garrison  which  occupied  Bothwell  Castle  made 
several  attempts  to  drive  them  from  their  conceal- 
ments in  the  woods,  but  all  their  efforts  had  ended 
in  discomfiture  and  disgrace  ;  while  the  prisoners 
left  in  the  hands  of  the  Scots  were  hung  up  at 
different  parts,  along  the  skirts  of  the  forest,  as 
a  warning  to  all  hostile  intruders.  These  proceed- 
ings of  the  insurgents  alarmed  and  perplexed  the 
English,  as  it  kept  them  in  profound  ignorance  of 
the  numbers  they  had  to  cope  with.  Left  to  their 
own  conjectures,  their  heated  imaginations  peopled 
the  impenetrable  recesses  of  the  woods  wit}1 
swarms  of  fierce  and  merciless  enemies,  headed  by 
a  chief  against  whose  sword  the  strongest  of  their 
armour  afforded  but  a  feeble  protection. 

While  the  Scots  were  thus  engaged,  their  leader 
received  advice  that  a  strong  convoy  was  on  its 
way  from  England  for  the  supply  of  the  garrison 
of  Ayr,  under  the  command  of  Fenwick^,  the  per- 
son who  headed  the  attack  so  fatal  to  Sir  Malcolm 
Wallace.  Roused  by  the  hopes  of  avenging  the 
death  of  his  father,  our  hero  determined  to  way- 
lay the  party.  For  this  purpose  he  selected  fifty 
of  those  on  whose  strength  and  courage  he  could 
place  the  greatest  reliance  ;  and  thus  attended,  he 
set  forward  to  occupy  a  position  on  the  road  the 
enemy  had  to  pass.  It  was  night  when  the  little 
band  of  patriots  reached  the  spot  from  whence  they 
meant  to  make  their  attack  ;  but  hearing  nothing 
of  the  advance  of  Fenwick,  he  ordered  his  men  to 
take  shelter  for  the  night  in  a  neighbouring  wood. 
The  morning  was  pretty  far  advanced,  when  two 
scouts,  whom  Wallace  had  sent  forward  at  day- 
break, returned  with  the  intelligence  that  the  ene- 
my was  at  hand.  Having  arranged  his  men  for 
the  onset,  his  friend,  John  Blair,  offered  up  prayers 
for  their  success,  which  were  scarcely  over  before 
the  English  came  in  sight.  Fenwick,  on  observing 
the  small  body  of  Scots  that  awaited  his  approach, 
felt  perfectly  assured  of  taking  them,  and  the  far- 
famed  chieftain,  whom  he  suspected  to  be  their 
leader,  prisoners  with  him  to  Ayr  ;  and  congra- 
tulated himself  on  the  satisfaction  which  the  cap- 
ture of  the  bold  outlaw  would  afford  to  his  supe- 
riors. This  pleasing  reverie  was,  however,  dis- 
turbed by  a  rapid  movement  of  the  Scots,  who, 
charging  with  their  long  spears,  threw  his  advance 


24 


LIFE  OF  SIR  WILLIAM  WALLACE. 


[CHAP.  v. 


into  confusion,  and,  following  up  their  advantage 
with  the  most  daring  intrepidity,  carried  disorder 
to  the  very  centre  of  his  squadron  ;  where,  undis- 
mayed by  the  superior  numbers  that  surrounded 
them,  Wallace  and  his  brave  companions  fought 
with  all  the  fury  of  exasperated  lions.  The  re- 
peated charges  of  the  English  were  repulsed  and 
returned  with  such  increasing  vigour  and  resolu- 
tion as  alarmed  and  confounded  their  commander. 
Wherever  he  turned  his  eyes,  the  sword  of  the 
Scottish  chief  seemed  clearing  a  path  toward  him  ; 
helmet  after  helmet  disappeared  beneath  his  pon- 
derous weapon ;  and  the  whole  exertion  of  his 
mighty  arm  seemed  directed  towards  the  hated 
Fenwick.  Conscious  of  the  justice  of  that  ven- 
geance which  inspired  our  hero  with  more  than 
usual  ferocity,  the  English  chief  would  gladly  have 
avoided  a  personal  rencounter.  His  attempts  to 
escape,  however,  were  in  vain, — the  brand  of  the 
vengeful  Scot  reached  him  at  last ;  and  the  blow, 
though  broke  by  the  intervening  sword  of  a  trooper, 
fell  with  a  sufficient  force  to  strike  him  from  the 
saddle.  Falling  on  the  opposite  side  of  the  horse, 
Wallace  had  not  the  satisfaction  of  giving  the 
death-blow  ; — this  was  an  honour  reserved  for  Ro- 
bert Boyd,  one  of  his  most  intimate  companions. 
Although  Fenwick  was  thus  slain,  yet  the  conflict 
continued  with  great  obstinacy.  The  English,  un- 
der one  Bowmond,  who  was  second  in  command, 
made  great  efforts  to  retrieve  the  advantages  they 
had  lost.  The  Scots,  however,  maintained  their 
ground  with  inflexible  resolution,  while  the  sword 
of  their  chief  was  rapidly  increasing  the  gaps  in 
the  ranks  of  their  enemies.  Adam  Wallace,  the 
promising  heir  of  Riccardtoun  *,  had  the  good  for- 
tune to  come  in  contact  with  the  leader  of  the 
English  ;  and,  after  an  obstinate  engagement,  the 
intrepid  Bowmond  fell  beneath  the  hand  of  the 
youthful  Scot.  Deprived  of  their  leaders,  the 
English  now  fled  in  the  utmost  confusion,  leaving 
one  hundred  of  their  companions  on  the  field. 
The  Scots  pursued  them  only  so  far  as  to  make 
their  victory  certain  ;  and,  returning  to  the  spoil, 
found  their  labours  amply  rewarded.  A  numerous 
train  of  waggons,  loaded  with  flour,  wine,  and  all 
sorts  of  provisions,  with  warlike  stores  in  abund- 
ance, and  two  hundred  draught- horses,  besides 
money  and  other  valuables,  fell  into  the  hands  of 
the  victors,  who,  after  dividing  their  booty,  and  ap- 
propriating part  of  it  to  the  relief  of  the  oppressed 
inhabitants  in  the  neighbourhood,  departed  to 
secure  the  remainder  in  their  inaccessible 
retreats  among  the  then  extensive  forests  of 
Clydesdale. 

The  result  of  this  affair  with  Fenwick  was  not 
less  encouraging  to  the  Scots,  than  prejudicial  to 
the  English.  The  valuable  convoy,  which  the  lat- 
ter had  been  thus  deprived  of,  was  a  subject  of 
serious  regret  to  Percy  ;  more  particularly,  as  it 
appeared  irretrievable — his  foraging  parties  having 
already  exhausted  the  district  under  his  control, 
and  reduced  the  inhabitants  to  the  most  wretched 

*  "  Riccardtoun  is  evidently  a  corruption  of  Richardtown. 
It  is  generally  said  to  have  been  so  called  from  a  Sir  Richard 
Wallace,  who  lived  in  the  vicinity  of  the  village,  and  who  is 
said  to  have  heen  uncle  to  the  celebrated  patriot,  Sir  William 
Wallace.  Of  his  house  no  vestige  now  remains.  The  place, 
however,  where  it  stood  is  well  known.  The  village  of  Ric- 
cardtown  is  within  one  mile  of  the  market-town  of  Kilmar- 
nock."— Stat.  Ace.  vol.  vi.  p.  117. 


expedients,  in  order  to  maintain  their  miserable 
existence.  The  fields  remained  in  a  great  measure 
uncultivated  ;  and  those  among  the  commons  who 
were  fortunate  enough  to  possess  a  cow,  endea- 
voured to  conceal  her  as  their  only  resource.  The 
poor  starveling  was  bled  as  often  as  nature  would 
permit ;  and  the  blood,  boiled  to  a  consistency, 
formed  almost  the  sole  repast  of  the  unhappy 
owners.  Percy,  already  aware  of  the  impoverished 
situation  of  the  country,  had  husbanded  the  re- 
sources of  the  garrison,  in  order  to  make  them 
hold  out  till  the  arrival  of  the  expected  supplies. 
Under  these  circumstances,  his  disappointment 
may  be  easily  conceived,  when  the  disordered  re- 
mains of  Fenwick's  party  arrived  at  Ayr  without  a 
leader,  to  give  an  account  of  their  disaster,  every 
man  being  at  liberty  to  tell  his  own  story  ;  and,  as 
might  be  expected,  all  of  them  agreed  in  exagge- 
rating the  number  of  the  Scots,  and  the  gigantic 
stature  and  strength  of  their  chief.  Percy,  even 
from  the  most  favourable  view  of  the  affair,  could 
only  see  the  embarrassing  situation  in  which  he 
was  placed.  The  uncertainty  of  procuring  supplies 
by  land  was  but  too  evident ;  and  to  bring  them 
by  sea  was  equally  precarious,  as  the  Scottish  ships 
were  still  numerous  on  the  coast,  and  had  not  ac- 
knowledged the  sovereignty  of  Edward,  but  in 
the  unsettled  state  of  the  country,  continued  to 
capture  all  the  English  vessels  that  came  in  their 
tract. 

In  this  battle,  which  was  fought  at  a  place  called 
Beg*,  above  Allanton,  in  the  parish  of  Galston, 
few  of  any  note  among  the  Scots  were  slain.  Of 
those  present  on  the  occasion,  the  following  names 
have  been  handed  down — Sir  Andrew  Murray,  Sir 
William  Douglas,  Robert  Boyd,  Alexander  Scrim- 
geor,  Roger  Kilpatrick,  Alexander  Auchinleck, 
Walter  Newbigging,  Stephen  of  Ireland,  Hugh 
Dundas,  John  Kneland  or  Cleland,  Ruthven,  Sir 
David  Barclay,  Adam  Curry,  John  Blair,  and 
Thomas  Gray.  In  justice,  therefore,  to  these  brave 
and  early  confederates  of  our  hero,  we  shall  ap- 
propriate the  remaining  part  of  this  chapter,  to 
such  notices  of  them  as  our  scanty  materials  may 
afford.  The  following  account  of  the  first  of  those 
worthies  is  taken  from  the  Peerage  and  Baronage 
of  Scotland. 

Sir  Andrew  de  Moravia,  dominus  de  Bothwell, 
succeeded  his  brother  Sir  William  Murray,  in  the 
Lordship  of  Bothwell.  This  Sir  William  was 
chamberlain  to  Alexander  III.,  and  a  man  of  sin- 
gular merit ;  but  dying  without  issue  in  1294,  he 
was  succeeded  by  his  no  less  meritorious  brother, 
who  also  filled  the  office  of  chamberlain  under  the 
short  reign  of  Baliol.  Sir  Andrew  married  a 
daughter  of  Sir  John  Cumin,  Lord  of  Badenoch,  by 
whom  he  had  two  sons,  Sir  Andrew  and  Sir  Wil- 

*  "  Among  other  antiquities,  there  may  be  mentioned  a 
place  called  Beg,  above  Allinton,  where  the  brave  Wallace 
lay  in  a  species  of  rude  fortification,  with  only  fifty  of  his 
friends,  yet  obtained  a  complete  victory  over  an  English 
officer  of  the  name  of  Fenwick,  who  had  two  hundred  men 
under  his  command.  This  gallant  hero,  it  is  well  known, 
had  several  places  of  retirement  towards  the  head  of  this 
parish,  and  in  the  neighbourhood,  some  of  which  still  retain 
his  name  to  this  day.  Wallace-hill,  in  particular,  an  emi- 
nence near  Galla-law,  a  place  called  Wallace-Gill,  in  the 
parish  of  Loudoun,  a  hollow  glen  to  which  he  probably  re- 
tired for  shelter,  when  pursued  by  his  enemies."  —  Stat. 
Ace.  vol.  ii.  p.  74. 


CHAP.  V.] 


HIS  EARLY  CONFEDERATES. 


25 


liam,  the  former  of  whom  was  associated  in  the 
command  of  the  Scottish  army  when  led  by  Wallace 
to  the  invasion  of  England.  He  also  was  chamber- 
lain to  Bruce,  and  regent  of  the  kingdom  in  the 
minority  of  David  II.  He  married  Lady  Christian 
Bruce,  sister  of  the  immortal  King  Robert,  by 
whom  he  had  two  sons,  John  and  Robert.  His 
brother  William  was  the  progenitor  of  the  Mur- 
rays  of  Abercairnie.  The  present  "Sir  Andrew 
sat  in  parliament  in  1290,  and  appears  to  have 
sworn  fealty  to  Edward  1291.  When  Sir  William 
Wallace  raised  the  standard  of  national  independ- 
ence, and  when  the  other  powerful  barons  deserted 
the  cause,  he  was  the  only  person  of  consequence 
who  adhered  to  Wallace." 

Sir  William  Douglas,  designated  the  Hardy,  suc- 
ceeded his  brother  Hugh.  He  was  also  known  by 
the  name  of  Long  Leg,  and  reckoned  to  be  a  very 
handsome  and  powerful  man,  surpassing  most  of 
his  countrymen  in  stature.  He  appears  to  have 
been  present  in  the  Parliament  at  Brigham  in 
1289,  as  his  name  is  appended  to  the  letter  ad- 
dressed by  "  the  community  of  Scotland,"  to  Ed- 
ward I.,  as  "  Guillame  de  Duglas."  He  swore 
fealty  to  Edward  in  the  Chapel  of  Thurston,  5th 
July  1291.  His  first  wife  was  Elizabeth,  a  near 
connexion  of  the  Steward  of  Scotland,  who  died 
shortly  after  her  marriage.  His  second  was  Elea- 
nor, the  widow  of  William  de  Ferrier.  She  being 
a  ward  of  the  English  crown,  had  an  assignation  of 
the  manors  of  Stubbings  and  Woodham  Ferriers 
in  Essex  (part  of  her  husband's  lands),  until  she 
should  have  her  dowry  set  forth  ;  which  being  soon 
after  assigned  to  her,  she  came  to  Scotland,  there 
to  obtain  her  right  to  such  lands  as  her  husband 
had  possessed  in  that  kingdom.  But  being  at  Tra- 
nent  (the  manor-house  of  Helen  la  Zusche),  ex- 
pecting the  like  assignation,  Sir  William  de  Duglas 
came  and  forcibly  carried  her  off*.  As  the  lady 
had  made  oath  before  she  left  England,  not  to 
marry  without  the  royal  consent ; — to  save  appear- 
ances, and  to  preserve  her  property,  a  complaint 
was  made  of  the  aggression,  and  Edward  sent  his 
precept  to  the  sheriff  of  Northumberland,  to  seize 
all  the  goods  and  chattels  of  the  said  William  de 
Duglas  which  were  in  his  bailiwick  ;  but  shortly 
after,  in  1291,  in  consequence  of  a  fine  of  100<5.  to 
the  King,  his  permission  was  ob tamed.  In  1296, 
Sir  William  had  the  command  of  the  Castle  of  Ber- 
wick, which  he  surrendered  to  the  English,  being 
allowed  to  march  out  with  the  honours  of  war,  after 
taking  an  oath  never  to  bear  arms  against  England. 
Such  oaths,  however,  in  that  age,  it  was  reckoned 
more  dishonourable  to  keep  than  to  break.  The 
following  account  of  some  of  his  exploits  is  from 
Hume  of  Godscroft's  History  of  the  House  of 
Douglas  : — 

"  When  he  "  (Sir  William)  «  heard  that  William 
Wallace  was  risen  up,  and  had  taken  open  banner 
against  the  English,  he  joined  with  him  ;  by  which 
accession  of  forces,  Wallace's  army  was  much  in- 
creased and  strengthened.  Yet  they  were  not  al- 
ways together  ;  but,  according  to  the  occasion,  and 
as  opportunity  did  offer,  they  did  divide  their  com- 
panies, and  went  to  several  places,  where  they 
hoped  to  get  best  advantage  of  the  enemy,  and 
where  there  needed  no  great  army,  but  some  few 
companies  at  once.  In  these  adventures,  Lord 

*  Dugdale,  vol.  i.  p.  266. 


William  recovered  from  the  English  the  castles  of 
Desdier  and  Sanquhair. 

"  The  manner  of  his  taking  the  castle  of  San- 
quhair is  said  to  have  been  thus  : — There  was  one 
Anderson  that  served  the  castle,  and  furnished 
them  with  wood  and  fuel,  and  had  daily  access  to 
it  upon  that  occasion.  The  Lord  Douglas  directs 
one  of  his  trustiest  and  stoutest  servants  to  deal 
with  him,  or  to  find  some  means  to  betray  the 
castle  to  him,  and  to  bring  him  within  the  gates 
only. 

"Anderson,  either  persuaded  by  entreaty,  or 
corrupted  with  money,  gave  my  Lord's  servant, 
called  Thomas  Dickson,  his  apparel  and  carriages, 
who,  coming  to  the  castle,  was  let  in  by  the  porter 
for  Anderson.  Dickson  stabbed  the  porter,  and 
gave  the  signal  to  his  Lord,  who  lay  near  by  with 
his  companions,  set  open  the  gates,  and  received 
them  into  the  court.  They,  being  entered,  killed 
the  captain  and  the  whole  of  the  English  garrison, 
and  so  remained  masters  of  the  place.  The  cap- 
tain's name  was  Beauford,  a  kinsman  of  his  own 
Lady  Ferrars,  who  had  oppressed  the  country  that 
lay  near  him  very  insolently.  One  of  the  English 
that  had  been  in  the  castle,  escaping,  went  to  the 
other  garrisons  that  were  in  other  castles  and 
towns  adjacent,  and  told  them  what  had  befallen 
his  fellows,  and  withal  informed  them  how  the 
castle  might  be  recovered.  Whereupon,  joining 
their  forces  together,  they  came  and  besieged  it. 
Lord  Douglas,  finding  himself  straitened,  and  un- 
provided of  necessaries  for  his  defence,  did  secretly 
convey  his  man  Dickson  out  at  a  postern,  or  some 
hidden  passage,  and  sent  him  to  William  Wallace 
for  aid.  Wallace  was  then  in  Lennox,  and,  hear- 
ing of  the  danger  Douglas  was  in,  made  all  haste 
he  could  to  come  to  his  relief.  The  English,  having 
notice  of  Wallace's  approach,  left  the  siege,  and 
retired  towards  England  ;  yet  not  so  quickly  but 
that  Wallace,  accompanied  by  Sir  John  Graham, 
did  overtake  them,  and  killed  five  hundred  of  their 
number  before  they  could  pass  Dalswinton.  By 
these,  and  such  like  means,  Wallace,  with  his  as- 
sistants, having  beaten  the  English  from  most  part 
of  their  strengths  in  Scotland,  did  commit  the  care 
and  custody  of  the  whole  country,  from  Drumlan- 
rig  to  Ayr,  to  the  charge  of  the  Lord  Douglas. 
Now,  however,  there  be  no  mention  of  these  things 
in  our  chronology  ;  yet,  seeing  the  Book  of  Wallace 
(which  is  more  particular  in  many  things)  speaks 
of  them,  and  the  charter  of  the  house  of  Syming- 
ton, descended  lineally  of  the  said  Thomas  Dickson, 
who,  for  this  and  his  other  like  services  done  to 
the  Lord,  and  afterward  to  his  good  son,  Sir  James, 
got  the  twenty  merk  land  of  Hesle-side,  which  his 
posterity  doth  still  enjoy,  holding  of  the  Lords  of 
Douglas  and  Angus  ;  and  there  is  no  doubt  to  be 
made,  but  he  hath  done  much  more  in  his  assist- 
ance he  gave  Wallace,  than  is  recorded  or  extant 
any  where  ;  there  being  no  likelihood  that,  in  these 
so  busy  times,  these  two  valiant  and  brave  warriors 
did  lie  idle,  although  the  particulars  lie  buried  in 
deep  silence."  The  above  account  is  fully  con- 
firmed by  the  manuscript  history  of  the  House  of 
Douglas,  written  by  Thomas  Chambers,  who  adds, 
that  "  Sir  William,  before  the  battle  of  Falkirk, 
was  betrayed  into  the  hands  of  the  English,  and 
conveyed  to  Berwick,  and  from  thence  to  York, 
where  he  was  keeped  close  prisoner  in  the  castle 
until  his  death,  which  took  place  in  1 302,  and  was 


LIFE  OF  SIR  WILLIAM  WALLACE, 


[CHAP.  v. 


buried  in  a  little  chapel  (now  decayed)  at  the  south 
end  of  the  bridge."  The  banner  of  Douglas  was 
"  azure  a  cliiffe  sylmr*  " 

Sir  Robert  Boyd,  or  Boi/t. — This  bold  and  hardy 
warrior  was  also  one  of  those  who  swore  fealty  to 
Edward  I.,  when  he  overran  Scotland  in  1296  ;  but 
throwing  off  his  disgraceful  allegiance  in  1297,  he 
became  ever  after  the  inseparable  companion  of 
Wallace.  His  father,  in  consequence  of  the  gal- 
lantry he  displayed  at  the  battle  of  Largs,  obtained 
a  grant  of  lands  in  Cunningham  from  Alexan- 
der III.,  and  was  the  near  neighbour  of  Sir 
Raynald  Crawford  of  Crosby  f,  the  uncle  of  Wal- 
lace ;  the  castles  of  the  two  families  could  commu- 
nicate signals  with  each  other. 

Kneland,  or  Cleland,  Edward  Little  and  Thomas 
Haliday,  all  near  relatives  of  Wallace,  whose  names 
are  frequently  mentioned  with  applause  by  the 
authors  who  write  of  this  period. 

Stephen  of  Ireland. — This  brave  and  useful  sol- 
dier, is  sometimes  called  Stephen  Ireland  ;  but 
this  is  only  by  modern  writers.  Blind  Harry,  and 
other  ancient  authors,  invariably  designate  him  as 
of  Ireland.  It  is  highly  probable  that  he  was  one 
of  those  self-expatriated  Irish  noblemen,  whose 
love  of  liberty  induced  them  to  seek,  in  foreign 
countries,  what  they  could  no  longer  hope  for  at 
home.  Whatever  his  birth  may  have  been,  he  ap- 
pears to  have  come  to  Scotland  at  an  early  period, 
perhaps  in  the  reign  of  Alexander  III.,  and  seems, 
from  his  being  occasionally  employed  as  a  guide  in 
the  expeditions  of  Wallace,  to  have  had  such  a 
knowledge  of  the  country,  as  could  only  be  ac- 
quired by  a  long  residence  in  it.  Through  all  the 
variety  of  fortunes  which  attended  Sir  William 
Wallace,  and  amid  the  desertions  of  some  of  his 
opulent  countrymen,  Stephen  of  Ireland  adhered 
to  him  with  inflexible  fidelity,  and  also  induced 
others  of  his  countrymen  to  come  over  to  the  as- 
sistance of  the  Scots. 

John  Blair  and  Thomas  Gray. — The  former  of 
these  worthy  ecclesiastics  has  already  been  men- 
tioned as  the  schoolfellow  of  our  hero.  After  quit- 
ting Dundee,  he  went  to  finish  his  studies  at  Paris, 
where,  under  the  most  eminent  masters  of  the  day, 
his  progress  did  not  belie  the  early  promise  of  his 
genius  ;  and  he  returned  to  Scotland  a  confirmed 
patriot,  and  an  accomplished  scholar.  The  latter  had 
the  pastoral  charge  of  Libertown,  yet  considered 
it  no  dereliction  from  his  duties  to  attend  and  as- 
sist in  the  emancipation  of  his  country.  Of  his 
literary  talents  we  have  reason  to  form  the  highest 
opinion,  from  the  circumstance  of  John  Blair  ad- 
mitting him  into  the  honour  of  assisting  in  com- 


*  Froisart. 

t  The  ruins  which  are  now  called  Crosby  Castle,  are  si- 
tuated in  the  district  of  Cunningham,  within  a  short  dis- 
tance of  the  village  of  West  Kilbride.  They  occupy  part  of 
the  ground  on  which  stood  the  old  castle  belonging  to  Sir 
Raynald  Crawford.  By  the  date  on  the  wall,  it  seems  to 
have  undergone  repairs  in  1676.  The  present  building  has 
never  been  a  place  of  great  strength.  From  the  appear- 
ance of  the  ground,  however,  and  other  indications  in  the 
neighbourhood,  the  former  castle  must  have  been  of  a  dif- 
ferent character.  On  the  edge  of  a  deep  precipitous  glen, 
well  adapted  for  concealment,  it  afforded  every  facility  for 
eluding  the  pursuit  of  an  enemy.  A  noisy  brook  dashes 
from  rock  to  rock  down  the  dark  and  well-wooded  ravine, 
whose  craggy  sides  must  often  have  witnessed  the  meeting 
of  Wallace  and  his  associates. 


posing  the  history  of  their  far-famed  friend.  This 
work,  though  it  now  goes  all  under  the  name  of 
Blair,  was  then  known  to  have  been  the  joint  com- 
position of  these  worthies.  Where  Thomas  Gray 
received  his  education,  is  a  matter  of  uncertainty  ; 
but  it  is  highly  probable  that  he  also  finished  his 
studies  along  with  his  friend  at  Paris,  and  returned 
with  him  to  Scotland  ;  as  we  hear  nothing  of  him 
previous  to  the  rencounter  with  Fenwick.  It  is 
not  unlikely  that,  on  this  occasion,  John  Blair  was 
installed  in  his  office  of  chaplain  ;  and  that  he  got 
this  preference  from  the  circumstance  of  the  other 
being  already  provided  for,  as  they  both  appear, 
from  their  learning  and  patriotism,  to  have  been 
equally  deserving  of  the  affection  and  confidence  of 
their  countrymen. 

Alexander  Scrimgeor. — This  faithful  patriot  was 
the  representative  of  an  ancient  and  respectable 
family  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Dundee  ;  and  as 
he  most  probably  received  his  education  along  with 
Wallace,  he  would  no  doubt  have  been  one  of  the 
association  already  alluded  to.  He  enjoyed,  in 
right  of  his  ancestors,  the  honour  of  carrying  the 
banner  of  Scotland  ;  and  for  his  faithful  discharge 
of  this  duty,  he  was  afterwards  appointed  by  Wal- 
lace to  the  office  of  Constable  *  of  Dundee  ;  which 
honour  being  hereditary,  remained  in  the  family 
till  after  the  restoration  of  Charles  II.,  when  the 
representative  of  the  family  was  created  Earl  of 
Dundee ;  on  whose  death,  without  immediate 
issue,  the  heirs  were  unjustly  deprived  of  their 
honours  and  immunities.  The  family,  however, 
continues  to  be  represented  by  the  Scrymgeours  of 
Birkhill,  now  the  Wedderburns  of  that  Ilk.— Stat. 
Ace.  vol.  viii.  p.  239. 

Walter  Newbigging,  otherwise  Gualter  de  Somer- 
ville. — This  gentleman  was  of  English  extraction, 
and  the  son  of  William  de  Somerville,  Baron  of 
Linton,  and  Margaret  Newbigging,  heiress  of  that 
Ilk,  the  daughter  of  Walter  Newbigging,  which 
lands  he  inherited  in  right  of  his  mother.  This 
accounts  for  his  being  called  Walter  Newbigging, 
or  of  Newbigging.  His  father,  William  de  Somer- 
ville, distinguished  himself  at  the  battle  of  Largs, 
and  was  a  constant  attendant  at  the  court  of  Alex- 
ander III.,  with  whom  he  was  in  high  favour,  and 
held  the  office  of  grand  falconer,  a  place  at  that 
time  of  considerable  importance.  Walter,  the 
subject  of  our  present  inquiries,  received  from  his 
father  a  ten  merk  land  within  the  barony  of  Linton, 
which  enabled  him  to  make  an  early  appearance  at 
court,  where  his  good  qualities  and  noble  deport- 
ment attracted  the  notice  of  Alexander,  from  whose 
hand  he  received  the  honour  of  knighthood,  and 
distinguished  himself  at  the  tournament  held  shortly 


*  The  Charter  of  Wallace,  by  which  Scrimgeor  held  the 
Constabulary  of  Dundee,  is  still  in  existence,  and  will  be 
given  in  this  work. 

The  peculiarities  of  a  constable's  office,  are  thus  enume- 
rated in  Bray's  History  of  Surrey,  vol.  iii.  p.  136.  "In  an 
instrument  of  William  de  Wickham,  dated  at  Eshu,  19  Ja- 
nuary 1379,  3  Richard  II.,  by  which  he  appointed  William 
de  Wimbledon  constable,  the  duty  of  his  office  is  stated  to 
be,  to  keep,  govern,  and  oversee  the  castle,  together  with 
the  manor,  lordship,  lands,  franchises,  liberties,  parks, 
chases,  warrens,  &c.  belonging  to  the  same ;  also  to  hold  the 
courts  and  to  prosecute,  challenge,  claim,  and  defend  all 
rights  and  franchises  belonging  to  the  bishop  and  church  of 
Winchester  within  the  said  bailiwick." 


HIS  EARLY  CONFEDERATES. 


after  in  honour  of  the  marriage  of  Prince  Alex- 
ander with  the  daughter  of  the  Earl  of  Flanders,  at 
Roxburgh  Castle.  While  in  attendance  at  court, 
he  formed  an  acquaintance  with  Sir  David  Barclay 
of  Towie,  in  Aberdeenshire,  whose  sister  Effie,  or 
Euphemia,  he  afterwards  married  in  125 1  ;  and  at 
Aberdeen,  the  same  year,  he  entered  into  a  bond 
of  manrent,  or  manred,  as  it  was  sometimes  called, 
with  his  brother-in-law.  These  obligations  were 
very  common  among  the  gentry  of  Scotland,  and 
often  productive  of  great  disorder  in  the  country. 
By  this  marriage  he  had  a  son  named  David,  whom 
he  devoted  to  the  cause  of  his  country's  indepen- 
dence, when  he  himself  joined  the  standard  of 
Wallace.  This  youth  we  shall  afterwards  have 
occasion  to  notice.  It  may  not  be  improper  to 
remark,  that  Somerville,  the  author  of  "  The 
Chase,"  was  a  scion  from  the  English  stock  of  this 
ancient  and  respectable  family. 

David  de  Barclay. — Abercromby  mentions  a  Sir 
Fergus  Barclay,  as  being  one  of  the  early  adhe- 
rents of  Wallace  ;  but  there  is  reason  to  believe 
he  is  partly  in  error.  Sir  David  Barclay,  as  we 
have  already  seen;  was  brother-in-law  to  Sir  Walter 
Newbigging,  with  whom  he  had  entered  into  a 
bond  of  manrent,  by  which  they  were  mutually 
bound  to  appear  in  arms  in  support  of  the  same 
cause,  provided  it  was  not  against  the  royal  prero- 
gative. When  we  find  both  the  surnames  asso- 
ciated together  on  this  occasion,  we  may  reasonably 
suppose  they  are  the  same  persons  who  contracted 
the  obligation,  and  had  thought  the  present  a  very 
proper  opportunity  for  acting  upon  it  *. 

"  Hugh  de  Dundas  was  the  son  of  Serle  de  Dun- 
das,  who  swore  fealty  to  Edward  I.  in  1296  and  in 
1300.  His  son,  Sir  Hugh,,was  a  man  of  singular 
merit  and  fortitude,  and  joined  the  brave  Sir  Wil- 
liam Wallace  in  defence  of  the  liberties  of  Scotland, 
and  embraced  every  opportunity  to  exert  his  cou- 
rage against  the  enemies  of  his  country.  He  died 
in  the  reign  of  King  Robert  Bruce,  and  was  suc- 
ceeded by  his  son." — Douglas's  Scottish  Baronage. 

After  the  foregoing  brief  notices  of  the  early 
companions  of  Wallace,  the  curious  reader  may 
not  be  displeased,  if,  before  concluding  this  chapter, 
we  present  some  account  of  the  dress  and  armour 
in  which  our  hero  appeared  at  the  battle  of  Beg. 
The  following  description  is  from  The  Minstrel,  and 
is  given  with  a  minuteness  which  induces  a  belief 
that  it  is  a  literal  translation  from  the  work  of 

*  The  following  is  a  copy  of  the  "  band  of  manrent" 
alluded  to,  from  the  original  Latin,  in  the  possession  of  the 
family  of  Somerville. 

"  Be  it  kend  till  all  men  be  thir  present  letters,  me,  Sir 
Walter  of  Newbigging,  and  me,  Sir  David  of  Towie,  for  all 
the  dayes  of  our  lyves  to  be  obleidged  and  bound  be  the 
faith  of  our  bodies  and  thir  present  letters  in  mandred,  and 
sworne  counsell  as  brothers  in  law,  to  be  with  one  another 
in  all  actiones,  causes,  and  quarrills  pertaineing  to  us,  both 
in  peace  and  in  warr,  against  all  that  lyves  and  dyes,  except- 
ing our  alleadgeance  to  our  soveraigne  lord  the  king.  In 
witnes  of  the  whilk  thing,  and  of  ther  present  letters,  wee 
have  hung  to  our  sealles,  att  Aberdean,  the  twentieth  day  of 
Apryle,  the  year  of  God  1281,  before  ther  witnesses,  William 
Somervill,  our  brother,  and  John  Somervill  and  Thomas 
Stelfeir."  To  this  band  of  mandrey  is  appended  two  sealles, 
very  legible  and  knowne,  for  the  Somervills  and  Barclayes 
differed  nothing  from  what  they  are  at  present,  save  a  little 
in  the  placeing  of  the  armes." — Memorie  of  the  Somervills, 
vol.  i.  p.  75,  76. 


Blair,  so  often  mentioned  ; — it  is  at  least  of  value, 
not  only  from  its  containing  the  ideas  entertained 
on  the  subject  by  a  man  of  no  mean  genius,  upwards 
of  three  hundred  years  ago,  but  as  it  also  agrees 
with  the  description  elsewhere  handed  down,  of 
the  kind  of  armour  in  use  at  the  period  : — 

"  A  habergione  vndyr  his  goune  he  war, 
A  steylle  capleyne  in  his  bonet  but  mar ; 
His  glowis  of  plait  in  claith  war  couerit  weill, 
In  his  doublet  a  closs  coler  of  steyle  ; 
His  face  he  kepit,  for  it  was  euir  bar, 
With  his  twa  handis,  the  quhilk  full  worthi  war." 

Buke  Thryd,  p.  31. 

The  "  habergione  "  was  a  piece  of  defensive  armour 
early  in  use  among  .the  Scots,  and  even  worn  by 
some  Highlanders  and  Isle-men  so  late  as  the 
seventeenth  century.  It  was  a  sort  of  chain  or 
ringed  mail,  extremely  light  and  flexible,  allowing 
the  greatest  freedom  to  the  motions  of  the  wearer, 
and  was  equally  well  adapted  for  combat  on  foot  or 
on  horseback.  It  was  variously  constructed  ac- 
cording to  the  prevailing  taste.  The  most  approved 
were  those  brought  from  Asia  by  the  crusaders, 
in  the  early  part  of  the  reign  of  Alexander  III. 
They  consisted  of  four  rings  joined  to  a  fifth, 
and  all  rivetted  ; — they  were  sometimes  double. 
Towards  the  end  of  the  thirteenth  century,  this 
description  seems  to  have  been  in  general  use,  both 
in  England  and  Scotland.  They  had  the  form  of 
shirts,  and  were  quite  impervious  to  an  arrow. 

The  "  goune  "  which  the  Minstrel  alludes  to,  as 
covering  the  "  habergione,"  we  conceive  to  mean 
the  surcoat,  or  coat  of  arms, — a  fashion  introduced 
into  Britain  in  the  thirteenth  century.  It  is  thus 
described  by  Dr.  Meyrick  : — "  The  sui-coat,  which 
had  been  adopted  by  the  crusaders  in  the  thirteenth 
century,  to  prevent  their  armour  from  being  heated 
by  the  sun's  rays,  a  mode  still  continued  by  the 
Mamelukes  in  Egypt,  was  at  first  of  merely  varie- 
gated patterns,  but  soon  became  embellished  with 
the  same  armorial  bearings  as  the  shield  ; — hence, 
the  expression,  *  coat  of  arms.'  It  was  a  long  loose 
dress,  without  sleeves,  open  before  and  behind,  for 
the  convenience  of  riding,  and  girted  round  the 
waist  by  the  cingulum  militare,  or  belt.  It  was  put 
on  over  the  hauberk,  and  reached  to  the  neck; 
and  when  the  hood  was  placed  on  the  head,  it  was 
covered  by  it  as  far  as  the  shoulders.  The  front 
and  back  were  emblazoned  alike."  ' 

This  piece  of  dress  appears  to  have  been  the 
same  as  the  tabard.  It  is  thus  taken  notice  of  by 
Thomas  Hearne  :  "  Tabard,  a  jacket,  jerket,  man- 
dilion,  or  sleeveless  coat,  worne  in  times  past  by 
noblemen  in  the  warrs  ;  but  now  only  by  heralds, 
and  is  called  their  coat-of-arms  in  service."  Ver- 
stegan  tells  us,  in  his  Restitution  of  Decayed  Intel- 
ligence, "  That  tabert  was  anciently  a  short  gown, 
that  reached  no  further  than  the  mid-leg,  that  it 
remaineth  for  the  name  of  a  town  in  Germanie  and 
in  the  Netherlands,  and  that  in  England  it  is  now 
the  name  only  of  a  herald's  coat."  But  what  Stowe 
tells  us,  in  his  Survey  of  London,  is  more  remarkable, 
where,  talking  of  several  fair  inns  in  Southwark, 
he  takes  occasion  to  speak  of  the  Tabard  Inn  as 
the  most  ancient  of  them,  and  thereupon  writes 
thus  :  "  Amongst  the  which  inn  es,  the  most  ancient 
is  the  Tabard,  so  called  of  the  signe,  which,  as  wee 
now  term  it,  is  of  a  jacket,  or  sleevelesse  coate, 
whole  before,  open  on  both  sides,  with  a  square 


2« 


LIFE  OF  SIR  WILLIAM  WALLACE. 


[CHAP.  v. 


collar;  winged  at  the  shoulders  :  a  stately  garment, 
of  old  time  commonly  worne  of  noblemen  and 
others,  both  at  home  and  abroad  in  the  wars  ;  but 
then  (to  wit,  in  the  warres)  their  armes  embroid- 
ered, or  otherwise  depict  upon  them,  that  every 
man  by  his  coate  of  armes  might  bee  knowne  from 
others  :  but  now  these  tabards  are  onely  worne  by 
the  heralds,  and  bee  called  their  coates-of-armes  in 
service."  Allusion  is  also  made,  by  Wyntown,  to 
the  tabard  of  John  Baliol,  who,  on  being  stripped  of 
the  ensigns  of  royalty  by  his  magnanimous  con- 
queror, the  "  pelure"  or  fur,  was  also  torn  from 
his  tabard.  The  passage  is  curious  : 

"  This  Jhon  the  Balliol  on  purpos 
He  tuk,  and  browcht  hym  til  Mwnros  ; 
And  in  the  castell  of  that  Town, 
That  than  wes  famows  in  renown, 
This  Jhon  the  Ballyol  dyspoylyd  he 
Of  all  hys  Robys  of  Ryalte. 
The  Pelure  thai  tuk  off  hys  Tabart, 
(Twnie  Tabart  he  wes  callyt  eftyrwart.)" 

Wyntown,  vol.  ii.  p.  88. 


The  "  steylle  capleyne"  it  is  very  likely,  may 
have  been  taken  from  the  "chapelle  de  for,"  or 
"  iron  hat,"  which,  the  same  writer  says,  had  a  rim 
and  convex  crown,  and  was  worn  over  the  capu- 
chon  or  hood.  u  After  being  placed  on  the  head, 
it  was  kept  from  turning  round,  when  struck,  by 
cords,  with  which  it  was  fastened  to  the  shoulders. 
The  effigy  of  Sir  Roger  de  Trompington  not  only 
gives  its  form,  but  shows  that  it  was  sometimes 
held  to  the  body  by  means  of  a  chain.  It  was 
ornamented  in  front  with  a  cross  fleury,  the  trans- 
verse bar  of  which  was  pierced  with  occularia,  or 
openings  for  the  sight."  That  worn  by  Wallace, 
however,  does  not  appear  to  have  had  this  advan- 
tage, for 

"  His  face  he  kepit,  for  it  was  euir  bar, 
With  his  twa  handis." 

The  limbs  were  usually  defended  at  this  time, 
by  being  encased  in  boiled  leather,  on  which  knee- 
plates  of  iron,  and  guards  for  the  shin-bones,  were 
fixed  ;  these,  with  a  round  or  triangular  shield, 
painted  with  the  armorial  bearings  of  the  wearer, 
formed  the  defensive  armour  of  the  period. 

Wallace's  favourite  weapon  appears  to  have  been 
along  and  ponderous  two-handed  sword,  which 
his  prodigious  strength  enabled  him  to  wield  with 
the  greatest  ease  *.  The  mace  and  spear  were 

*  Respecting  the  armour  and  sword  of  Wallace,  Doctor 
Jamieson  has  the  following  note.  "  In  the  Castle  of  Dun- 
barton,  they  pretend  to  show  the  mail,  and,  if  I  mistake  not, 
also  the  sword  of  Wallace.  If  he  was  confined  in  that  for- 
tress by  Monteith,  before  being  sent  into  England,  as  some 
have  supposed,  it  is  not  improbable  that  his  armour  might 
be  left  there.  The  popular  belief  on  this  head,  however,  is 
very  strong ;  of  which  I  recollect  a  singular  proof,  which 
took  place  many  years  ago,  and  of  which  I  was  an  eye- 
witness. In  the  procession  of  King  Crispin,  at  Glasgow,  his 
Majesty  was  always  preceded  by  one  on  horseback,  appearing 
as  his  champion.  In  former  times,  this  champion  of  the 
awl  thought  it  enough  to  wear  a  leathern  jerkin,  formed  like 
one  of  mail.  One  fellow,  however,  was  appointed,  of  a  more 
aspiring  genius  than  his  predecessors,  who  was  determined 
to  appear  in  real  mail ;  and  who,  having  sent  to  Dunbarton 
Castle,  and  hired  the  use  of  Wallace's  armour  for  a  day, 
made  his  perambulations  with  it  through  the  streets  of 
Glasgow.  I  can  never  forget  the  ghastly  appearance  of  this 


also  at  times  used  by  him  ;  and  for  close  rencoun- 
ters in  castles,  peels,  and  other  confined  situations, 
he  was  furnished  with  a  dagger  for  each  hand,  of  a 
particular  kind,  having  guards,  which  extended 
above  the  wrist,  between  which  the  hand  passed  ; 
and  grasping  a  transverse  bar  about  an  inch  from 
the  spring  of  the  dagger,  the  weapon  projected 
from  the  centre  of  the  first,  like  the  horn  of  an 
unicorn.  This  sort  of  dagger  was  often  attached, 
by  a  kind  of  hinge,  to  the  arm-plate,  and  could  be 
folded  back  under  the  arm  between  the  wrist  and 
the  elbow  when  not  in  use,  and  secured  and  con- 
cealed in  that  position  by  the  cloth  gloves,  which 
our  hero  appeai-s  to  have  worn  over  his  "  glowis  of 
plate  *." 

poor  man,  who  was  so  chilled  and  overburdened  by  the  armour, 
that,  as  the  procession  moved,  he  was  under  the  necessity 
of  frequently  supporting  himself  with  a  cordial.  It  was  said 
that  he  took  to  bed  immediately  after  the  termination  of 
this  procession,  and  never  rose  from  it.  From  that  time 
forward,  his  successors  in  office  were  content  to  wear  the 
proper  badge  of  their  profession." — Dr.  Jamieson' s  Notes  on 
Blind  Harry. 

On  this  extract  from  the  Doctor's  invaluable  work,  the 
writer  has  to  remark,  that  information  derived  from  inquiry 
made  on  the  subject,  does  not  entirely  confirm  the  correct- 
ness of  all  the  statements  that  extract  contains.  That  a 
man  in  real  armour  figured  in  the  procession  of  King  Crispin 
at  Glasgow,  about  forty  years  ago,  is  a  well-known  fact ;  but 
that  the  armour  had  belonged  to  Wallace,  is  any  thing  but 
certain.  If  so  precious  a  deposit  had  been  in  the  charge  of 
the  Governor  of  Dumbarton  Castle,  it  is  conceived  he  must 
have  possessed  more  good  nature  than  became  his  situation, 
if  he  lent  it  out  to  grace  any  such  fooleries.  Certain  it  is,  if 
such  armour  was  in  Dumbarton  Castle  at  the  time,  it  is 
unknown  to  those  connected  with  the  garrison  at  present ; 
and  we  cannot  conceive  that  a  relic,  so  valuable  in  the  esti- 
mation of  the  public,  would  have  totally  disappeared,  with- 
out its  being  known  what  had  become  of  it.  The  inquiries 
of  the  writer  enable  him  to  state,  that  the  mail  used  on  this 
occasion  was  lent  to  the  followers  of  King  Crispin  by  a  gen- 
tleman belonging  to  Glasgow,  of  the  name  of  Wilsone.  It 
was  plate-armour  and  highly-polished.  The  sons  of  the  awl, 
however,  had  a  taste  of  their  own  in  such  matters,  and  took 
the  liberty  of  painting  it  in  oil,  of  a  colour  more  to  their 
fancy.  But  on  being  returned  in  this  altered  condition,  it 
was  thrown  aside  by  the  indignant  proprietor.  All  that  they 
pretend  to  show  in  the  Castle  of  Dumbarton,  as  having 
belonged  to  Wallace,  is  a  sword  of  a  very  antique  fashion, 
intended  to  be  used  in  both  hands,  but  by  no  means  of  a 
weight  that  would  prevent  men  of  ordinary  strength  of  the 
present  day  from  wielding  it.  There  is  no  proof,  however, 
that  it  belonged  to  the  Deliverer  of  Scotland  ;  and,  if  we  may 
credit  the  account  given  by  old  people,  of  its  having  been 
dragged  up  from  the  bottom  of  the  Clyde  by  the  anchor  of  a 
vessel  about  sixty  years  ago,  its  identity  becomes  more  than 
doubtful.  Such,  however,  is  the  prevalence  of  the  report  in 
its  favour,  that  it  was  some  time  since  sent  to  London  for 
the  inspection  of  certain  official  characters  connected  with 
the  Board  of  Ordnance.  At  the  time  it  was  sent  off,  it 
wanted  several  inches  of  its  length,  which,  it  seems,  had 
been  broke  off  by  some  accident.  Whatever  may  have  been 
the  opinion  of  those  to  whom  it  Avas  sent,  respecting  its  con- 
nection with  Wallace,  we  know  not;  but  as  they  were  at 
the  trouble  of  getting  it  repaired,  in  a  manner  that  reflects 
credit  on  the  talents  of  the  artist,  and  returning  it  with  a 
handsome  scabbard,  they  have  at  least  paid  a  compliment  to 
the  prejudice  in  its  favour. 

*  A  specimen  of  this  formidable  weapon  the  writer  has 
seen  in  the  Museum  at  Inverness. 


CHAP.  VI.] 


THE  PEEL  OF  GARGUNNOCK  TAKEN. 


29 


Having  said  thus  much  of  the  dress  and  equip- 
ment of  Wallace,  the  following  anecdote  respecting 
his  strength  and  personal  appearance,  may  not  be 
unacceptable  to  the  reader  ;  it  is  translated  from 
Hector  Boe'ce  by  the  learned  editor  of  Morrison's 
edition  of  Blind  Harry,  who  thus  introduces  it. 
"  Though  this  author  (Boe'ce)  in  general  is  not 
much  to  be  credited,  yet  it  would  be  hard  not  to 
believe  him  in  an  instance  which  happened  near 
his  own  time,  and  in  which,  if  he  had  spoken 
falsely,  he  could  immediately  have  been  detected. 
The  anecdote  in  another  respect  is  curious,  as  it 
affords  an  example  of  longevity,  not  unsimilar  to 
that  of  the  Irish  Countess  of  Desmond,  who  at- 
tained a  still  more  advanced  age. 

"The  date  is  the  year  1430.  At  that  time, 
James  I.  was  in  Perth  ;  and  perhaps  having  heard 
Henry  the  Minstrel*  recite  some  of  Wallace's 
exploits,  found  his  curiosity  excited  to  visit  a  noble 
lady  of  great  age,  who  was  able  to  inform  him  of 
many  ancient  matters.  She  lived  in  the  castle  of 
Kinnoul,  on  the  opposite  side  of  the  river,  and  was 
probably  a  widow  of  one  of  the  Lords  of  Erskine, 
a  branch  of  whose  family  continued  to  be  denomi- 
nated from  the  barony  of  Kinnoul,  till  about  the 
year  1440.  It  was  Boece's  manner  to  relate  an 
event  as  circumstantially  as  if  he  had  been  one  of 
the  parties,  and  engaged  in  it ;  I  shall  therefore 
give  the  anecdote  in  his  own  manner,  by  translating 
his  words  : 

"  '  In  consequence  of  her  extreme  old  age,  she 
had  lost  her  sight,  but  all  her  other  senses  were 
entire  ;  and  her  body  was  yet  firm  and  lively  ; 
she  had  seen  William  Wallace  and  Robert  Bruce, 
and  frequently  told  particulars  concerning  them. 
The  King,  who  entertained  a  love  and  veneration 
of  greatness,  resolved  to  visit  the  old  lady,  that  he 
might  hear  her  describe  the  manners  and  strength 
of  the  two  heroes,  who  were  admired  in  his  time,  as 
they  now  are  in  ours.  He  therefore  sent  a  mes- 
sage, acquainting  her  that  he  was  to  come  to  her 
next  day.  She  received  the  message  gratefully, 
and  gave  immediate  orders  to  her  handmaids  to 
prepare  every  thing  for  his  reception  in  the  best 
manner,  particularly  that  they  should  display  her 
pieces  of  tapestry,  some  of  which  were  uncommonly 
rich  and  beautiful.  All  her  servants  became  busily 
employed,  for  their  work  was  in  some  degree  un- 
usual, as  she  had  not  for  a  long  time  been  accus- 
tomed to  receive  princely  visitors.  The  next  day, 
when  told  the  King  was  approaching,  she  went 
down  into  the  hall  of  her  castle,  dressed  with  as 
much  elegance  and  finery  as  her  old  age  and  the 
fashion  of  the  time  would  permit ;  attended  by  a 
train  of  matrons,  many  of  whom  were  her  own 
descendants,  of  which  number  some  appeared  more 
altered  and  disfigured  by  age  than  she  herself  was. 
One  of  her  matrons  having  informed  her  that  the 
king  was  entering  the  hall,  she  arose  from  her  seat, 
and  advanced  to  meet  him  so  easily  and  gracefully, 

*  According  to  Pinkerton  and  other  authorities,  Henry 
did  not  finish  his  work  till  1470.  It  is  therefore  more  pro- 
bable that  the  curiosity  of  James  was  excited  by  the  original 
narrative  of  Blair ;  a  book  which,  from  his  long  captivity  in 
England,  he  had  perhaps  heard  little  about,  till  his  return 
to  Scotland.  The  rehearsal,  therefore,  of  the  heroic  achieve- 
ments of  his  illustrious  countryman,  may  have  produced  all 
the  excitement  which  the  Editor  of  the  Perth  edition  sup- 
poses, though  not  made  by  the  Minstrel. 


that  he  doubted  of  her  being  wholly  blind.  At  his 
desire  she  embraced  and  kissed  him.  Her  atten- 
dant assured  him  that  she  was  wholly  blind  ;  but 
that,  from  long  custom,  she  had  acquired  these 
easy  movements.  He  took  her  by  the  hand  and 
sat  down,  desiring  her  to  sit  on  the  same  seat  next 
to  him.  And  then,  in  a  long  conference,  he  inter- 
rogated her  respecting  ancient  matters.  He  was 
much  delighted  with  her  conversation.  Among 
other  things,  he  asked  her  to  tell  him  what  sort  of 
a  man  William  Wallace  was  ?  what  was  his  per- 
sonal figure  1  what  his  courage  ?  and  with  what 
degree  of  strength  he  was  endowed  ?  He  put  the 
same  questions  to  her  concerning  Bruce.  Robert, 
she  said,  was  a  man  beautiful,  and  of  a  fine  appear- 
ance. His  strength  was  so  great,  that  he  could 
easily  have  overcome  any  mortal  man  of  his  time  : 
but  in  so  far  as  he  excelled  other  men,  he  was 
excelled  by  Wallace,  both  in  stature  and  in  bodily 
strength  ;  for,  in  wrestling,  Wallace  could  have 
overcome  two  such  men  as  Robert  was. 

"  '  The  King  made  some  inquiries  concerning 
his  own  immediate  parents,  and  his  other  ancestors ; 
and  having  heard  her  relate  many  things,  returned 
to  Perth,  well  pleased  with  the  visit  he  had  made.' " 
(Bom.  Hist.  i.  xvii.) 


CHAPTER  VI. 

PEEL  OF  GARGUNNOCK  TAKEN  BY  THE  SCOTS — THE 
BKABFUTES  OF  LAMINGTON  OPPRESSED  BY  THE 
ENGLISH — THE  ORPHAN  OF  LAMINGTON — SIR  RAY- 
NALD  CRAWFORD  SUMMONED  TO  GLASGOW — WALLACE 
CAPTURES  THE  BAGGAGE  OF  PERCY — RETIRES  TO 

LENNOX VARIOUS       RENCOUNTERS       WITH       THE 

ENGLISH. 

THE  Scottish  insurgents,  being  now  abundantly 
supplied  with  all  the  munitions  of  war,  and  animated 
by  their  success  to  the  highest  pitch  of  enthusiasm, 
became  impatient  to  prosecute  hostilities  against 
their  oppressors  ;  and  their  leader,  who  was  not  of 
a  character  to  allow  the  swords  of  brave  men  to 
rust  in  their  scabbards,  soon  found  them  an  oppor- 
tunity to  gratify  their  wishes. 

At  Gargunnock,  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Stirling, 
the  English  had  erected  a  small  fortification  or  peel, 
which  they  had  plentifully  furnished  with  provi- 
sions. Some  of  the  Scots  in  that  quarter,  who 
secretly  adhered  to  Wallace,  observed  the  care- 
lessness which  at  times  prevailed  in  setting  the 
watch,  and  that  the  drawbridge  was  occasionally  left 
down  all  night,  for  the  purpose  of  admitting,  in  the 
morning,  the  labourers  who  were  still  employed 
about  it, — conveyed  the  intelligence  to  their  chief, 
who  resolved  to  make  himself  master  of  the  place 
the  following  night.  Accordingly,  two  spies  were 
despatched  to  ascertain  the  probability  of  success. 
Towards  evening  a  column  of  smoke  was  seen 
rising  from  a  neighbouring  hill :  it  was  the  signal 
agreed  upon,  if  the  party  were  to  advance.  Wal- 
lace instantly  set  his  men  in  motion,  and  about 
midnight  arrived  in  front  of  the  place  which  was 
the  object  of  attack.  As  they  expected,  the  draw- 
bridge was  down,  but  they  found  the  door  strongly 
secured  within.  Impatient  at  the  delay  this  occa- 
sioned, our  hero  raised  a  heavy  piece  of  timber, 
and,  rushing  with  it  against  the  door,  the  fastenings 


30 


LIFE  OF  SIR  WILLIAM  WALLACE. 


[CHAP.  vi. 


gave  way  with  a  violence  that  loosened  the  stones, 
not  yet  properly  cemented,  and  nearly  a  yard  of 
the  wall  came  tumbling  to  the  ground.  The  porter, 
awakened  by  the  noise,  attempted  to  strike  him 
with  a  ponderous  mace.  Wallace  avoided  the 
blow  ;  and,  before  he  could  recover  his  unwieldy 
weapon,  laid  him  lifeless  at  his  feet.  Thornton, 
the  captain  of  the  garrison,  now  appeared,  with  the 
men  under  his  command  ;  but  the  Scots  had  got 
too  firm  footing  within  the  fort,  to  be  easily  ex- 
pelled. After  a  sanguinary  conflict,  in  which  the 
captain  fell  by  the  hand  of  Wallace,  the  garrison 
were  put  to  the  sword,  with  the  exception  of  the 
women  and  children,  who  received  from  the  victors 
as  much  courtesy  as  the  rudeness  of  the  age 
entitled  them  to  expect.  The  wife  and  three 
children  of  Thornton,  after  being  supplied  with 
what  necessaries  they  required,  were  allowed  to 
depart  along  with  the  other  females,  and  furnished 
with  a  pass  from  Wallace,  by  which  they  could 
proceed  in  safety  to  any  of  the  towns  in  the  pos- 
session of  the  English.  The  Scots  found  in  the 
peel  of  Gargunnock  *  abundance  of  all  kinds  of 
necessaries,  with  a  large  sum  of  money,  which 
Wallace  divided  equally  among  his  followers  ;  and, 
after  distributing  what  part  of  the  stores  they  did 
not  require  among  his  oppressed  countrymen  in 
the  neighbourhood,  he  demolished  the  fortifica- 
tion, and  proceeded  with  his  companions  on 
their  crusade  against  the  enemies  of  their  inde- 
pendence. 

,  Though  Wallace  was  thus  actively  engaged  in 
harassing  the  enemies  of  the  country,  the  calami- 
ties and  acts  of  oppression  with  which  particular 
families  or  individuals  were  visited,  neither  escaped 
his  attention,  nor  failed  to  call  forth  that  inter- 
ference which  their  circumstances  demanded ;  and, 
amid  the  many  cases  of  private  suffering  which 
came  under  his  notice,  none  appeared  to  affect  him 
more  deeply  than  the  desolation  which  had  over- 
taken a  respectable  and  ancient  family  in  the 
neighbourhood  of  Lanark.  Hew  de  Bradfute,  a 
zealous  advocate  for  the  liberties  of  Scotland,  pos- 
sessed the  lands  of  Lamington,  and  left  them  at 
his  death  to  his  son,  who  had  imbibed,  with  all  the 
ardour  of  youth,  that  love  of  liberty  so  fondly  che- 
rished by  his  father.  For  some  display  of  these 
patriotic  feelings,  he  had  incurred  the  displeasure 
of  Hasilrig,  or  Hasliope,  the  English  governor  of 
Lanark,  who  found  a  pretext  for  attacking  him  in 
his  castle,  and  put  him,  along  with  a  number  of  his 
friends,  to  the  sword.  The  house  and  lands  of 
Lamington  now  became  the  right  of  a  surviving 
sister.  The  youth  and  beauty  of  this  young  gen- 
tlewoman attracted  the  notice  of  the  murderer  of 
her  friends  ;  and,  under  the  pretence  of  a  regard 
for  her  safety,  obliged  her  to  take  up  her  residence 
in  Lanark.  For  this  protection,  considerable  sums 
were,  from  time  to  time,  levied  upon  her  property. 
The  cupidity  of  Hasilrig,  not  satisfied  with  these 
;  exactions,  intended  her  as  a  match  either  for  him- 


*  A  little  south  of  the  village,  there  is  a  conical  height 
called  Kin-hill,  which  is  evidently  artificial,  and  seems  to 
have  been  a  military  work.  There  are  the  remains  of  a  ditch 
or  rampart  of  a  circular  form,  which  proves  that  it  is  not  of 
Roman  origin.  It  is  probably  of  later  date,  and  appears  to 
have  been  the  place  from  which  Sir  William  Wallace  sallied 
forth  on  the  night  when  he  took  by  surprise  the  Peel  of 
Gargunnock.''— Stat.  Ace.  xviii.  116,  117. 


self  or  his  son  ;  and  the  helpless  girl  had  no  means 
of  averting  this  hateful  connection,  but  by  pleading 
for  delay,  till  her  grief  for  her  slaughtered  kindred 
had  abated.  Every  indulgence  of  this  kind  was 
accompanied  by  a  fresh  exaction  on  her  property, 
till  the  victim  of  his  avarice  became  an  object  of 
commiseration  even  to  those  who  were  themselves 
suffering  under  the  hand  of  the  oppressor.  Henry 
draws  a  most  fascinating  picture  of  this  lovely 
orphan  ;  and  we  have  no  reason  to  doubt  the 
assemblage  of  virtues  and  graces  in  which  he  has 
arrayed  her  person  and  character,  particularly  as 
he  is  borne  out  in  what  he  says  by  the  Prior  of 
St.  Serf's,  and  other  respectable  authorities. 

While  attending  her  religious  duties  at  a  church 
near  Lanark,  Wallace  first  saw  this  interesting 
female.  The  beauty  of  her  person,  the  grace  and 
propriety  of  her  demeanour,  added  to  her  forlorn 
situation,  excited  the  tenderest  sensations  in  the 
bosom  of  our  hero.  A  circumstance,  however, 
which  occurred  about  this  juncture,  served  to 
divide  his  attention  with  the  fair  object  of  his 
solicitude. 

For  the  purpose  of  levying  fresh  assessments  on 
certain  districts  of  the  country,  an  extraordinary 
council  of  the  English  authorities  was  appointed  to 
meet  with  the  Bishop  of  Durham  at  Glasgow, 
which  see  had  been  now  occupied  by  this  ambi- 
tious ecclesiastic.  Sir  Raynald  Crawford,  the 
uncle  of  our  hero,  though  long  since  deprived  of 
his  commission,  was  summoned  to  attend  as  sheriff 
of  Ayr  in  right  of  his  birth.  Whether  this  was  an 
indirect  attempt  to  conciliate  Wallace,  or  if  it  was 
merely  done  on  the  supposition  that  the  Scots 
would  submit  to  their  imposts  with  more  patience 
if  some  of  their  countrymen  appeared  as  the 
assessors,  cannot  now  be  distinctly  ascertained. 
The  sheriff,  however,  prepared  to  obey  the  man- 
date ;  while  his  nephew,  always  suspicious  of  the 
intentions  of  the  English,  resolved,  along  with  two 
of  his  followers,  to  watch  over  the  safety  of  his 
relative,  and  observe  the  motions  of  the  enemy. 
In  those  times  the  accommodations  for  travellers 
were  far  from  complete.  With  the  exception  of 
convents,  such  houses  of  entertainment  as  might 
be  found  on  the  roads,  afforded  them  little  more 
than  shelter -from  the  inclemency  of  the  weather  ; 
and  travellers  who  came  to  spend  the  night,  were 
expected  to  bring  their  food  and  other  necessaries 
along  with  them,  particularly  those  who  journeyed 
with  retinues.  Under  such  circumstances,  Sir 
Raynald's  party  were  provided  with  a  sumpter- 
horse  to  carry  their  provisions. 

They  had  not  proceeded  far,  before  they  came 
up  with  the  servants  of  Percy,  conducting  his  bag- 
gage. One  of  their  horses  having  met  with  an  ac- 
cident, they  stopped  the  sheriff's  party,  and  in- 
sisted on  having  their  sumpter-horse,  in  order  to 
supply  the  place  of  the  one  that  had  become  dis- 
abled. It  was  in  vain  to  remonstrate  with  those 
who  had  the  power,  and  were  determined  to  do  an 
act  of  injustice.  Wallace,  from  a  distance,  saw  the 
load  rudely  thrown  from  the  back  of  the  horse,  and 
the  animal  carried  off.  The  sheriff,  in  conse- 
quence, had  to  remain  at  Mearns  for  the  night. 

The  convoy  that  protected  the  baggage  of  Percy 
consisted  of  five  of  his  personal  retainers,  and  had 
reached  the  vicinity  of  the  little  township  of  Cath- 
cart,  when  they  heard  the  noise  of  our  hero's  steed 
behind  them,  followed  by  his  companions  ;  but  as 


CHAP.  VI.] 


SKIRMISHES  WITH  THE  ENGLISH. 


31 


there  appeared  to  be  only  three  to  five,  the  Eng- 
lish determined  to  stand  on  their  defence.  The 
contest,  however,  was  soon  decided  ;  and  the  Eng- 
lish, from  the  loopholes  of  the  neighbouring  castle 
of  Cathcart,  saw  their  countrymen  slaughtered, 
and  the  baggage  under  their  protection  rifled  or 
carried  off,  without  venturing  to  quit  their  strong- 
hold. Money  and  other  valuables,  to  a  consider- 
able amount,  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  victors,  who 
lost  no  time  in  making  their  way  towards  Glasgow, 
in  order  to  cross  the  Clyde  at  that  place,  and  thus 
effect  their  retreat  into  the  Lennox  before  Percy 
could  be  apprised  of  his  loss. 

Having  effected  their  object,  they  sheltered 
themselves  for  the  night  in  the  neighbourhood  of 
Dumbarton,  and  on  the  morrow  proceeded  to- 
wards the  wilds  of  the  Lomond.  Here  Wallace 
was  joyfully  received  by  Malcolm  Earl  of  Lennox, 
who,  with  a  number  of  his  trusty  tenantry,  main- 
tained, amid  the  fastnesses  of  that  romantic  dis- 
trict, a  protracted,  and  sometimes  a  successful 
struggle,  for  their  independence.  This  nobleman 
offered  to  place  his  followers  under  the  command 
of  Sir  William,  provided  he  would  remain  among 
them  for  the  defence  of  the  Lennox.  His  mind, 
however,  was  too  deeply  impressed  with  a  desire 
for  the  general  good  of  his  country,  to  allow  him  to 
think  of  confining  his  exertions  within  the  limits 
proposed.  On  explaining  his  plan  of  warfare  to 
this  worthy  chieftain,  he  found  no  difficulty  in 
gaining  him  over  to  his  views,  and  inducing  him 
to  co-operate  in  extending  the  spirit  of  insurrec- 
tion, as  well  as  to  create  a  more  powerful  diversion 
in  favour  of  those  who  were  already  embarked  in 
the  cause.  With  this  understanding,  Wallace  took 
his  departure,  accompanied  by  a  number  of  his 
companions,  who  had  resorted  to  him  on  discover- 
ing the  place  of  his  retreat. 

The  mortification  of  Percy,  on  receiving  the  ac- 
counts of  the  capture  of  his  baggage,  was  consider- 
ably increased  by  the  subsequent  proceedings  of 
Wallace  and  his  partisans.  An  express  had  just 
reached  Glasgow,  announcing  the  fate  of  the  gar- 
rison of  Gargunnock  when  another  made  his  ap- 
pearance, giving  an  account  of  the  slaughter  of  a 
party  of  English  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Doune. 
Sir  Raynald  Crawford,  who  had  been  put  under  an 
arrest  on  suspicion  of  being  concerned  in  the  affair 
at  Cathcart,  was  now  ordered  before  the  council, 
and,  though  he  had  been  able  to  establish  an  alibi 
with  regard  to  the  offence  charged  against  him, 
yet,  after  being  strictly  interrogated  as  to  his  know- 
ledge of  his  nephew's  places  of  concealment,  he 
was  forced. to  take  an  oath  against  affording  him 
shelter,  or  holding  any  correspondence  with  him, 
directly  or  indirectly,  so  long  as  he  remained  under 
the  ban  of  outlawry  ;  he  was  also  sworn  to  afford 
the  English  all  the  information  in  his  power,  in 
order  that  means  might  be  taken  for  bringing  him 
to  punishment. 

While  Percy  and  his  coadjutor  were  thus  em- 
ployed at  Glasgow,  Wallace  and  his  followers  were 
concerting  measures,  in  the  depths  of  Methven 
Wood,  for  an  attack  on  a  body  of  English  troops 
which  were  to  leave  St.  Johnstone  on  the  day  fol- 
lowing ;  in  order  to  proceed  to  Kincleven  Castle, 
headed  by  an  old  veteran  knight  named  Butler, 
who  had  rendered  himself  peculiarly  obnoxious  to 
the  Scots  by  the  cruelties  which  he  had  inflicted 
upon  them.  Intelligence  of  this  intended  move- 


ment was  communicated  to  Wallace,  who,  having 
disguised  himself  in  the  dress  of  a  borderer,  got 
introduced  into  St.  Johnstone  under  the  name  of 
William  Malcolmson.  The  mayor,  before  whom 
he  had  to  appear,  was  so  well  pleased  with  his 
humorous  conversation,  and  the  account  which 
he  gave  of  himself,  that  he  allowed  him  to  go  in 
search  of  the  employment  he  pretended  to  have 
come  in  quest  of.  By  this  means  he  had  all  the 
facilities  he  could  desire  for  becoming  acquainted 
with  the  strength  and  condition  of  the  garrison. 
Having  ascertained  the  intended  removal  of  the 
troops  alluded  to,  he  hastened  back  to  his  retreat 
in  the  woods,  where,  sounding  his  horn,  he  rallied 
his  associates  around  him,  and  found  them  all 
willing  to  engage  in  the  enterprise. 

Sir  James  Butler,  who  was  esteemed  one  of  the 
bravest  old  warriors  among  the  English,  had  on 
this  occasion  about  a  hundred  choice  soldiers  under 
his  command.  With  this  force  he  was  quietly  pro- 
ceeding, amid  the  thick  haze  of  the  morning,  to 
reinforce  the  garrison  of  Kincleven,  when,  from 
behind  a  rock  that  projected  over  the  road,  he  was 
suddenly  assailed  by  the  Scots.  The  confusion 
occasion  by  their  unexpected  attack,  disconcerted 
the  English  commander,  and  before  he  could 
recover  his  troops  from  their  consternation,  a  fresh 
charge  threw  them  into  complete  disorder.  The 
strength  and  valour  of  the  undaunted  champion  of 
the  Scots  rendered  the  advantage  which  their  ene- 
mies possessed,  in  point  of  numbers,  of  little  avail. 
It  must,  however,  be  allowed,  that  the  disparity  in 
this  instance  was  not  so  great  as  in  some  previous 
rencounters  :  Wallace,  according  to  some  accounts, 
having  near  sixty  hardy  warriors  under  his  com- 
mand, most  part  of  whom  had  distinguished  them- 
selves on  former  occasions.  Kerle  or  Kerle,  to 
whom  he  had  presented  the  mace  or  staff  of  steel, 
taken  from  the  porter  at  the  Peel  of  Gargunnock, 
displayed  on  this  occasion  the  most  determined 
bravery ;  his  formidable  weapon  being  wielded 
with  a  dexterity  which  admirably  seconded  the 
efforts  of  our  hero.  Sixteen  of  the  English  had 
fallen  beneath  the  swords  of  the  Scots  ;  but  when 
Wallace  came  in  contact  with  Sir  James  Butler, 
the  conflict  was  of  short  duration.  The  old  veteran 
was  no  match  for  the  young  patriot ;  and  on  seeing 
their  chief  fall  beneath  the  arm  of  his  adversary, 
the  rout  of  the  English  became  general.  The 
disordered  rabble  fled  in  terror  towards  Kincleven, 
from  the  battlements  of  which  their  discomfiture 
had  been  observed  ;  and  those  within  hastened  to 
let  down  the  drawbridge  to  receive  and  shelter 
their  flying  countrymen.  Onwards  came  the  con- 
fused mass  of  friends  and  foes, — the'  shouts  of  the 
victors  mingled  with  the  cries  of  the  vanquished, 
and  thundering  over  the  drawbridge,  the  pursued 
and  their  pursuers  entered  the  castle  together. 
The  few  soldiers  that  were  in  the  place  could  render 
them  but  little  assistance  in  making  head  against 
their  enemies  ;  and  the  whole,  with  the  exception 
of  two  priests,  and  some  women  and  children, 
were  indiscriminately  put  to  the  sword. 

Having  cleared  the  place  of  the  dead  bodies  of 
the  English,  and  taken  precautions  against  a  sur- 
prise during  the  time  they  might  remain,  they  pro- 
ceeded to  search  the  castle,  in  which  was  found  a 
rich  booty  in  money,  besides  a  plentiful  stock  of 
provisions  and  other  stores.  A  part  of  this  valu- 
able pillage  they  conveyed  by  night  to  Shortwood 


LIFE  OF  SIR  WILLIAM  WALLACE. 


[CHAP.  vi. 


Forest,  where  they  prepared  pits*  and  other 
places  for  its  concealment,  there  to  remain  as  a 
resource  against  future  emergencies. 

The  nonjurors  under  Wallace  were  not  as  yet 
sufficiently  numerous  to  enable  him  to  put  garri- 
sons in  those  fortresses  which  fell  into  his  hands. 
It  was  therefore  wisely  determined  to  demolish 
every  place  of  strength  that  was  likely  to  afford 
their  enemies  a  footing  in  the  country.  Hardy 
themselves,  and  inured  to  the  inclemency  of  the 
weather,  they  cared  little  for  those  comforts  which 
were  indispensable  to  their  more  luxurious  neigh- 
bours. In  summer,  the  forest  spread  its  leafy 
canopy  over  their  slumbers  ;  and,  in  winter, 
their  robust  and  sinewy  frames  felt  little  in- 
convenience, though  exposed,  in  their  dens  and 
caverns,  to  all  the  rigour  of  the  merciless  ele- 
ments. Such  men  heard  with  indifference,  and 
executed  with  alacrity,  the  command  which  their 
leader  gave  for  the  destruction  of  Kincleven 


*  The  concealing  of  money  and  other  valuables  in  the 
earth,  appears  to  have  been  a  very  common  practice  in  Scot- 
land, during  the  calamitous  periods  of  her  history;  and 
many  an  instance  has  been  recorded  of  little  depots  coming 
to  light ;  which  it  is  very  probable  were  composed  of  the 
hard-earned  plunder  of  the  military  adventurer,  whose 
ambition,  avarice,  or  duty,  called  him  off  to  other  fields, 
where  he  and  his  secret  perished  together. 

From  the  many  notices  we  have  seen  of  the  discovery  of 
hidden  treasures,  we  shall  select  the  following,  as  alluding 
more  particularly  to  the  period  embraced  in  our  narrative. 
We  cannot,  however,  agree  with  the  learned  Editor  in  the 
opinion,  that  the  coins  in  question  were  hidden  by  the  sol- 
diers of  Edward ;  they  held  the  country  by  too  precarious 
a  tenure  to  make  such  deposits.  It  is  more  likely  to  have 
been  the  share  of  booty  belonging  to  some  patriot  Scot,  who 
had  afterwards  fallen  in  the  cause  of  his  country's  inde- 
pendence. "  There  was  lately  found,  on  the  farm  of  Mr. 
Rankine,  of  Whitehall,  parish  of  New  Cumnock,  Ayrshire, 
by  a  person  employed  in  turning  up  the  ground  with  a 
spade,  about  two  feet  from  the  surface,  a  small  vase,  of 
antique  form,  similar  to  those  in  the  Englefield  Collection, 
and  of  very  coarse  materials,  containing  about  a  hundred 
silver  pennies  of  Alexander  III.  of  Scotland,  and  Edward  I. 
of  England,  in  good  preservation,  having  the  head  and 
characters  distinctly  legible.  The  English  coins  were  more 
numerous  than  the  Scotch.  Those  of  Alexander  represent 
him  in  profile,  as  do  all  the  coins  of  his  reign,  and  have 
round  the  head,  Alexander  Dei  Gra.;  and  on  the  other  side, 
Rex  Scotorum,  with  a  cross  extending  to  the  edge,  and  a 
spur  level  in  each  of  the  quarters.  This  coin  is  No.  33, 
first  page  of  plates  appended  to  Adam  de  Cardonnel's 
Numismata  Scotice.  Those  of  Edward  represent  him  in  full 
face,  with  Ediv.  Ang.;  Dus  Hyb. ;  and  on  the  reverse  of  the 
diiferent  coins,  Civitas  Cantor,  Civitas  London,  Civitas  Lin- 
coln, and  almost  all  the  mint-towns  of  England,  with  the 
cross  extending  to  the  edge,  and  three  roses  in  each  quarter. 
From  the  great  number  of  these  coins  found  in  this  part  of 
the  country,  it  is  probable  they  were  deposited  in  the  earth 
by  the  soldiers  of  Edward,  who  had  taken  refuge  in  these 
mountainous  regions,  when  flying  from  the  well-merited 
indignation  of  the  Scotch.  They  must  have  been  placed  in 
the  ground  some  time  about  the  beginning  of  the  fourteenth 
century.  Bruce  having  obtained  the  crown  in  the  year  1 306, 
and  relating,  as  they  do,  to  a  most  interesting  period  of  our 
history,  and  whichj  is  embalmed  in  the  memory  of  every 
Scotsman,  they  are  worthy  of  occupying  a  place  in  the 
cabinets  of  the  curious.  A  few  of  them  have  been  sent  to 
the  Museum  of  Edinburgh  College." — Scotsman. 

Within  these  few  years  also,  a  depot  was  discovered  at 
Ascog,  in  the  island  of  Bute,  in  which  four  thousand  silver 
pennies  of  Edward  I.  were  found,  most  of  them  of  the 
London  mintage. 


Castle.  After  securing  that  part  of  the  iron  work 
which  might  be  useful  in  their  sylvan  retreats,  the 
remaining  furniture  and  lumber  were  formed  into 
piles  ;  and,  at  the  dead  hour  of  night,  the  confla- 
gration rose  in  volumes  to  the  sky.  From  the 
lateness  of  the  hour,  and  the  secluded  situation  of 
the  castle,  its  fate  remained  unknown  until  the 
morning,  when  the  smoke,  which  continued  to 
ascend  from  the  ruins,  led  the  country  people  to 
the  knowledge  of  the  desolating  vengeance  which 
had  overtaken  their  oppressors.  The  females,  who 
had  been  allowed  to  depart  before  the  work  of  de- 
struction commenced,  carried  to  St.  Johnstone 
the  melancholy  account  of  their  disaster. 

The  grief  and  indignation  which  were  felt  among 
the  English  at  St.  Johnstone,  on  hearing  the  dole- 
ful recital  of  the  slaughter  of  their  countrymen, 
induced  Sir  Gerald  Heron,*  the  governor,  to  allow 
Sir  John  Butler,  son  of  the  forementioned  Sir 
James,  to  follow  the  Scots  with  all  the  force  of  the 
garrison,  to  revenge  the  death  of  his  father.  In 
this  undertaking  he  was  joined  by  Sir  William  de 
Lorayne,  an  officer  of  reputation,  and  a  great 
favourite  with  the  soldiery. 

Although  the  force  under  these  leaders  amounted 
to  nearly  a  thousand  men,  from  the  admirable 
management  of  the  Scottish  chief,  they  were  kept 
in  a  great  measure  ignorant  of  their  own  vast 
superiority.  In  the  forest  of  Shortwood,  a  part  of 
which  they  endeavoured  to  invest,  their  provident 
enemy  had  erected  a  number  of  rustic  fortifications, 
in  the  form  of  squares,  communicating  with  each 
other,  the  walls  of  which  were  made,  by  affixing 
two  rows  of  planks  to  the  trees,  and  filling  up  the 
space  between  with  thorns.  Each  of  these  squares 
had  a  small  opening  towards  the  enemy,  and 
another  at  the  opposite  side,  for  the  purpose  of 
retreat ;  while  the  advance  towards  them  was 
intersected  by  defences,  formed  in  a  similar  man- 
ner, in  order  to  break,  and  otherwise  prevent  the 
approach  of  too  great  a  body  of  the  enemy.  By 
this  means,  when  the  Scots  found  themselves 
obliged  to  retire  for  shelter  to  these  intrenchments, 
they  could  only  be  pursued  in  broken  and  strag- 
gling detachments.  These  defences  were  not  fully 
completed  when  the  English  came  in  sight ;  and 
Wallace,  therefore,  in  order  to  gain  time,  appeared 
at  a  distant  and  almost  detached  part  of  the  wood 
with  a  few  of  his  followers,  leaving  the  rest  under 
the  command  of  Stephen  of  Ireland,  to  complete 
the  works.  On  the  approach  of  the  English,  an 
arrow  from  the  powerful  and  unerring  hand  of  our 
hero,  brought  down  one  of  their  advanced-guard. 
This  had  the  effect  of  attracting  their  attention 
towards  that  part  of  the  wood  where  he  had  sta- 
tioned his  little  party,  who  also  sent  their  arrows 

*  "  This  appears  to  have  been  the  head  of  the  ancient 
family  of  Heron,  who  held  Ford  Castle  in  Northumberland. 
In  the  reign  of  Henry  III.  it  was  in  possession  of  Sir  Wil- 
liam Heron,  who  was  Governor  of  the  Castles  of  Barn- 
borough,  Pickering,  and  Scarborough,  Lord  Warden  of  the 
Forests  north  of  Trent,  and  sheriff  of  Northumberland  for 
eleven  successive  years." — Vide  Hutchinson's  Northumber- 
land, ii.  19.  "  This  Castle  has  attracted  much  attention,  as 
having  been  the  scene  of  the  enchantments  of  its  fair  mis- 
tress, by  means  of  which  our  infatuated  James  IV.  was  dis- 
armed before  the  battle  of  Flodden  ;  and  it  has  acquired  addi- 
tional celebrity,  from  the  no  less  bewitching  muse  of  the 
Author  of  Marmion."  —  Dr.  Jamieson's  Notes  on  Blind 
Harry. 


CHAP.  VI.] 


SKIRMISHES  WITH  THE  ENGLISH. 


33 


among  the  English,  though  not  with  such  good 
effect  as  their  chief,  who  continued  to  bring  down 
his  man  as  they  advanced.  The  enemy,  having 
observed  the  opening  at  which  Wallace  made  his 
appearance  to  discharge  his  deadly  shafts,  sent 
forward  one  of  the  most  expert  of  their  Lancashire 
bowmen  to  lie  in  wait  for  him,  while  the  rest 
directed  their  missiles  at  random  toward  those 
parts  where  they  conceived  his  men  to  be  sta- 
tioned. It  was  not  long  before  the  eagerness  of 
Wallace  betrayed  him  to  the  practised  hand  of  his 
watchful  adversary,  whose  well-directed  shaft,  after 
grazing  the  collar  of  steel  which  he  usually  wore, 
stuck  fast  in  the  fleshy  part  of  his  neck.  His 
keen  eye,  however,  soon  discovered  his  lurking  foe  ; 
and,  hurrying  towards  him,  intercepted  his  retreat, 
and  slew  him  in  front  of  his  companions,  who  were 
so  struck  with  the  boldness  of  the  deed,  that  not 
one  of  them  attempted  to  oppose  his  return  to  his 
associates.  Although  the  Scots  were  generally 
thought  inferior  to  the  English  in  the  use  of  the 
bow*,  on  the  present  occasion,  having  the  covering 

*  It  would  be  rather  difficult  to  assign  sufficient  reasons 
for  the  inferiority  of  the  Scottish  archers  to  those  of  England ; 
and  perhaps  it  may  be  one  of  those  popular  errors,  which, 
being  once  promulgated,  has  passed  unquestioned.  The 
ridicule  which  James  I.  has  thrown  upon  a  certain  portion 
of  his  countrymen,  in  his  poem  of  Chryst's  Kirk  on  the 
Green,  has  no  doubt  tended  to  confirm,  or  perhaps  to  give 
rise  to  the  opinion.  The  advice  which  Robert  Bruce  gave 
his  countrymen,  always  to  attack  and  disperse  the  Eng- 
lish archers,  as  early  in  the  engagement  as  possible,  is  like- 
wise quoted  as  an  instance  of  the  dread  which  the  Scots 
entertained  for  this  description  of  their  enemies'  force.  But 
this  advice  most  probably  was  suggested,  more  from  the  vast 
multitudes  of  bowmen  which  the  English  had  it  in  their 
power  to  bring  into  the  field,. than  from  any  peculiar  or  indi- 
vidual advantage  they  possessed  at  their  weapon.  The 
archers  whom  Bruce  attacked  and  dispersed  at  the  battle  of 
Bannockburn  were  chiefly  Welsh ; — when  individual  trials 
of  skill  occurred,  any  inferiority  on  the  part  of  the  Scots 
•was  never  very  conspicuous ;  and  there  appears  no  reason  it 
should  have  been  so.  The  attention  they  bestowed  on  the 
art  was  at  least  equal  to  that  of  their  neighbours.  This  is 
evident,  from  the  numerous  wapenschaws  established  all 
over  the  country.  In  the  works  of  Lindsay  of  Pittscottie, 
we  have  the  following  account  of  a  "  waigeour  of  archerie," 
between  the  Queen  Dowager  of  Scotland  and  her  son 
James  V. : — "  In  this  yeir  cam  an  Inglisch  ambassadour  out 
of  Ingland,  callit  Lord  Williame,  ane  bischope,  and  vther 
gentlmen,  to  the  number  of  thrie  scoir  horss,  quhilkis  war 
all  able,  wailled  gentlmen,  for  all  kynd  of  pastime,  as  schot- 
ting,  louping,  wrastling,  runing,  and  casting  of  the  stone. 
Bot  they  war  weill  assayed  in  all  these  or  they  went  home  ; 
and  that  be  thair  awin  provocatioun,  and  almost  evir  tint, 
quhill  at  the  last  the  kingis  mother  favoured  the  Inglismen, 
becaus  shoe  was  the  king  of  Inglandis  sister :  and  thairfoir 
shoe  tuik  ane  waigeour  of  archerie  vpoun  the  Inglishmanis 
handis.  contrair  the  King  hir  sone,  and  any  half  duzoun 
Scottismen,  either  noblmen,  gentlmen,  or  yeamanes,  that  so 
many  Inglisch  men  sould  schott  againes  them  at  riveris, 
buttis,  or  prick  bonnett.  The  King,  heiring  of  this  bonspeill 
of  his  mother,  was  weill  content.  So  thair  was  laid  an 
hundreth  crounes  and  ane  tun  of  wyne  pandit  on  everie  syd. 
The  ground  was  chosin  in  St.  Androis ;  the  Scottis  archeris 
was  thrie  landit  gentlmen  and  thrie  yeamanes,  to  witt, 
David  Weimes  of  that  ilk,  David  Arnott  of  that  ilk,  and 
Mr.  Johne  Wedderburne,  viccar  of  Dundie.  The  yeamanes 
was  Johne  Thomsone  in  Leith,  Stevin  Tabroner,  and  Alex- 
ander Baillie,  who  was  ane  pyper,  and  schott  vondrous  neir, 
and  wan  the  vaigour  from  the  Inglismen  ;  and  thairefter 
went  in  to  the  toun  and  maid  ane  banquett  to  the  king  and 
the  queine,  and  the  Inglisch  ambassadour,  with  the  wholl  tuo 


of  the  wood  to  shelter  them  from  the  superior 
number  and  direct  view  of  their  adversaries,  they 
managed,  by  shifting  their  ground  as  their  enemies 
advanced,  to  keep  up  a  kind  of  bush-fight  till  after 
noon  ;  during  which  time  fifteen  of  the  English 
had  been  slain  by  the  hand  of  Wallace,  besides  a 
considerable  number  by  his  companions.  Their 
arrows  being  all  expended,  and  having  arrived  at 
a  part  of  the  forest,  where  a  high  cliff  prevented 
their  further  retreat,  Sir  William  de  Lorayne 
advanced  upon  them  with  nearly  three  hundred 
men,  while  Sir  Gerald  Heron  and  young  Butler 
remained  without  the  forest,  in  order  to  prevent 
the  escape  of  any  of  the  fugitives.  Wallace  had 
just  time  to  make  a  short  animating  address  to  his 
companions  ;  and  placing  them  so  as  to  have  the 
advantage  of  the  clift  as  a  protection  to  their  rear, 
they  stood  prepared  for  the  onslaught.  The  Eng- 
lish were  astonished  to  find  themselves  opposed  to 
so  small  a  number  of  Scots  as  now  appeared  wait- 
ing their  attack,  and  conceived  they  would  have 
little  else  to  do  than  to  surround  the  party  and 
take  them  prisoners.  The  determined  valour,  how- 
ever, with  which  they  received  and  repulsed  their 
repeated  charges,  convinced  them  that  the  toils  of 
the  day  were  not  yet  over.  Wallace,  who  was 
always  a  tower  of  strength  to  his  friends  in  the 
hour  of  danger,  displayed,  on  this  occasion,  more 
than  his  usual  heroism.  While  the  strength  which 
nerved  his  resistless  arm  excited  the  greatest 
enthusiasm  among  his  followers,  and  spread  horror 
and  dismay  through  the  ranks  of  their  enemies, 
Sir  William  de  Lorayne  still  urged  his  men  on  to 
the  conflict,  and  they  as  quickly  receded,  when 
they  found  themselves  opposed  to  that  champion 
of  whose  strength  and  exploits  they  had  heard  so 
many  appalling  accounts.  The  battle,  however, 
still  continued  to  rage  with  unabated  fury  on  both 
sides  ; — the  English,  eager  to  revenge  the  slaughter 
of  their  countrymen,  and  the  Scots,  frantic  with 
the  wrongs  they  had  already  sustained,  determined 
to  conquer  or  die  on  the  spot.  At  this  time  their 
dauntless  chief  burst  like  a  thunderbolt  amidst  the 
thickest  of  the  English  ;  and,  having  scattered 
them  before  him,  ascended  a  little  hillock  behind 
which  they  had  retreated,  and  applying  his  bugle- 
horn  to  his  mouth,  made  the  woodlands  resound 
with  a  bold  and  animating  war-note.  The  English 

hundreth  crounes,  and  the  tuo  tunes  of  wyne.  Albeit  that 
the  Inglismen  confessed  that  the  Scottismen  sauld  have 
been  fried  of  the  payment  of  that  banqueitt,  quhilk  was  so 
gorgeous  that  it  was  of  no  les  awaill  than  the  said  gold  and 
wyne  extended  to." — Chronicles  of  Scotland,  by  Lindsay  of 
Pitscottie,  vol.  ii.  p.  347,  348.  It  may  also  be  observed,  that 
the  value  which  the  Scots  set  upon  the  quality  of  the  fea- 
thers used  for  their  arrows,  bespeaks  a  considerable  pro- 
ficiency in  the  art.  Those  of  the  Earn  appear,  from  the 
following  extract,  to  have  been  in  the  greatest  request.  "  In 
the  west  and  north-west  of  Scotland,  there  is  a  great  repayr- 
ing  of  the  Erne,  of  a  marvellous  nature :  the  people  are 
very  curious  to  catch  him,  and  punze  his  wings,  that  hee 
fly  not.  Hee  is  of  a  hudge  quantity,  and  a  ravenous  kind 
as  the  hawks,  and  the  same  qualitie.  They  doe  give  him 
such  sort  of  meat,  in  great  quantity  at  once,  that  hee  lives 
contented  therewith  14,  16,  or  20  dayes,  and  some  of  them 
a  moneth.  Their  feathers  are  good  for  garnishing  of  arrowes, 
for  they  receive  no  raine  nor  water,  but  remaine  alwayes  of 
a  durable  estate,  and  uncorruptible.  The  people  doe  use 
them  either  when  they  be  a  hunting,  or  at  warres." — A 
Memoriall  of  the  most  Rare  and  Wonderful  Things  in  Scot- 
land. 


LIFE  OF  SIR  WILLIAM  WALLACE. 


[CHAP,  vi 


leader,  conceiving  that  this  was  done  in  derision, 
rallied  his  forces,  and  again  advanced  to  the  attack. 
Wallace  and  his  few  hardy  veterans  were  soon 
environed  by  their  enraged  assailants,  and  the 
battle  commenced  anew  with  all  the  rancour  of 
their  former  animosities.  Though  the  Scots  fought 
with  the  most  inflexible  obstinacy,  yet  some  of 
them,  from  the  severity  of  their  wounds,  appeared 
unable  to  continue  much  longer  the  unequal  con- 
test ;  but  at  this  critical  juncture,  Stephen  of  Ire- 
land, and  his  party,  in  obedience  to  the  signal 
sounded  by  their  chief,  suddenly  emerged  from  the 
brush-wood,  and  fell  upon  the  rear  of  the  enemy 
with  determined  ferocity.  Surprised  and  dismayed 
at  so  unexpected  an  attack,  the  English  fled  in  the 
greatest  confusion,  followed  by  the  victors,  who 
continued  the  pursuit,  making  dreadful  carnage 
among  them,  till  they  reached  the  boundary  of  the 
forest.  Here  the  terrified  fugitives  were  met  by 
Sir  John  Butler,  at  the  head  of  five  hundred  men. 
This  accession  of  force  obliged  the  Scots,  in  their 
turn,  to  retreat  to  their  defences — the  first  of 
which  was  carried  by  the  enemy,  but  at  the  ex- 
pense of  a  considerable  number  of  the  bravest  of 
their  warriors.  The  English  had  now  the  mortifi- 
cation to  find  that  their  opponents  had  only  retired 
to  a  second  enclosure,  from  which  Wallace,  sup- 
ported by  Cleland,  Boyd,  and  a  few  of  the  most 
resolute  of  his  companions,  made  a  sortie,  in  which, 
after  killing  a  considerable  number,  Wallace  came 
in  contact  with  the  knight  of  Lorayne,  and  at  one 
blow  clove  him  to  the  chin.  His  terrified  fol- 
lowers shrunk  aghast  from  the  ponderous  weapon 
of  their  gigantic  adversary  ;  but  urged  on  by 
Butler,  to  revenge  the  death  of  their  leader,  they 
again  crowded  round  the  little  band  of  heroes. 
Again  they  were  dispersed  ;  and  Butler,  who  had 
been  foremost  in  the  attack,  came  within  reach  of 
the  sword  of  the  Scottish  champion,  which  de- 
scended with  a  force  that  would  have  cut  him  to 
the  ground,  had  not  the  intervening  branch  of  a 
tree  saved  him  from  the  blow,  and  his  men,  rush- 
ing forward  to  his  assistance,  carried  him  off"  before 
it  could  be  repeated.  According  to  some  accounts, 
Butler  is  said  to  have  been  first  wounded,  and  that 
Sir  William  de  Lorayne  was  slain  in  attempting  to 
rescue  him  from  his  perilous  situation.  Whatever 
may  have  been  the  case,  the  English  were  so  dis- 
couraged by  the  loss  of  one  leader,  and  the  dis- 
abling of  the  other,  that  they  hastily  fell  back  upon 
the  troops  left  at  the  entrance  of  the  forest  under 
Sir  Gerald  Heron.  Here  a  council  of  war  was 
held,  wherein  it  was  proposed  to  make  a  simulta- 
neous attack  on  the  defences  of  the  Scots.  During 
the  discussion,  however,  which  ensued  on  the  man- 
ner of  carrying  the  proposal  into  effect,  Wallace 
and  his  companions  escaped  by  the  opposite  side  of 
the  forest,  and  retreated  to  Cargyle  wood,  a  situa- 
tion which  afforded  them  more  natural  advantages 
hi  securing  themselves  from  their  numerous  as- 
sailants. 

The  English,  on  the  retreat  of  the  Scots,  now 
commenced  a  strict  search  after  the  booty  taken 
from  Kincleven  Castle.  Nothing,  however,  could 
be  discovered,  save  the  favourite  steed  of  old 
Butler,  which  had  been  left  behind  in  one  of  the 
enclosures.  On  this  his  wounded  son  was  placed, 
and  the  whole  cavalcade  returned  fatigued  and 
dispirited  to  St.  Johnstone,  leaving  one  hundred 
and  twenty  of  their  companions  dead  behind  them. 


Of  the  Scots,  seven  were  killed,  and  the  rest  more 
or  less  injured. 

From  an  elevated  situation,  Wallace  had  ob- 
served the  English  as  they  retired  to  St.  John- 
stone  ;  and,  though  still  smarting  from  the  wounds 
he  had  received,  returned  at  midnight  to  the  scene 
of  action  with  a  number  of  his  companions  and 
dug  up  the  most  valuable  part  of  the  concealed 
plunder,  which  they  conveyed  to  their  new  retreat, 
along  with  whatever  arms  or  other  booty  the  light 
of  the  moon  enabled  them  to  strip  from  the  dead 
bodies  that  lay  scattered  around  them. 

A  few  days  after  the  above  rencounter,  Wallace 
is  said  to  have  returned  to  St.  Johnstone  in  the 
disguise  of  a  priest ;  and  a  story  is  told  of  his 
having  been  betrayed  by  a  female,  with  whom  he 
had  become  acquainted  during  his  former  visit  to 
that  place.  Repenting,  however,  of  the  informa- 
tion she  had  given  his  enemies,  she  disclosed  the 
danger  that  awaited  him  just  in  time  to  effect  his 
escape.  His  foes,  enraged  at  the  disappointment, 
again  set  off  in  pursuit  of  him,  taking  along  with 
them  a  slough-hound  *  to  assist  them  in  discovering 
his  retreats.  A  sanguinary  battle  was  again  fought, 
in  which  Wallace  lost  nine  of  his  remaining 
followers,  and  the  English  leader  about  one  hun- 
dred. 

In  this  retreat  of  the  Scots,  their  chief  is  also 
said  to  have  slain  one  of  his  followers,  named 
Fawdon,  an  Irishman,  whom  he  suspected  of  trea- 

*  "  So  late  as  the  reign  of  James  I.  of  England,  there  is 
an  order  dated  A.  D.  1616,  that  no  less  then  nine  blood- 
hounds should  be  kept  on  the  Border,  upon  Esk  and  other 
places  mentioned." — Pennant's  Tour,  1772.  i  77.  ii.  397. 

John  Harding  has  given  a  curious  account  of  the  means 
used  by  Edward  I.  for  taking  Bruce,  similar  to  that  here 
said  to  have  been  employed  against  Wallace. 

"  The  king  Edward  with  homes  and  houndes  him  soght, 
With  menne  on  fote,  through  marris,  mosse  &  myre, 
Through  wodes  also  &  mountens,  (wher  they  fought), 
And  euer  the  kyng  Edward  hight  men  greate  hyre, 
Hym  for  to  take  by  might  conquere ; 
But  thei  might  hym  not  gette,  by  force  ne  by  traine, 
He  satte  by  the  fyre  when  thei  (went)  in  the  rain." 
The  following  description  of  these  dogs  is  from  an  old 
writer,  well  acquainted  with  their  character.     "  In  Scotland 
are  dogs  of  marveylous  condition,  above  the  nature  of  other 
dogs.    The  first  is  a  hound  of  great  swiftnesse,  hardiness, 
and  strength,  fierce  and  cruell  upon  all  wilde  beasts,  and 
eger  against  thieves  that  offer  their  masters  any  violence 
The  second  is  a  rach,  or  hound,  verie  exquisite  in  following 
the  foote,  (which  is  called  drawing),  whether  it  be  of  man  or 
beast ;  yea,  he  will  pursue  any  maner  of  fowle,  and  find  out 
whatsoever  fish  haunting  the  land,  or  lurking  amongst  the 
rocks,  especially  the  otter,  by  that  excellent  sent  of  smelling 
wherewith  he  is  indued.    The  third  sort  is  no  greater  than 
the  aforesaid  raches,  in  colour  for  the  most  part  red,  with 
blacke  spots,  or  else  black  and  full  of  red  markes.    These 
are  so  skillfull,  (being  used  by  practise),  that  they  will  pur- 
sue a  thiefe,  or   thiefe-stolne  goods,   in  the   most  precise 
maner,  and  finding  the  trespasser,  with  great  audacity  they 
will  make  a  race  upon  him,  or  if  he  take  the  water  for  his 
safeguard,  he  shrinketh  not  to  follow  him ;  and  entring  and 
issuing  at  the  same  places  where  the  party  went  in  and  out, 
hee  never  ceaseth  to  range  till  he  hath  noysed  his  footing, 
and  bee  come  to  the  place  wherein  the  thiefe  is  shrowded  or 
hid.    These  dogs  are  called  Sleuth-hounds.     There  was  a 
law  amongst  the  borderers  of  England  and  Scotland,  that 
whosoever  denyed  entrance  to  such  a  hound,  in  pursute 
made  after  felons   and  stolne  goods,  should  be  holden  as 
accessary  unto  the  theft,  or  taken  for  the  selfe  same  thiefe." 
—Account  of  the  Red  Deer  and  Wild  Beasts  in  Scotland. 


CHAP.  VII.] 


HIS  ADVENTURE  IN  GASK  CASTLE. 


35 


chery.     Of  this  man,  Blind  Harry  gives  the  fol- 
lowing unprepossessing  description  : — 

"  To  Wallace  thar  come  ane  that  hecht  Fawdoun ; 
Melancoly  he  was  of  complexioun, 
Hewy  of  statur,  dour  in  his  countenance,, 
Soroufull,  sadde,  ay  dreidfull  but  plesance." 

The  circumstances  of  his  death,  are  thus  nar- 
rated by  the  same  author,  who  justifies  the  deed  on 
the  plea  of  necessity  : — • 

"  To  the  next  woode  twa  myil  thai  had  to  gang, 
Off  vpwith  erde ;  thai  yeid  with  all  thair  mycht ; 
Gud  hope  thai  had  for  it  was  ner  the  nycht, 
Fawdoun  tyryt,  and  said,  he  mycht  nocht  gang. 
Wallace  was  wa  to  leyff  him  in  that  thrang. 
He  bade  him  ga,  and  said  the  strenth  was  ner ; 
But  he  tharfor  wald  nocht  fastir  him  ster. 
Wallace  in  ire  on  the  crag  cam  him  ta 
With  his  gud  suerd,  and  strak  the  hed  him  fra. 
Dreidless  to  ground  derfly  he  duschit  dede, 
Fra  him  he  lap,  and  left  him  in  that  stede. 
Sum  demys  it  to  ill,  and  othyr  sum  to  gud ; 
And  I  say  her,  into  thir  termyss  rude, 
Bettir  it  was  he  did,  as  thinkis  me. 
Fyrst,  to  the  hunde  it  mycht  gret  stoppyn  be. 
Als  Fawdoun  was  haldyn  at  [gret]  suspicioun ; 
For  he  was  haldyn  of  brokill  complexioun. 
Rycht  stark  he  was,  and  had  bot  litill  gayne, 
Thus  Wallace  wist :  had  he  beyne  left  allayne. 
And  he  war  fals,  to  enemyss  he  wald  ga ; 
Gyff  he  war  trew,  the  Sothroun  wald  him  sla. 
Mycht  he  do  ocht  bot  tyne  him  as  it  was? " 

On  the  first  view  of  the  case,  there  appears  a 
degree  of  barbarity  in  the  conduct  of  Wallace, 
which  is  quite  at  variance  with  that  affection  and 
tenderness  which  he  had  uniformly  displayed  to- 
wards his  adherents  ;  and  we  cannot  help  con- 
demning the  sternness  of  that  policy  which  could 
thus  deprive  a  follower  of  his  life,  because  worn 
out  with  toil,  and  disabled  by  wounds,  he  could  no 
longer  keep  up  with  his  companions.  But,  on  reflec- 
tion, we  find  the  lives  of  Wallace,  and  of  the  few 
that  remained  of  the  party,  placed  in  jeopardy  by 
one,  who,  from  his  reluctance  to  make  a  little  far- 
ther exertion,  when  assured  that  a  place  of  safety 
was  at  hand,  gave  good  grounds  to  suspect  that  he 
had  become  unsound  at  the  core.  We  may  also 
remark,  that  being  acquainted  with  the  spot  where 
the  plunder  taken  from  the  English  was  concealed, 
Wallace  had  an  additional  reason  to  suspect  Faw- 
don's  motives  for  wishing  to  be  left  behind  ;  and 
it  may  be  urged  in  support  of  the  justice  of  this 
suspicion,  that  his  countryman  Stephen,  who  intro- 
duced him  to  the  little  band  of  patriots,  remained 
the  firm  and  confidential  friend  of  Wallace  through 
all  his  difficulties.  This  he  certainly  would  not 
have  done,  had  Wallace,  on  slight  grounds,  inflicted 
death  on  one  who  was  not  only  his  friend  and 
countryman,  but  in  some  degree  under  his  protec- 
tion. So  far,  indeed,  was  Stephen  from  feeling 
dissatisfaction  at  the  conduct  of  Wallace,  that  he 
and  Kerle  lingered  behind,  and,  favoured  by  the 
shades  of  night,  which  had  now  set  in,  mingled 
with  the  enemy  ;  and  while  their  general,  Sir 
Gerald  Heron,  was  in  the  act  of  stooping  to  ex- 
amine the  body  of  Fawdon,  whose  blood  had 
arrested  the  progress  of  the  slough-hound,  Kerle 
watched  the  opportunity  and  gave  him  a  mortal 
stab  in  the  throat  with  his  dagger.  The  cry  of 


"  Treason  !  "  arose  among  the  English  ;  but,  in  the 
confusion,  the  two  confederates  slipped  down  un- 
observed among  the  underwood  that  surrounded 
them,  and  made  the  best  of  their  way  towards 
Loch  Earne,  the  well-wooded  banks  of  which 
afforded  them  every  chance  of  security.  In  the 
interval,  Wallace,  and  thirteen  of  his  followers,  all 
that  were  now  left  him,  made  good  their  retreat  to 
the  deserted  Castle  of  Gask  situated  in  the  middle 
of  a  wood.  This  place  possessed  few  advantages 
that  could  recommend  it  as  a  desirable  retreat ; 
but,  to  men  in  their  desperate  situation,  the  pro- 
spect of  shelter  from  the  swords  of  their  pursuers 
was  a  considerable  relief,  and  though  it  appeared 
in  a  sad  state,  of  dilapidation,  a  number  of  the 
apartments  were  entire  ;  and  the  courtyard  was 
surrounded  by  a  wall  of  great  thickness,  which, 
broken  as  it  might  be  in  some  parts,  would  never- 
theless enable  them  to  make  a  tolerable  defence. 
With  this  expectation,  therefore,  they  determined 
to  secure  themselves  for  the  night,  and  trust  to 
their  good  swords  for  a  path  through  their  enemies 
in  the  morning. 


CHAPTER  VII. 

SINGULAR  ADVENTURE  OF  WALLACE  IN  GASK  CASTLE — 
KILLS  THE  ENGLISH  LEADER — ESCAPES  TO  TOR- 
WOOD — INTERVIEW  WITH  HIS  UNCLE. 

AFTER  the  confusion  produced  by  the  death  of  the 
English  leader  had  subsided,  a  party  of  forty  men 
were  despatched  with  the  dead  body  to  Johnstone  ; 
and  Butler,  who  had  so  far  recovered  from  his 
wound  as  to  be  able  to  take  the  field  under  Sir 
Gerald,  remained,  with  about  500  men,  to  look 
after  the  fugitives.  With  this  force  he  proceeded 
to  secure  all  the  neighbouring  passes,  and  to  take 
such  other  methods  as  he  thought  would  prevent 
their  escape. 

In  the  mean  time,  Wallace  and  his  few  remain- 
ing friends  had  put  their  place  of  refuge  in  as  good 
a  state  of  defence  as  its  ruinous  condition  would 
admit ;  and  having  procured  a  sheep  from  a  neigh- 
bouring fold,  they  kindled  a  fire  in  the  court-yard, 
and  prepared  for  their  evening  repast.  Wallace 
now  wisely  considered,  from  the  fatigue  his  follow- 
ers had  undergone  during  the  day,  that  however 
much  they  might  stand  in  want  of  refreshment,  a 
few  hours'  repose  would  be  absolutely  necessary  for 
recruiting  their  wearied  and  exhausted  spirits,  and 
rendering  them  fit  for  the  arduous  enterprise  that 
awaited  them  in  the  morning.  As  soon,  therefore, 
as  they  had  allayed  their  hunger,  he  ordered  them 
to  betake  themselves  to  rest,  while  he  undertook  to 
keep  watch  by  himself. 

Surrounded  by  his  sleeping  companions,  with  no 
light  but  what  the  expiring  embers  afforded,  the 
mind  of  Wallace  became  overshadowed  with  melan- 
choly forebodings.  Though  in  the  late  conflicts  he 
had  destroyed  a  great  number  of  the  enemy,  his 
own  little  band  had  been  almost  annihilated  ;  and, 
in  his  present  situation,  he  saw  little  probability  of 
filling  up  their  places  with  men  on  whom  he  could 
put  the  same  dependence.  Two  of  his  most  devoted 
partisans,  Stephen  and  Kerle,  had  disappeared  ; 
and  he  had  every  reason  to  suppose  they  were 


LIFE  OF  SIR  WILLIAM  WALLACE. 


[CHAP.  vir. 


either  slain,  or  fallen  into  the  hands  of  the  enemy. 
The  apathy  with  which  the  most  powerful  of  the 
nobility  continued  to  witness  the  exertions  of  him- 
self and  his  followers  for  the  independence  of  their 
country,  filled  him  with  grief  and  indignation  ; 
while,  from  the  loss  of  so  many  brave  friends  in 
the  late  encounter,  he  was  apprehensive  his  few 
remaining  companions  would  now  consider  their 
undertaking  as  desperate.  These  reflections,  aided 
by  the  consideration  that  he  was  actually  sur- 
rounded by  a  force  against  which  his  expectations 
of  success  could  not  be  very  sanguine,  tended  to 
excite  the  most  gloomy  apprehensions. 

From  this  state  of  mind  he  was  suddenly  aroused 
by  the  blowing  of  horns  *,  mingled  with  fright- 
ful yells,  which  seemed  to  proceed  from  a  rising 
ground  in  the  neighbourhood.  Two  of  his  party 
were  despatched  to  ascertain  the  cause  of  the 
uproar  ;  but  these  not  returning,  and  the  alarm 
still  increasing,  other  scouts  were  sent  out,  till 
Wallace  was  at  last  left  alone,  without  any  one 
to  assist  in  the  defence  of  the  place,  if  it  should 
happen  to  be  attacked. 

It  was  now  past  midnight ;  and  the  flame  that 
still  lingered  about  the  remains  of  the  almost  extin- 
guished faggots,  continued,  at  intervals,  to  throw 
its  pale  and  flickering  light  on  the  ruinous  walls  of 
the  castle,  when  Wallace  was  suddenly  startled  by 
the  shadow  of  a  human  figure.  Though  broken 
and  indistinct  at  first,  yet  the  moon,  which  was 
slowly  emerging  from  behind  a  cloud,  rendered  it 
every  moment  more  apparent.  From  the  feet  to 
the,  shoulders,  which  was  all  of  it  that  was  visible, 
it  seemed  to  be  of  uncommon  dimensions  ;  and 
what  more  particularly  rivetted  the  attention  of 
the  forlorn  chief,  a  human  head  hung  dangling 
from  its  hand,  in  a  manner  that  gave  it  the  appear- 
ance of  something  supernatural.  While  gazing 
with  intense  anxiety  on  this  singular  object,  its 
hand  was  slowly  raised,  and  the  head,  which  it 
held,  after  striking  the  helmet  of  Wallace,  fell  with 
considerable  violence  among  the  dying  embers 
before  him.  Snatching  it  up,  he  discovered,  by  the 
light  of  the  moon,  the  pale  and  ghastly  features  of 
the  "  ill-fated  Fawdon  ;"  and,  turning  towards  the 
place  from  whence  it  was  thrown,  he  observed  the 
figure  of  a  man  endeavouring  to  descend  by  a 
broken  part  of  the  wall.  In  the  excitement  of  the 
moment,  he  hurled  the  head  after  it,  and,  drawing 
his  sword,  hastened  from  the  castle  in  pursuit  of 
the  strange  intruder. 

Henry,  or  his  authority,  in  narrating  the  above 
circumstance,  gives  way  to  the  popular  belief  of  his 
time,  and  describes  it  as  the  real  apparition  of  the 
late  faithless  associate  ;  but  this  evidently  arises 
from  that  love  for  the  marvellous  peculiar  to  the 
age.  When  stripped  of  the  poetical  embellish- 
ments with  which  it  is  clothed,  the  story  simply 
appears  to  have  been  this : — The  English,  on 
coming  to  the  headless  body  of  Fawdon,  naturally 
conceived  that  the  Scots  had  quarrelled  among 
themselves  ;  and  some  one  thinking  it  probable, 
from  the  size,  that  the  deceased  might  be  Wallace, 

*  In  the  Scottish  armies  of  the  thirteenth  and  fourteenth 
centuries,  every  man  was  supplied  with  a  horn,  generally 
that  of  a  hulloek,  which  he  blew  with  vehemence,  as  he 
rushed  on  to  the  charge.  The  horrible  noise  this  occasioned 
had  often  the  effect  of  throwing  the  cavalry  into  confusion. 
These  horns  are  sometimes  alluded  to  in  our  national  bal- 
lads. 


for  whose  head  a  considerable  reward  was  offered, 
took  care  to  secure  the  prize.  The  impatience  of 
Butler  for  revenge  made  him  think  of  a  night 
attack,  provided  they  could  discover  the  enemy  ; 
and  the  horns,  therefore,  which  had  been  taken 
from  those  Scots  who  had  fallen  in  the  conflict, 
were  made  use  of  as  a  ruse  to  entrap  them  into  the 
belief,  that  it  was  a  party  of  their  countrymen 
coming  to  their  assistance.  The  soldier,  who  had 
got  the  head  into  his  possession,  appears  to  have 
been  one  of  the  scouts  sent  in  search  of  the  fugi- 
tives ;  and  no  doubt,  eager  to  ascertain  the  value 
of  his  capture,  had  ventured  forward  with  more 
confidence  than  his  companions.  Disappointment 
at  finding  the  Scottish  chief  alive,  no  doubt,  induced 
him  to  throw  the  head  ;  and  the  terror  which  his 
name  inspired  made  him  likewise  think  it  prudent 
to  effect  his  retreat. 

Though  the  horns  still  continued  to  sound,  Wal- 
lace was  too  cautious  to  reply,  but  wandered  about 
the  forest,  searching  in  silence  for  his  lost  com- 
panions. His  efforts,  however,  were  unavailing  ; 
and,  at  the  dawn  of  the  morning,  he  found  himself 
on  the  verge  of  the  forest.  Here  he  was  observed 
by  Butler,  who  had  rode  out  to  view  the  posts. 
Dissatisfied  with  the  answer  returned  to  his  chal- 
lenge, the  English  leader  drew  his  sword,  and 
urged  forward  his  steed.  Wallace  advancing  from 
under  the  shade,  which  partly  concealed  him, 
Butler  saw,  with  astonishment,  the  formidable  foe 
he  was  in  quest  of,  and  prepared  to  fall  back  on  his 
nearest  position.  His  retreat,  however,  was  anti- 
cipated by  a  blow  which  struck  him  from  the 
saddle,  and,  before  he  could  recover  himself,  the 
sword  of  his  powerful  antagonist  had  levelled  him 
with  the  dust.  Our  hero  had  just  reached  the 
stirrup  of  his  fallen  enemy,  when  he  observed  an 
Englishman,  armed  cap-a-pie,  advancing  in  full 
career  towards  him,  with  his  spear  in  rest.  By  a 
dexterous  management  of  his  horse,  he  avoided  the 
stroke  ;  and  whilst  his  foe,  unable  to  retover  him- 
self, was  hurrying  past,  he  lent  him  a  blow  on  the 
neck,  which  sent  him  headlong  to  the  ground.  The 
alarm  was  now  spread  among  the  English,  whom 
Wallace  observed  collecting  from  various  quarters 
to  intercept  his  retreat.  Giving  the  rein  to  his 
charger,  he  shot  like  an  arrow  through  a  straggling 
party  of  horse  that  seemed  the  least  formidable, 
but  who,  on  recovering  from  their  surprise,  set 
off  in  full  pursuit,  followed  by  the  whole  of  their 
force. 

Though,  from  his  superior  knowledge  of  the 
country,  Wallace  was  frequently  enabled  to  dis- 
tance his  pursuers  ;  yet  the  keenness  with  which 
they  kept  up  the  chase,  obliged  him  several  times 
to  turn  and  act  on  the  offensive.  As  this  was 
always  done  in  situations  where  he  could  not  be 
surrounded,  those  that  were  most  forward  paid 
dearly  for  their  temerity  ;  whilst  the  suddenness 
and  fury  of  his  repeated  attacks  spread  a  panic  to 
the  rear  of  his  enemy,  from  the  idea  that  he  had 
met  a  reinforcement  of  his  countrymen.  Before 
the  shades  of  evening  had  set  in,  twenty  of  the 
English  were  strewed  along  the  line  of  his  retreat ; 
and  those  who  were  foremost,  had  become  very 
cautious  in  approaching  within  reach  of  his  arm. 
A  rising  part  of  the  ground  had,  for  some  time,  hid 
him  from  their  view  ;  and  when  they  again  came 
in  sight  of  him,  he  appeared  leading  his  jaded 
and  breathless  steed  up  a  steep  and  rugged  pass 


CHAP.  VII. J 


INTERVIEW  WITH  HIS  UNCLE. 


between  two  craggy  precipices.  Though  he  was 
soon  again  obscured  in  the  shades  of  twilight,  from 
the  exhausted  state  of  his  horse,  they  saw  little 
probability  of  his  being  able  to  effect  his  escape. 
Having  with  difficulty  followed  in  his  track,  they 
found,  on  descending  a  precipitous  defile,  an  exten- 
sive morass  spread  before  them,  far  as  the  eye 
could  penetrate,  at  the  edge  of  which  lay  the  steed 
of  their  late  commander,  expiring  from  the  wounds 
and  fatigue  it  had  encountered  ;  but  the  object  of 
their  pursuit  was  nowhere  to  be  seen.  Strong 
picquets  were  sent  out  in  every  direction,  but  all 
their  exertions  were  fruitless  ;  and  they  returned 
at  midnight  to  their  head-quarters,  without  obtain- 
ing the  slightest  trace  of  the  fugitive. 

It  has  been  mentioned,  in  the  early  part  of  our 
history,  that  the  juvenile  years  of  our  hero  were 
spent  with  a  brother  of  his  father,  a  wealthy  eccle- 
siastic at  Dunipace  in  Stirlingshire.  Though  he 
was  withdrawn  from  the  protection  of  this  relative 
at  an  early  age,  yet  he  had  been  long  enough  under 
his  roof  to  endear  himself  to  all  the  servants  and 
dependants.  One  of  the  former,  a  widow,  now 
lived  with  her  three  sons  in  a  secluded  part  of  the 
Torwood,  then  an  extensive  forest  in  Stirlingshire. 
In  the  cottage  of  this  woman,  Wallace  had  in 
former  emergencies  found  a  place  of  concealment 
from  his  enemies  ;  and  on  this  occasion,  about 
the  dead  hour  of  night,  the  faithful  inmates  were 
startled  by  the  well-known  signal  at  the  window. 
Never  did  their  heroic  guest  appear  before  them 
in  greater  distress  ;  exhausted  from  fatigue,  faint 
with  hunger,  his  armour  encrusted  with  blood, 
and  every  part  of  his  dress  drenched  with  water, 
showed  the  hardships  and  perils  he  had  under- 
gone. 

After  quitting  his  pursuers  at  the  morass,  he 
had,  by  a  passage  unknown  to  them,  crossed  over 
to  the  other  side,  and  made  the  best  of  his  way 
towards  the  Forth.  A  large  force  of  the  enemy, 
however,  occupied  Stirling,  and  he  was  therefore 
compelled  to  take  the  river  at  Camskenneth.  After 
much  difficulty,  from  the  weight  of  his  armour,  he 
succeeded  in  gaining  the  opposite  bank,  and  pro- 
ceeded forward  on  his  journey,  satisfied  that  he 
had  got  considerably  the  start  of  his  pursuers. 

In  the  neighbourhood  of  the  house  where  he  had 
now  taken  refuge,  was  an  oak  *  of  huge  dimensions, 
in  a  cavity  of  which  he  had  frequently  concealed 
himself  from  his  enemies,  when  the  search  was  too 
close  to  allow  of  his  remaining  within  doors.  To 
this  retreat  he  now  repaired,  after  partaking  of 
that  refreshment  which  his  situation  so  much  re- 
quired. One  of  the  widow's  sons  was  despatched 
to  acquaint  his  uncle  with  his  safety,  and  to  request 
his  assistance  ;  while  another  was  sent  off  towards 
the  scene  of  his  late  conflicts,  to  obtain,  if  possible, 
some  intelligence  of  his  lost  companions. 

The  morning  was  pretty  far  advanced,  when 
Wallace  was  awakened  from  his  sleep  by  the  sound 
of  voices,  and,  starting  to  his  feet,  found  his  uncle 
and  two  of  the  widow's  sons  engaged  in  conversa- 
tion, one  of  whom  had  been  watching  him  during 
his  sleep.  His  uncle,  taking  him  by  the  arm,  led 
him  apart  from  the  others,  and  began  to  inquire 
into  his  situation,  representing  to  him,  at  the  same 
time,  the  difficulties  he  was  still  likely  to  expe- 
rience if  he  continued  to  persevere  in  so  hopeless  a 

»  See  Appendix  A. 


cause.  "  Your  followers,"  added  he,  "  are  now 
either  slain  or  dispersed,  and  all  your  efforts  in  the 
district  you  have  been  in,  have  not  procured  you  a 
single  friend  to  replace  those  you  have  lost ;  the 
plunder  you  have  taken  has  either  been  recap- 
tured, or  left  in  places  where  it  would  be  madness 
to  hazard  yourself  in  regaining  it.  Besides,  were 
you  even  successful,  to  your  utmost  wish,  in  expel- 
ling the  English  from  our  country,  do  you  believe 
that  so  powerful,  so  ambitious  a  prince  as  Edward, 
one  who  is  considered  the  most  accomplished  war- 
rior of  his  age,  would  allow  the  laurels  to  be  torn 
from  his  brow  by  the  son  of  an  obscure  Scottish 
laird  ?  Would  not  the  whole  force  of  his  mighty 
kingdom,  assisted,  if  necessary,  by  his  foreign 
auxiliaries  and  vassals,  be  poured  upon  our  devoted 
country  ?  Would  not  the  inhuman  butcheries 
which  were  witnessed  at  Berwick  be  again  renewed 
in  all  our  cities  ?  Have  we  not  already  had  too 
much  experience  of  his  cruelty,  to  think  of  increas- 
ing our  misfortunes  by  fresh  provocations  ?  Listen, 
therefore,  my  dear  son,  to  what  I  am  authorized  to 
propose  to  you.  You  are  aware,  that  those  men, 
whose  duty  and  interest  it  was  to  have  defended 
our  country,  have  submitted  to  our  enemies  ;  if  you 
will,  therefore,  give  over  your  fruitless  hostility  to 
Edward,  and  acknowledge  him  as  your  liege  lord, 
you  will,  in  place  of  skulking  from  covert  to  covert, 
have  it  in  your  power  to  become  the  most  powerful 
vassal  of  his  crown." 

Before  his  uncle  had  time  to  explain,  Wallace 
withdrew  his  arm  from  his  grasp.  "  My  situation," 
said  he,  "  is  gloomy  enough,  but  not  so  desperate 
as  you  imagine.  I  regret  nothing  that  has  yet 
happened,  save  the  loss  of  my  gallant  friends  ;  but 
I  know  where  the  sound  of  my  horn  can  still  call 
forth  as  many  resolute  spirits  as  will  enable  me  to 
revenge  their  fall.  Those  who  have  joined  me, 
know  that  the  liberty  of  our  country  is  the  only 
object  I  have  in  view  ;  and  they  also  know,  that  I 
have  always  been  as  ready  to  expose  my  own  life 
as  theirs  in  the  quarrel.  The  liberty  which  an 
unprincipled  usurper  is  endeavouring  to  deprive 
us  of,  is  the  birthright  we  have  inherited  from  our 
ancestors,  and  which  belongs  to  our  posterity,  to 
whom  it  is  our  duty  to  transmit  it.  If  we  perish 
in  doing  so,  we  perish  in  doing  what  is  right ;  and 
that  God,  who  made  us  free  men,  will  avert  the 
scenes  you  dread,  if  we  show  ourselves  worthy  of 
his  gift.  If,  on  the  contrary,  we  basely  surrender 
what  we  only  hold  in  trust  for  our  children,  the 
galling  yoke  of  slavery  will  be  a  just  retribution 
for  defrauding  them  of  their  sacred  inheritance. 
As  to  the  proposal,  come  from  whom  it  may,  you 
can  acquaint  them,  that  the  destruction  of  a  single 
enemy  of  my  country's  independence  affords  me 
more  pleasure  than  all  the  wealth  which  our  proud 
oppressor  has  it  in  his  power  to  bestow.  Have 
you  forgot,  uncle,"  said  he,  while  his  stern  features 
relaxed  into  a  smile  almost  sarcastic — "  have  you 
forgot 

"  Dico  tibi  verum,  Libertas  optima  rerum  : 
Nunquam  servili  sub  nexu  vivito,  fill — "  * 

"  have  you  forgot  those  sentiments  which  you  were 
at  such  pains  to  impress  on  my  mind  in  the  halcyon 

*  I  tell  you  a  truth,  Liberty  is  the  best  of  all  things  : 
My  son,  never  live  under  any  slavish  bond. 


LIFE  OF  SIR  WILLIAM  WALLACE. 


[CHA.P. 


days  of  my  childhood  *,  when  peace  was  in  all  our 
borders,  and  every  man  sat  under  his  own  vine 
and  fig-tree,  enjoying  the  fatherly  protection  of  a 
righteous  sovereign  ?  And  is  there  to  be  no  effort, 
no  sacrifice  made  to  bring  again  those  days  to  our 
poor  distracted  country  I "  He  was  proceeding, 
when  the  old  man's  eyes  became  suffused,  recol- 
lections of  the  past  crowded  upon  his  mind,  and  he 
threw  himself  on  the  breast  of  his  nephew. 

While  Wallace  was  thus  engaged  with  his  vene- 
rable relative,  he  was  agreeably  surprised  to  see 
his  two  friends,  Kerle  and  Stephen,  advancing 
towards  him,  accompanied  by  a  son  of  his  kind 
hostess.  After  mutual  congratulations  and  expres- 
sions of  'joy,  for  the  unexpected  meeting,  had 
passed  between  them,  they  communicated  to  each 
other  the  particulars  of  the  events  that  had  taken 
place  since  their  separation  ;  and,  after  receiving 
the  benediction  of  the  priest  and  returning  thanks 
to  the  Virgin,  they  retired  to  consult  about  their 
future  operations. 


CHAPTER  VIII. 

WALLACE  JOINED  BY  SIR  JOHN  GRAHAM. — PROCEED- 
INGS IN  CLYDESDALE. — WALLACE  VISITS  LANARK. 
— ADVENTURE  WITH  A  PARTY  OF  THE  ENGLISH, 

IT  appears,  that  an  oath  similar  to  that  which  Sir 
Raynald  Crawford  had  been  compelled  to  take, 
against  holding  correspondence  with,  or  affording 
assistance  to  Wallace,  had  also  been  forced  upon 
his  other  relatives,  as  we  find  the  widow  alluded 
to  in  the  foregoing  chapter  made  the  instrument 
of  conveying  to  him  the  proofs  of  his  uncle's  affec- 
tion. 

Having,  by  her  means,  been  supplied  with  a 
considerable  sum  of  money,  as  well  as  horses  for 
himself  and  his  companions,  they  set  forward,  ac- 
companied by  two  of  her  sons  whom  she  devoted 
to  the  cause,  toward  those  districts  where  they  had 
reason  to  expect  a  more  cordial  co-operation,  than 
what  -they  had  experienced  in  the  neighbourhood 
of  St.  Johnstone. 

At  the  suggestion  of  his  uncle,  Wallace  visited 
Dundaff  Castle,  on  his  way  towards  Clydesdale. 
This  fortress,  with  the  lands  of  Dundaff,  Strath- 
blane  and  Strathcarron,  belonged  to  Sir  David,  or 
according  to  others,  to  Sir  John  Graham,  an  old 
warrior,  who,  in  his  early  years,  had  recommended 
himself  by  his  gallantry  to  Alexander,  Lord  High 
Steward  of  Scotland,  by  whom  he  is  supposed  to 
have  been  intrusted  with  an  important  command 
at  the  battle  of  Largs.  His  son  and  heir,  Sir  John, 
received,  when  but  a  stripling,  the  honour  of 
knighthood  at  Berwick,  on  account  of  his  conduct 
in  a  border  feud  with  the  Percies  of  Northumber- 

*  "  The  uncle  of  Wallace,  a  priest,  so  often  inculcated, 
and  so  deeply  imprinted,  the  following  lines  upon  his  mind 
and  memory,  that  by  them  he  squared  all  the  thoughts  of 
his  great  soul,  and  efforts  of  his  vigorous  body  : 

"  Dico  tibi  verum,  Libertas  optima  rerum ; 
Nunquam  servili  sub  nexu  vivito,  fill." 

Scotichron.  Maj.  lib.  12.  cap!  iii.— See  also  Fordun,  lib.  xii. 
tap.  iii. 


land.  During  three  days  which  Wallace  passed  at 
Dundaff,  he  and  his  companions  experienced  the 
most  unbounded  hospitality  ;  and  the  old  chieftain 
saw,  with  delight,  those  feelings  of  admiration  and 
friendship  with  which  his  son  and  their  noble  guest 
appeared  to  view  each  other.  Before  the  depar- 
ture of  the  latter,  Sir  John,  with  the  consent  of  his 
father,  devoted  himself  to  the  cause  of  his  country's 
independence,  by  swearing  fidelity  to  Wallace  as 
his  chief,  and  would  have  instantly  accompanied 
him,  but  it  was  deemed  more  prudent  to  remain 
with  his  father,  till  he  was  apprised  of  the  number 
of  followers  Wallace  could  muster  in  Clydesdale. 
Meantime,  he  was  to  hold  himself  in  readiness  to 
advance,  with  his  father's  vassals,  as  soon  as  he 
should  receive  intimation.  After  mutual  expres- 
sions of  friendship,  Wallace  proceeded  on  his 
journey,  and  lodged  the  same  night  at  Both  well,  in 
the  house  of  one  Crawford,  from  whom  he  received 
information  of  the  state  of  the  country  and  the 
strength  of  the  enemy.  The  following  night  he 
reached  Gillbank,  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Lanark, 
where  he  remained  with  a  near  relation  of  his 
own  ;  and  from  thence  he  despatched  Stephen  and 
Kerle,  one  to  the  west,  and  the  other  to  the  north, 
to  acquaint  his  friends  of  his  situation,  and  appoint 
a  time  and  place  to  meet  him. 

It  seems  about  this  time  a  report  had  been  cir- 
culated among  the  English,  that  Wallace  had  been 
slain  in  a  mutiny  of  his  followers.  This  rumour, 
no  doubt  occasioned  by  the  circumstances  attend- 
ing the  death  of  Fawdon,  had  reached  Percy,  along 
with  the  accounts  of  the  destruction  of  Kincleveu 
Castle,  and  the  slaughter  of  Butler  and  the  other 
English  officers  ;  but  though  he  did  not  give  it 
implicit  belief,  there  was  a  degree  of  credit 
attached  to  it,  particularly  by  the  English  in  the 
upper  part  of  Clydesdale,  that  caused  our  hero  to 
be  less  taken  notice  of  when  he  appeared  among 
them.  This  was  particularly  serviceable  to  him  in 
the  visits  which  he  now  made  to  Lanark.  We 
have  already  alluded  to  an  attachment  which  Wal- 
lace entertained  for  a  young  gentlewoman  of  that 
place.  A  degree  of  obscurity  hangs  over  the  his- 
tory of  this  amour.  It  is  supposed,  by  those 
writers  who  have  taken  notice  of  the  subject,  that 
the  parties  had  been  privately  married  shortly 
after  the  battle  of  Beg,  during  the  time  that  he 
remained  in  the  forest  of  Clydesdale,  and  that  the 
ceremony  was  performed  by  John  Blair,  but  whe- 
ther in  the  church,  or  under  the  "  Greenwood 
Tree,"  is  no  where  stated.  Be  that  as  it  may,  his 
situation  was  too  precarious  to  allow  him  to  re- 
move her  from  her  present  residence.  His  visits 
were,  therefore,  made  with  the  utmost  secrecy,  in 
such  disguises,  and  at  such  hours,  as  would  best 
enable  him  to  escape  the  notice  of  his  enemies. 
Meanwhile  his  sword  was  not  allowed  to  rust.  He 
and  his  companions  were  continually  on  the  watch 
for  stragglers  from  the  English  quarters  ;  and  as 
they  always  attacked  them  in  situations  where 
none  could  escape,  their  mysterious  disappearance 
excited  the  greatest  alarm  among  their  country- 
men. Various  anecdotes  are  still  in  circulation 
among  the  peasantry  of  the  Upper  Ward  of  La- 
narkshire, regarding  exploits  performed  by  him 
about  this  time.  Among  others,  there  is  a  story 
still  handed  down,  of  the  severe  retaliation  he 
inflicted  on  a  party  of  Englishmen,  who,  having 
come  to  the  same  inn  at  which  he  and  his  com- 


CHAP.  VIII.] 


PROCEEDINGS  IN  CLYDESDALE. 


panions  were  refreshing  themselves,  had  played  off 
a  barbarous  attempt  at  waggery,  by  cutting  the 
tails  from  the  horses  of  the  Scots.  Blind  Harry 
alludes  to  this  circumstance  ;  and  the  following 
address,  which  Wallace  is  represented  as  having 
made  to  their  captain  before  he  cut  him  down, 
may  be  considered  as  no  unfavourable  specimen  of 
the  humour  of  the  man  : — 

"  Gud  freynd,  abid, 
Seruice  to  tak  for  thi  craft  in  this  tyde. 
Marschell,  thou  art  with  out  commaund  off  me; 
Reward  agayne,  me  think,  I  suld  pay  the  ; 
Sen  I  offlaitt,  now  come  owt  off  the  west 
In  this  cuntre,  a  harbour  off  the  best 
To  cutt  and  schaiff,  and  that  a  wondyr  gude ; 
Now  thow  sail  feyll  how  I  oyss  to  lat  blude." 

According  to  some  accounts,  the  above  trans- 
action is  said  to  have  occurred  at  Lochmaben,  and 
that  he  was  afterwards  pursued  by  Sir  Hew  of 
Moreland,  who  traced  the  Scots  to  the  Knock- 
wood  by  the  blood  that  still  continued  to  issue  from 
their  horses.  Wallace  being  here  joined  by  six- 
teen of  his  followers  who  had  been  lurking  in  the 
wood,  an  engagement  commenced,  in  which,  though 
greatly  superior  in  numbers,  the  English  were 
defeated,  and  Sir  Hew,  with  near  twenty  of  his 
men,  were  slain.  This  account  is  confirmed  by  a 
tradition  still  current  in  the  neighbourhood  ;  and 
is  thus  mentioned  in  the  Statistical  Account  of  the 
Parish  of  Kirkmichael.  "  There  are  several  indis- 
tinct remains  of  ancient  fortifications,  but  no  tra- 
dition about  any  other  than  a  small  fort  in  the 
Knock-wood,  called  Wallace's  House,  said  to  have 
been  thrown  up  by  Sir  William  Wallace  after  he 
had  slain  Sir  Hew  of  Moreland  and  five  of  his  men, 
at  a  place  still  named  from  that  event,  the  *  Sax 
Corses,'  i.  e.  the  six  corpses,  and  where  there  are 
two  or  three  large  stones  which  seem  to  have  been 
set  up  in  remembrance  of  some  great  transaction." 
Tradition  may  be  generally  relied  on  when  it 
marks  the  spot  where  any  remarkable  occurrence 
has  taken  place  ;  yet  the  circumstances  connected 
with  it  are  often  mis-stated.  The  rude  defence 
alluded  to,  under  the  name  of  Wallace's  House, 
may  have  been  either  hastily  formed  during  the 
advance  of  Moreland  and  his  party — as  they  are 
said  to  have  been  seen  for  some  time  before  they 
reached  the  position  occupied  by  the  Scots — or 
possibly  it  may  be  the  remains  of  some  strength 
used  in  former  wars.  Wallace  only  seems  to  have 
availed  himself  of  it  to  protect,  for  the  moment, 
his  little  band  from  being  overpowered  by  their 
numerous  assailants  ;  for  we  find  him  immediately 
after  this  victory  obliged  to  quit  Knock-wood. 
Those  Englishmen  who  escaped  having  fled  to 
Lochmaben  Castle,  a  detachment  of  three  hundred 
horse  were  ordered  to  go  in  pursuit,  under  the 
command  of  one  Graystock,  an  officer  who  had 
lately  arrived  from  England  with  a  strong  rein- 
forcement to  fill  up  the  deficiencies  which  Wallace 
had  made  in  the  garrisons.  Ignorant  in  a  great 
measure  of  the  talents  and  prowess  of  the  man  he 
had  to  contend  with,  he  upbraided  his  fugitive 
countrymen  with  cowardice,  when  they  recom- 
mended caution  to  him  in  operations  against  so 
wary  an  adversary  ;  and,  bent  on  chastising  what 
he  termed  the  insolence  of  the  freebooter,  pressed 
forward  with  the  greatest  expedition. 

The  Scots,  having  supplied  themselves  with  the 


horses  of  their  slain  enemies,  were  preparing  to 
advance  into  Clydesdale,  near  the  confines  of 
which  Wallace  had  appointed  to  meet  his  trusty 
associates,  Kerle  and  Stephen,  witli  those  friends 
who  had  promised  to  join  him,  when  the  formidable 
array  of  Graystock  came  in  sight,  at  full  gallop. 
Wallace  now  ordered  his  men  to  form,  and  retire 
with  deliberation,  taking  care  to  keep  their  horses 
in  breath,  while  he  remained  in  the  rear  to  repress 
any  sudden  attack  that  might  be  made.  As  the 
enemy  advanced,  Wallace,  mounted  on  the  horse 
of  Moreland,  kept  in  front  of  them,  and  rode  with 
so  much  sang  froid,  occasionally  looking  over  his 
shoulder,  that  an  uninterested  spectator  might 
have  supposed  he  was  rather  leading  the  English 
party  on,  than  watching  for  a  favourable  oppor- 
tunity of  attacking  them,  while  the  terror  of  his 
name  prevented  any  of  them  from  moving  from 
their  ranks.  They  had  thus  contrived  to  follow 
the  retreating  Scots  for  some  time,  when  Gray- 
stock  ordered  a  movement,  by  which  he  imagined 
he  would  be  able  to  surround  Wallace  and  his 
little  band.  At  this  juncture  Sir  John  Graham 
suddenly  appeared  with  about  thirty  horse,  fol- 
lowed by  Sir  Roger  Kilpatrick  of  Torthorowald, 
a  near  relation  of  Wallace  by  the  mother's  side, 
who,  in  obedience  to  the  message  by  the  faithful 
Stephen,  had  taken  the  field  with  twenty  of  his 
tenantry.  Wallace  received  these  worthy  confede- 
rates with  three  cheers,  and  instantly  set  them  an 
example,  by  charging  through  the  centre  of  the 
enemy  :  his  friends  having  put  themselves  in 
array,  pushed  forward  at  their  utmost  speed,  and 
soon  completed  the  confusion  he  had  commenced. 
The  left  wing  of  the  enemy  was  thrown  into  dis- 
order before  the  impetuous  charge  of  the  Scots  ; 
and  Sir  John  Graham  was  busily  employed  in  pur- 
suing and  cutting  down  the  fugitives,  when  Wal- 
lace came  up  with  him,  and  represented  the  impro- 
priety of  killing  the  common  soldiers  while  tneir 
leaders  were  escaping  ;  pointing  out  to  him  a  body 
of  one  hundred  of  the  enemy,  which  Graystock 
was  endeavouring  to  keep  entire,  and  recom- 
mended, as  his  horse  were  still  in  good  condition, 
to  charge  and  disperse  them.  Sir  John  quickly 
arranged  his  little  squadron,  and  prepared  with 
alacrity  to  execute  the  commands  he  had  received. 
Wallace,  who  seldom  gave  orders  which  he  did  not 
see  executed,  was  soon  in  the  fray.  The  charge  of 
Graham  had  been  too  impetuous  to  be  withstood. 
Wallace  found  the  enemy  in  confusion,  and  Gray- 
stock  engaged  hand  to  hand  with  the  young  knight 
of  Dundaff.  The  conflict  for  a  few  moments 
remained  doubtful,  but  the  superior  strength  and 
dexterity  of  Graham  soon  became  apparent  ;  and 
the  fall  of  the  English  leader  was  the  signal 
of  flight  for  his  followers,  who  sought  refuge 
in  the  place  whence  the  Scots  had  been  lately 
driven. 

The  victors  were  hastily  recalled  from  the  pur- 
suit by  the  horn  of  their  chief.  Having  collected 
them  around  him,  he  complimented  them  on  the 
valour  they  had  displayed,  and  proposed  that  they 
should  instantly  attack  the  Castle  of  Lochmaben  ; 
representing  to  them,  that  as  the  garrison  had 
already  been  put  to  flight,  if  they  could  reach  it 
before  the  fugitives  returned,  the  plunder  they 
might  find  would  amply  reward  the  labours  they 
had  undergone.  The  proposal  was  j  oyfully  received ; 
and  they  instantly  set  out  under  the  guidance  of  a 


40 


LIFE  OF  SIR  WILLIAM  WALLACE. 


[CHAP.  ix. 


person  well  acquainted  with  the  intricacies  of  the 
country. 

As  their  chief  expected,  the  fortress  had  been 
left  to  the  care  of  the  porter  and  a  few  invalids, 
who  were  easily  overpowered  ;  and  this  place  they 
found  well  stored  with  abundance  of  every  thing 
their  situation  required.  While  enjoying  them- 
selves after  the  fatigues  of  the  day,  the  remains  of 
their  discomfited  enemies  were  observed  hastening 
towards  the  castle.  Orders  being  immediately 
given  for  their  admission,  on  reaching  the  castle- 
yard,  they  were  surrounded  by  the  Scots,  and, 
after  a  short  conflict,  indiscriminately  put  to  the 
sword. 

The  fortress,  which  had  thus  unexpectedly  fallen 
into  their  hands,  was  deemed  so  important  an 
acquisition,  that  Wallace  thought  it  advisable  to 
leave  a  garrison  in  it.  He  then  took  his  depar- 
ture, accompanied  by  Sir  John  Graham,  Kerle, 
Stephen,  and  a  few  other  worthies,  for  the  forest  of 
Clydesdale. 


CHAPTER  IX. 

ATTACK  ON  CRAWFORD  CASTLE — RETURN  TO  LANARK 

CONFLICT  WITH  THE  ENGLISH — MURDER  OF  THE 
HEIRESS  OF  LAMINGTON — HER  DEATH  REVENGED — 
THE  ENGLISH  DRIVEN  OUT  OF  LANARK. 

THE  Castle  of  Lochmaben  is  supposed  to  have  been 
the  first  fortress  in  which  Wallace  ventured  to 
place  a  garrison  ;  and  it  is  probable  he  was  ena- 
bled to  do  so  in  consequence  of  a  great  many 
in  the  neighbourhood  having  joined  his  standard, 
encouraged  no  doubt  by  his  late  successes.  This 
supposition  is  confirmed  by  the  circumstance  of  his 
leaving  behind  him  a  few  of  those  who  had  been 
in  the  engagement  with  Graystock. 

While  the  insurrection  was  thus  spreading 
in  Scotland,  Edward  was  prosecuting  his  views 
against  France.  The  accounts  of  the  proceedings 
of  Wallace  occasionally  reached  him,  and  arrested 
his  attention  in  the  midst  of  his  victories  ;  and 
though  he  felt  no  immediate  apprehension  from 
the  attempts  of  the  freebooter,  as  he  was  pleased 
to  call  the  patriotic  leader  of  the  Scots,  yet  he 
considered  him  such  an  enemy  as  it  was  not  alto- 
gether prudent  to  neglect. 

The  applications,  therefore,  which  were  made 
from  time  to  time,  by  Percy  and  others  intrusted 
with  the  management  of  Scottish  affairs,  were 
promptly  attended  to,  and  the  requisite  supplies 
forwarded  to  the  different  garrisons.  Part  of  these 
supplies,  as  has  been  already  hinted,  had  reached 
Lochmaben  before  the  late  rencounter  ;  most  of 
the  other  fortified  places  had  received  their  quota  ; 
and  the  garrison  of  the  Castle  of  Crawford  were  in 
daily  expectation  of  their  proportion. 

This  fortress,  which  had  belonged  to  the  mater- 
nal ancestors  of  Wallace  *,  attracted  his  attention. 
Having  learned,  from  a  female  whom  he  stopped 
on  the  moor,  that  the  garrison,  which  consisted  of 
about  twenty  men,  were  carousing  in  an  hostelry 
in  the  neighbourhood  of  the  castle,  he  proposed  to 
Sir  John  Graham  to  attempt  a  surprise.  For  this 
purpose,  he  directed  Graham  to  follow  slowly  with 

*  See  Appendix,  B. 


the  others  under  his  command,  while,  with  a  com- 
panion, he  went  forward  himself  to  observe  the 
condition  of  the  revellers.  On  approaching  the 
door,  the  language  within  had  become  sufficiently 
audible  ;  and  he  soon  ascertained  that  he  and  his 
exploits  were  the  subject  of  discussion  ;  their  cap- 
tain, one  Martindale,  in  the  heat  of  his  pot-valour, 
declaring  to  his  men  the  pleasure  which  the  pre- 
sence of  Wallace  would  afford  him.  Finding  him- 
self in  request,  the  fearless  Scot  stepped  forward. 
The  "  Benedicites "  on  both  sides  were  brief. 
Wallace  plied  his  weapon  with  his  usual  effect  ; 
and,  aided  by  his  companion,  the  maudlin  brag- 
gadocio and  his  fellows  were  soon  overpowered. 
Meanwhile,  Sir  John  Graham,  who  had  reached 
the  door  during  the  contest,  was  ordered  off  to 
secure  the  castle  *  ;  which  duty,  from  the  small 
number  of  its  defenders,  he  easily  performed. 

Having  burnt  the  castle,  and  divided  the  spoil 
among  his  followers,  Wallace  retired  to  Lanark 
on  purpose,  it  is  supposed,  to  concert  measures 
for  withdrawing  from  that  place  the  object  of  his 
affections,  and  placing  her  in  some  retreat  less 
exposed  to  the  exactions  of  Hazelrig. 

On  this  occasion,  our  hero,  for  the  more  effec- 
tually disguising  himself  f,  had  thrown  a  green 
mantle  over  his  armour,  which  he  fastened  with 
a  belt,  from  which  depended  his  sword.  At  the 
entrance  of  the  town,  his  dress,  and  particularly 
the  uncommon  length  of  his  sword,  attracted  the 
notice  of  some  of  the  soldiers  belonging  to  the  gar- 
rison ;  and  one  of  them,  more  insolent  than  the 
others,  made  a  snatch  at  it.  Wallace  evaded  the 

*  According  to  a  tradition  still  current  about  Crawford, 
Wallace  is  said  to  have  first  approached  the  castle  in  the  dis- 
guise of  an  old  beggar,  with  a  patch  over  one  eye,  and  his 
sword  concealed  under  his  cloak.  In  this  dress,  he  entered 
into  conversation  with  a  woman  engaged  in  washing  clothes 
in  the  Clyde.  From  her  he  learned,  that  part  of  the  gar- 
rison, amounting  to  about  fifteen  men,  were  carousing  in  a 
"hostelrie"  hard  by,  kept  by  two  brothers  of  the  name  of 
Watt.  To  this  place  he  repaired,  and  getting  among  them, 
it  was  not  long  before  he  discovered  that  he  was  the  subject 
of  their  conversation.  Some,  more  elated  with  the  contents 
of  the  cup  than  their  neighbours,  loudly  expressed  the  satis- 
faction they  would  feel  at  having  a  "bout"  with  the  cham- 
pion of  the  Scots ;  while  he  who  appeared  to  bear  command 
among  them,  declared  how  willingly  and  handsomely  he 
would  reward  the  man  who  would  bring  them  together. 
Wallace  offered,  for  "  sma1  hire,"  to  comply  with  their 
wishes ;  and  rising,  as  if  for  the  purpose,  drew  forth  his 
formidable  weapon,  and  commenced  an  attack  upon  the 
party,  whom  he  was  fortunate  enough,  by  his  superior 
strength  and  dexterity,  to  overpower  and  put  to  death.  His 
horn  was  then  sounded ;  and  his  companions,  quitting  their 
lurking  places,  rallied  around  him,  and  surprised  the  castle 
in  the  manner  described.  The  house  where  the  above  action 
is  understood  to  have  taken  place,  is  still  to  be  seen  in  the 
village  of  Crawford- John.  It  continues  to  be  occupied  by 
the  descendants  of  one  of  the  two  brothers  above  alluded  to, 
who  was  married  to  a  woman  named  Dalziel,  and  whose 
progeny  continued  to  rent  it  as  tenants,  till  about  three 
hundred  years  ago,  when  one  of  them,  who  was  piper  to  the 
proprietor,  received  a  perpetual  feu  of  the  house,  and  a 
small  portion  of  land  attached  to  it,  for  some  piece  of  service 
he  had  performed.  The  room  in  which  the  above  adven- 
ture is  said  to  have  occurred,  is  at  the  end  of  the  building, 
nearest  to  the  ruins  of  Crawford  Castle ;  and  the  present 
occupant,  Mr.  Dalziel,  with  praiseworthy  attention,  endea- 
vours to  preserve,  as  much  as  possible,  the  original  appear- 
ance of  the  house.  The  ditch  into  which  the  dead  bodies  of 
the  English  were  thrown,  is  still  pointed  out. 

t  Wyntoune,  vol.  ii.  p.  92. 


CHAP.  IX.] 


MURDER  OF  THE  HEIRESS  OF  LAMINGTON. 


41 


attempt  to  deprive  him  of  his  weapon  ;  when  a 
sarcastic  *  dialogue  ensued,  which  soon  ended  in 
blows  ;  and  the  English,  seeing  their  companion  no 
match  for  the  Scot,  rushed  forward  to  his  assist- 
ance. Hemmed  in  on  all  sides,  Wallace  became 
roused  into  fury,  and  dealt  his  blows  around  him 
with  fearful  and  destructive  energy.  His  pon- 
derous blade  descended  with  rapid  and  crashing 
effect  among  the  bucklers  and  head-pieces  of  the 
enemy,  who  had  begun  to  retire  in  confusion,  before 
his  irresistible  arm  ;  when  others  arriving,  who 
were  unacquainted  with  the  foe  they  had  to  con- 
tend with,  rushed  headlong  to  the  fray.  Expe- 
rience, however,  soon  taught  them  to  be  more 
cautious  in  their  advance  ;  and  Wallace  had  set 
them  completely  at  bay,  when  young  Hazelrig 
came  on  with  a  fresh  party  to  their  assistance. 
Thus  reinforced,  and  eager  to  revenge  their  com- 
panions, they  were  now  fast  gathering  round  our 
hero,  when  a  door  facing  him  suddenly  opened, 
and  a  fair  hand  beckoned  him  from  the  melee. 
Wallace  quickly  embraced  the  means  of  escape 
thus  afforded  him  ;  and  the  door  being  instantly 
shut  against  his  enemies,  gave  him  an  opportunity 
of  saving  himself  by  an  outlet  behind  the  house. 

Old  Hazelrig  f,  or,  as  Wyntown  calls  him,  the 
Sheriff,  was  not  in  Lanark  at  the  time  of  this 
affray  ;  but,  on  hearing  the  account  of  it,  and 
learning  the  number  of  English  who  had  been 
killed,  he  hastened  to  town,  and  caused  the  fair 
orphan  of  Lamington  to  be  brought  before  him. 
On  discovering  her  connection  with  Wallace,  and 
the  assistance  she  had  so  opportunely  afforded 
him,  in  a  paroxysm  of  rage  and  disappointment,  he 
ordered  her  for  instant  execution. 

In  the  account  of  this  affair,  we  have  adhered 
to  the  statement  of  Wyntown  J,  who  adds,  that 
Wallace,  from  a  place  of  concealment,  had  the 
heart-rending  misfortune  to  be  a  spectator  of  the 
execution  of  his  mistress,  without  having  the  power 
of  attempting  a  rescue.  This  would  not  have  been 
the  case,  if  he  had,  as  the  Minstrel  says,  been 
attended  by  Sir  John  Graham,  and  twenty-four  of 
his  associates.  Wyntown  represents  it  as  a  mere 
personal  adventure  of  Wallace  ;  and  states,  that, 
after  the  melancholy  catastrophe,  he  went  in  search 
of  his  friends,  to  assist  him  in  revenging  the  atro- 
city. Having  collected  thirty  of  his  followers,  he 
returned  with  them,  for  that  purpose,  to  Lanark. 
At  the  dead  hour  of  night,  the  door  of  the  sheriff 's 
apartment  was  burst  from  its  hinges,  and  the  iron- 
grasp  of  Wallace  awakened  Hazelrig  from  his 
sleep.  On  being  dragged  headlong  to  the  street, 
after  a  stern  reproof  for  his  cowardly  conduct,  the 
trembling  victim  instantly  received  the  reward  due 
to  his  villany.  The  alarm  now  spread,  and  the 
garrison  soon  engaged  with  Wallace  and  his  party  ; 
but  deeply  incensed  at  the  late  disgusting  act  of 
barbarity,  the  people  of  Lanark  rose  en  masse 
against  their  oppressors,  who,  unable  to  stand  their 
ground,  were  soon  overpowered,  and  driven  with 
great  slaughter  from  the  town. 

The  inhabitants  of  Lanark,  having  thus  iden- 
tified themselves  with  the  cause  of  Wallace,  saw 
no  alternative  left  them,  but  to  join  heart  and 
hand  with  the  avenger  of  their  country's  wrongs  ; 
and  the  number  that  now  flocked  to  his  standard 

*   Vide  Introduction  to  this  work,  p.  26. 

t  Fordun  calls  him,  Willielmus  de  Hasliope. 

J  Wyntown,  vol.  ii.  p.  92-95. 


enabled  him  to  take  the  field  openly,  and  bid 
defiance  to  the  enemy.  Indeed,  so  formidable  was 
the  force  under  his  command,  that  he  met  and 
defeated  a  considerable  body  of  the  English  in 
a  regular  engagement  in  the  neighbourhood  of 
Biggar.  It  has  been  alleged,  that,  on  this  memo- 
rable occasion,  Edward  commanded  in  person  ;  but 
such  could  not  have  been  the  case,  as  the  English 
monarch  was  not  in  the  country  at  the  tune.  That 
a  considerable  battle  was  fought  in  the  neighbour- 
hood, there  is  reason  to  believe,  as  well  from  cur- 
rent tradition,  as  from  the  number  of  tumuli  which 
are  still  to  be  seen.  In  the  statistical  account  of 
Biggar,  the  subject  is  thus  taken  notice  of  : — "  At 
the  west  end  of  the  town  is  a  tumulus,  which 
appears  never  to  have  been  opened  ;  and  there  are 
vestiges  of  three  camps,  each  of  a  roundish  figure, 
at  different  places  in  the  neighbourhood.  There 
is  a  tradition  of  a  battle  having  been  fought  at  the 
east  of  the  town,  between  the  Scots,  under  Sir 
William  Wallace,  and  the  English,  who  were  said 
to  be  sixty  thousand  strong,  wherein  a  great 
slaughter  was  made  on  both  sides,  especially 
among  the  latter." 

These  accounts,  however,  are  decidedly  at  vari- 
ance with  truth,  both  in  regard  to  the  amount  of 
the  English,  and  the  person  who  commanded.  It 
is  more  probable,  that  the  enemy  did  not  exceed 
eight,  or  at  most  ten  thousand  men,  part  of  which 
appears  to  have  been  under  the  command  of  Roden, 
Lord  de  Whichenour.  On  the  side  of  the  Scots, 
Sir  Walter  Newbigging*,  already  referred  to, 
headed  a  body  of  cavalry.  His  son  David,  a 
youth,  at  that  time  little  more  than  fifteen  years  of 
age,  held  a  command  under  him,  and  the  well-tried 
military  talents  of  the  father  were  not  disgraced 
by  the  efforts  of  the  young  patriot,  whose  conduct 
on  this  occasion  was  afterwards  rewarded  by  the 
honour  of  knighthood,  probably  conferred  by  the 
hand  of  our  hero  himself.  The  family  of  Newbig- 
ging, as  has  already  been  noticed,  came  originally 
from  England  ;  and  Sir  Walter  and  his  son,  on 
this  occasion,  found  themselves  opposed  to  their 
near  kinsman,  the  Lord  of  Whichenour. 

At  the  head  of  what  might  now  be  called  an 
army,  Wallace  kept  the  field  ;  and  the  celerity  of 
his  movements  confounded  all  the  calculations  of 
the  enemy.  While  the  main  body  of  his  forces 
appeared  in  their  formidable  intrenchments,  occu- 
pying the  attention  of  the  English,  distant  garrisons 
were  surprised,  and  put  to  the  sword  by  foes,  who 
seemed  to  spring  up  as  it  were  within  their  walls, 
and  of  whose  approach  they  had  not  the  slightest 
intimation. 

About  this  time,  one  of  those  iniquitous  acts,  so 
often  met  with  in  the  cold-blooded  and  relentless 
policy  of  Edward,  was  perpetrated  at  Ayr,  against 
the  barons  and  gentry  of  the  west  of  Scotland. 
This  part  of  the  country  had  been  the  nucleus,  as 
it  were,  of  the  insurrection  ;  and  the  ill-disposed 
and  well-affected  had  now  become  equally  objects 
of  suspicion  to  the  usurper's  government.  Under 
the  pretext  of  holding  a  Justice-Aire,  they  were 
summoned  to  attend  ;  and  those  who  appeared 
(among  whom  were  Sir  Raynald  Crawford,  Sir 
Bryce  Blair +,  and  Sir  Hugh  Montgomerie)  were 

*  Memorie  of  the  Somervills,  vol.  i.  p.  80,  81. 

t  The  family,  from  which  Sir  Bryce  Blair  is  descended, 
has  come  down  till  the  present  time.  He  was  third  in 
succession  from  William  de  Blair,  mentioned  in  a  contract 


LIFE  OF  SIR  WILLIAM  WALLACE. 


[CHAP.  x. 


;reacherously  seized,  and  hung  up  without  even  the 
formality  of  a  trial. 

Wallace  heard  of  the  infamous  proceeding,  and 
determined  on  severe  retaliation.  Selecting  fifty 
of  his  confederates,  he  hastened  to  the  spot,  and 
Deing  joined  by  a  number  of  the  retainers  of  the 
murdered  gentlemen,  they  surrounded  the  build- 
ngs  where  the  English  were  cantoned,  and  who, 
ndulging  in  fancied  security  arising  from  the  terror 
which  they  imagined  the  late  severity  was  likely  to 
impress  upon  the  Scots,  had,  after  a  deep  carousal, 
betaken  themselves  to  rest,  little  dreaming  of  the 
vengeance  that  awaited  them. 

Having  procured  the  necessary  combustibles, 
Wallace,  after  disposing  of  his  men,  so  as  to  pre- 
vent the  escape  of  any  of  the  English,  set  fire  to 
the  thatch,  which  being  covered  with  pitch,  the 
flames  soon  spread  to  every  part  of  the  buildings, 
and  rose  in  one  general  conflagration  ;  while  the 
screaming  wretches  within,  vainly  attempting  to 
escape,  were  received  on  the  points  of  the  Scottish 
swords,  and  either  killed,  or  forced  back,  to  perish 
in  the  devouring  element.  It  is  said  that  500  of 
the  English  suffered  in  this  lamentable  manner. 
The  severity  of  the  retaliation  can  only  be  palliated 
by  the  nature  of  the  war  the  parties  were  engaged 
in,  and  the  desperation  to  which  the  cruelty  of  the 
invaders  had  goaded  on  the  wretched  inhabitants. 
If  tradition  may  be  credited,  Wallace  did  not 
remain  till  the  flames  were  extinguished  ;  for, 
when  about  two  miles  on  his  return,  at  an  elevated 
part  of  the  road,  he  is  said  to  have  made  his  men 
look  back  on  the  still  blazing  scene  of  their  ven- 
geance, remarking,  at  the  same  time,  that  "  The 
barns  of  Ayr  burn  weel."  The  ruins  of  a  church 
are  still  to  be  seen  on  the  spot  where  the  chief  and 
his  followers  stood  to  take  their  last  look,  and 
which  is  named  from  the  circumstance,  "  Burn  iced 
Kirk*:' 


CHAPTER  X. 

AFFAIR  OF  GLASGOW — DEFEAT  AND  FLIGHT  OF  BISHOP 
BEK — WALLACE  JOINED  BY  A  NUMBER  OF  THE 
BARONS — EXPEDITION  TO  THE  WEST  HIGHLANDS — 
BATTLE  OF  BRADHER,  AND  DEATH  OF  M'FADYAN. 

ABOUT  this  time   Sir  William  Douglas  took  the 
Castles  of  Dresdier  and    Sanquhair,  as  already 

between  Ralph  de  Eglinton  and  the  town  of  Irvine,  in  1205 
and  who  is  said  to  have  died  in  the  reign  of  Alexander  II. 
betwixt  the  years  1214  and  1249,  leaving  a  son  also  namec 
William,  who,  in  a  charter  of  Alexander  III.,  is  styled  Wil 
lielmus  de  Blair,  Dominus  de  eodem,  or  of  that  Ilk.  This 
William  left  two  sons ;  1st  Bryce,  and  2d  David.  He  was 
succeeded  by  the  eldest,  Sir  Bryce  Blair  of  that  Ilk,  who 
having  given  umbrage  to  the  English,  by  joining  our  hero 
was  put  to  death  in  the  treacherous  manner  described  in  GUI 
history.  His  brother  David,  who  succeeded  to  the  estates 
had  submitted  to  Edward,  along  with  the  aristocracy  in 
1296.  Though  the  head  of  this  family  was  considered  as  the 
chief  of  all  the  Blairs  in  Scotland,  yet  their  title  was  ofte 
called  in  question  by  the  Blairs  of  Balthycock,  a  family  o 
great  antiquity.  The  affair  was  at  last  brought  before 
James  VI.,  who  decided,  that  "  the  oldest  man,  for  the  tim 
being,  of  either  family,  should  have  the  precedency."  It  i 
probable  that  John  Blair,  who  acted  as  chaplain  to  Wallace 
was  a  cadet  of  tins  family. 
*  See  Appendix,  C. 


tated  in  the  short  notice  we  have  given  of  his 
exploits.  In  conjunction  with  Wallace,  this  active 
nd  powerful  baron,  assuming  the  sanction  of  the 
ame  of  Baliol,  endeavoured  to  enforce  the  edict 
or  the  expulsion  of  the  English  ecclesiastics  hold- 
ng  benefices  in  Scotland.  This  edict,  issued  be- 
,ween  the  time  of  the  taking  of  Berwick  and  the 
Castle  of  Dunbar,  had  been  rendered  nugatory  by, 
,he  suppression  of  Scottish  independence.  It  was 
now,  however,  executed  with  the  utmost  rigour, 
wherever  the  influence  of  the  insurgents  extended. 
~n  pursuance  of  this  object,  Wallace,  at  the  head 
of  three  hundred  choice  cavalry,  proceeding  to 
"  lasgow  to  dislodge  Bishop  Bek,  who,  with  a  gar- 
rison of  one  thousand  men,  kept  possession  of  the 
;own  and  episcopal  castle,  belonging  to  Robert 
Wishart,  the  Scottish  bishop  of  that  place. 

As  the  Scots  drew  near  the  spot  against  which 
their  operations  were  directed,  Wallace  divided  his 
followers  into  two  bands.  Taking  the  commanO  of 
one  himself,  he  committed  the  other  to  the  guidance 
of  his  uncle,  the  Laird  of  Auchinleck.  "  Whether" 
said  our  hero  to  his  gallant  kinsman,  "  do  you  choose 
to  bear  up  the  bishop's  tail,  or  go  forward  and  take 
his  blessing  1 "  Auchinleck  at  once  understood  the 
intended  plan  of  attack,  and  proposed  assailing  the 
rear  of  the  English,  resigning  the  more  honour- 
able post  to  the  merits  of  his  nephew,  "  icho,"  as  he 
jocularly  observed,  " had  not  yet  been  confirmed" 

Having  received  the  necessary  instructions,  Wal- 
lace enjoined  him  to  be  diligent ;  "  for,"  said  he, 
"the  men  of  Northumberland  are  all  good  war- 
riors." The  parties  separated  ;  that  under  Auchin- 
leck to  make  a  compass  round  the  town,  so  as  to 
get  in  rear  of  the  enemy  ;  and  the  other,  under 
the  conduct  of  Wallace,  advanced  up  the  principal 
street  leading  to  the  castle.  Their  approach,  how- 
ever, had  been  discovered  ;  for,  when  near  the 
present  site  of  the  college  church,  the  Scots  came 
in  contact  with  the  English,  and  the  inhabitants 
had  scarcely  time  to  shelter  themselves  in  their 
houses,  before  a  dreadful  conflict  commenced. 
The  powerful  and  warlike  prelate  with  whom  our 
patriots  had  to  contend,  possessed  a  feudal  follow- 
ing of  knights  and  esquires,  inferior  only  to  that  of 
Edward  himself.  The  narrow  street,  however,  in 
which  they  were  engaged  was  in  favour  of  the 
Scots  ;  and  the  sword  of  Wallace  told  dreadfully 
on  the  helmets  and  headpieces  of  the  enemy.  The 
manner  in  which  he  swept  his  antagonists  before 
him,  is  still  a  matter  of  tradition  among  the  de- 
scendants of  the  early  inhabitants  of  Glasgow. 
Though  the  enemy  fought  with  obstinacy,  the 
gallantry  of  the  Scots  sustained  them  against  the 
efforts  of  their  numerous  opponents  •;  and  in  the 
heat  of  the  engagement,  Wallace  having  unhorsed 
Henry  of  Hornecester,  a  stout  monk,  who  car- 
ried the  banner  of  the  bishop  *,  this  circumstance 

*  The  family  banner  of  Bek,  according  to  Walter  of 
Exeter,  a  cotemporary  authority,  was,  "  Gules,  with  a  fer  de 
moulin  of  ermine."  Though  Henry  de  Hornecester  was  in 
the  habit  of  carrying  the  banner  of  St.  Cuthbert,  it  was  only 
on  extraordinary  occasions  that  this  unwieldy  ensign  was 
displayed ;  and  it  is  not  likely  that,  amid  the  bustle  of  so 
unexpected  an  attack,  they  could  spare  time  to  get  it  ready, 
even  if  the  occasion  had  been  a  proper  one,  it  being  chiefly 
reserved  for  high  festivals.  As  it  had  been  brought  into 
Scotland  the  preceding  year,  it  was  very  likely  retained, 
along  with  that  of  St.  John  of  Beverly,  to  grace  the  processions 
of  the  proud  and  imperious  churchman  in  his  new  diocese. 


HE  IS  JOINED  BY  THE  BARONS. 


43 


damped  the  ardour  of  some  of  the  superstitious 
vansals  of  the  prelate,  who  now  fell  back  before  a 
vigorous  charge  of  the  Scots.  At  this  juncture, 
those  under  Auchinleck  having  reached  the  ele- 
vated ground  in  the  rear  of  the  English,  and  seeing 
the  turmoil  of  battle  that  was  raging  below,  hastily 
arranged  themselves  for  the  charge,  and,  before 
the  enemy  were  fully  apprised  of  their  danger,  the 
torrent  of  spears  came  rushing  down  upon  them 
with  overwhelming  impetuosity.  Their  dismay 
was  now  complete.  A  hasty  and  disordered  retreat 
ensued,  and  the  by-ways  leading  from  the  High- 
street  were  so  choked  up  by  the  fugitives,  that 
a  number  of  them  were  trampled  to  death  by  their 
companions.  Bek  *  effected  his  escape,  with  about 
300  horse,  and  directed  his  flight  towards  Eng- 
land, carrying  with  him,  it  is  supposed,  the  sacred 
banner  of  St.  Cuthbert  and  that  of  St.  John  of 
Beverly  f. 

While  Wallace  was  thus  employed  in  expelling 
the  English  ecclesiastics  from  the  west  of  Scotland, 
Sir  William  Douglas  was  engaged  in  forwarding 
the  same  object  in  the  south.  In  these  proceedings 
they  are  charged  by  the  English  authors  with 
extreme  cruelty.  "  The  unhappy  priests,"  says 
Knighton,  "  had  their  hands  tied  behind  their  backs, 
and  in  this  helpless  state  were  thrown  from  high 
bridges  into  rivers,  their  dying  agonies  affording 
sport  to  their  merciless  captors."  Fordun  merely 
says,  that  Wallace  pretended  to  execute  the  edict 
of  1296,  which  appointed  all  English  ecclesiastics 
to  be  expelled  from  Scotland.  On  which  Lord 
Hailes  remarks,  "  I  hope  this  is  not  true  ;  it  has 
too  much  the  appearance  of  a  political  pretext,  by 
which  defenceless  individuals  might  be  perse- 
cuted £."  There  was  little  occasion  for  his  Lord- 
ship's sympathy.  The  thirteenth  century  was  not 
the  period  when  churchmen  were  the  objects  of 
causeless  persecutions.  Their  expulsion  appears  to 
have  been  the  result  of  their  political  intrigues 
and  criminal  interference  with  the  records  of  the 
country  intrusted  to  their  charge.  And  from  their 
placing  these  documents  in  the  hands  of  Edward  at 
Norham,  he  was  enabled  to  give  a  colouring  of 
justice  to  his  attempts  upon  the  independence  of 
Scotland.  The  evidence  which  these  falsified 
muniments  afforded  is  mentioned  by  Langtoft  §, 
as  being  submitted  by  Edward  to  the  English 
barons  for  their  advice  before  the  business  of  the 
submission  respecting  the  Scottish  crown  was 
entered  upon.  When  the  Scots  reflected  on  the 
many  thousands  of  their  nation,  of  all  ages,  who 
had  already  been  butchered  at  Berwick  and  Dun- 
bar, — the  oppressions  that  had  followed, — the  appa- 
rently interminable  war  entailed  upon  them  in 
support  of  the  pretended  proofs  of  the  supremacy 
of  England  ;  it  is  not  to  be  wondered  at,  that  they 
should  attempt  to  get  rid  of  those  canker-worms 
who  had  nestled  in  their  country,  and  ungratefully 
betrayed  its  sacred  and  most  invaluable  interests. 
The  edict  was  early  published,  and  at  a  time  when 
it  could  serve  no  other  purpose  than  a  protest 


*  It  lias  been  asserted  that  Henry  de  Percy  was  killed  on 
this  occasion.  It  is,  however,  a  mistake ;  Percy,  at  the  time 
of  the  rencounter,  was  either  in  the  eastern  part  of  Scotland, 
along  with  Robert  de  Clifford,  or  in  attendance  on  his  uncle 
the  Earl  of  Warren,  in  Northumberland. 

t  See  Appendix,  D.  J  Annals,  vol.  i.  p.  299. 

§  Vol.  ii.  p.  2:18. 


against  the  baseness  of  their  conduct.  When  the 
insurrection,  therefore,  broke  out  under  Wallace, 
it  was  not  to  be  expected  that  individuals  who  had 
rendered  themselves  so  deservedly  obnoxious,  would 
be  treated  with  much  lenity,  if  they  still  attempted 
to  retain  their  temporalities  at  the  expense  of  the 
people  they  had  endeavoured  to  enslave  *. 

Wallace,  uniting  his  forces  with  those  under 
Douglas,  now  made  a  rapid  march  upon  Scone, 
expecting  to  surprise  Ormsby,  the  Justiciary  of 
Edward,  who  was  holding  his  courts  in  that  place. 
The  attempt  was  all  but  completely  successful. 
They  came  unexpectedly  on  the  enemy,  a  great 
many  of  whom  were  either  killed  or  taken  pri- 
soners, and  a  rich  booty  fell  into  the  hands  of  the 
Scots.  Ormsby  narrowly  escaped  ;  and,  impressed 
with  terror  at  the  late  dreadful  acts  of  retaliation, 
fled  with  precipitation  to  England.  Encouraged  by 
these  successes,  a  number  of  the  aristocracy  joined 
the  banner  of  our  hero,  among  whom  were  the 
Steward  of  Scotland,  his  brother  the  Knight  of 
Bonkill,  Alexander  de  Lindsay,  Sir  John  Stewart 
of  Husky  (or  Menteith),  Sir  Richard  Lundin,  and 
Robert  Wishart,  Bishop  of  Glasgow,  whom  he  had 
so  lately  relieved  from  the  obnoxious  interference 
of  the  Bishop  of  Durham.  In  consequence  of  this 
timely  assistance,  Wallace  was  enabled  to  under- 
take an  enterprise  of  considerable  importance. 

The  reader  will  perceive,  by  the  annexed  note  f, 


*  It  is  hoped  that  the  writer  will  not  be  considered  as 
attempting  to  justify  any  thing  like  wanton  cruelty  on  the 
part  of  Wallace  and  his  compatriots.  When  he  finds  au- 
thors, Scottish  as  well  as  English,  bewailing  the  fate  of 
these  unfortunate  churchmen,  he  considers  it  but  an  act  of 
justice  to  the  accused,  that  the  crime  of  the  other  party 
should  be  put  upon  record,  in  order  that  the  reader  may  be 
able  to  ascertain  the  degree  of  sympathy  to  which  the 
sufferers  may  be  entitled. 

t  The  following  diary  of  the  progress  of  Edward  through 
Scotland,  in  1296,  has  been  lately  published  by  Mr.  N.  H. 
Nicolas,  in  a  volume  of  the  Transactions  of  the  Antiquarian 
Society  of  London.  It  is  translated  from  a  MS.  in  old 
Norman  French ;  and  the  names  of  the  places  are  some- 
times a  little  obscure. 

"  On  the  28th  March,  1296,  being  Wednesday  in  Easter- 
week,  King  Edward  passed  the  Tweed,  and  lay  in  Scotland,— 

"  At  Coldstream  Priory. 

"  Hatton  or  Haudene,  29th  March,  Thursday. 

"  Friday,  being  Good-Friday,  30th  March,  Sack  of  Berwick. 

"  Battle  of  Dunbar,  April  24,  26,  27. 

"  Edward  marches  from  Berwick  to  Coldingham  ;  28th 
April  to  Dunbar. 

"  Haddington,  Wednesday,  Even  of  Ascension,  May  3. 

"  Lauder,  Sunday,  May  6. 

"  Rokisburgh,  Monday,  May  7,  wheie  Edward  remained 
fourteen  days. 

"  Jedworth,  May  23. 

"  Wyel,  Thursday,  May  24;  Friday,  25,  to  Castleton ; 
Sunday,  27,  again  to  Wyel. 

"  Jedworth,  Monday,  May  28. 

"  Rokisburgh,  Friday,  June  1. 

"  Lauder,  Monday,  June  4. 

"  Newbattle,  Tuesday,  June  5. 

"  Edinburgh,  Wednesday,  June  6,  siege  of  Edinburgh. 

"  Linlithgow,  June  14. 

"  Stirling,  Thursday,  June  14.     At  Outreard,  June  20. 

"  Perth,  Thursday,  June  21,  where  he  remained  three 
days. 

"  Kincleven  on  the  Tay,  June  25. 

"  Cluny,  Tuesday,  June  26.    Abode  there  till  July  1. 

"  Entrecoit,  Monday,  July  2. 

"  Forfar,  Tuesday,  July  3. 


44 


LIFE  OF  SIR  WILLIAM  WALLACE. 


[CHAP.  x. 


that  though  Edward  had  made  a  triumphal  march 
with  his  army  from  Berwick  to  Elgin  ;  yet  that 
interesting  and  extensive  portion  of  Scotland,  com- 
prising the  West  Highlands  and  Islands,  had  never 
been  profaned  by  the  foot  of  the  usurper.  This 
may  have  been  partly  averted,  by  most  of  the 
chieftains  coming  forward  and  taking  the  oath  of 
allegiance,  and  partly  by  the  extreme  difficulty  of 
leading  a  numerous  army  through  a  country  so 
intersected  by  arms  of  the  sea,  and  rendered  almost 
inaccessible  by  its  rocky  and  mountainous  barriers. 
In  order  to  have  some  control  over  a  people  so 
isolated,  the  policy  of  Edward  at  first  suggested 
the  idea  of  carrying  along  with  him  those  chieftains 
whose  influence  was  considered  the  most  extensive. 
This  measure,  however,  he  soon  perceived  was  not 
so  effectual  as  he  anticipated,  and  he  accordingly 
determined  on  sending  a  colony 'of  Irish  to  fix 
themselves  in  some  central  part  of  the  country  he 
wished  to  overawe.  With  this  view  he  compelled 
MacDougal  of  Lorn,  whom  he  had  carried  with 
him  to  London,  to  exchange  his  patrimony  for  an 
equivalent  of  lands  belonging  to  himself. 

Having  effected  this,  he  gave  a  grant  *,  of  no 
very  certain  limits,  to  a  creature  of  his  own  named 
M'Fadyan,  who,  with  a  tumultuous  horde  of  Anglo- 
Irish  and  renegade  Scots,  amounting  to  about 
fifteen  thousand,  landed  in  Lorn,  and  proceeded 
to  ravage  the  country  with  fire  and  sword, — com- 
mitting the  most  revolting  atrocities  on  such  of  the 
inhabitants  as  refused  to  join  them.  Much  obscu- 
rity hangs  over  the  birth,  connections,  and  cha- 
racter of  the  leader  of  this  cloud  of  locusts. 
According  to  Blind  Harry,  his  origin  was  low, 

"  Fernwell,  Friday,  July  6. 

1  Montrose,  Saturday,  July  7.    Abode  there  till  the  10th. 

'  Kincardine  in  the  Mearns,  Wednesday,  July  11. 

1  Bervie,  Thursday,  July  12. 

'  Dunn  Castle,  Friday,  July  13. 

'  Aberdeen,  Saturday,  July  14. 
"  Kinkell,  Friday,  July  20. 
"  Fyvie,  Saturday,  July  21. 
"  Banff,  Sunday,  July  22. 
"  Invercullen,  Monday,  23. 

"  In  tents  on  the  river  Spey,  district  of  Enzie,  Tuesday, 
July  24. 

"  Repenage,  in  the  county  of  Moray,  Wednesday,  July  25. 
"  Elgin,  Thursday,  July  26.    Remained  for  two  days. 
"  Rothes,  Sunday,  July  29. 
"  Innerkerack,  Monday,  July  30. 
"  Kildrummie,  Tuesday,  July  31. 
"  Kincardine  in  the  Mearns. 
"  Kildrummie,  Tuesday. 

"  Kincardine  in  the  Mearns,  Tuesday,  August  2. 
"  Brechin,  Saturday,  August  4. 
"  Aberbrothoc,  Sunday,  August  5. 
"  Dundee,  Monday,  August  6. 
"  Baligarnach,  the  Redcastle,  Tuesday,  August  7. 
"  St.  Johnston's,  Wednesday,  August  8. 
"  Abbey  of  Lindores,  Thursday,  August  9.  Tarried  Friday. 
"  St.  Andrew's,  Saturday,  August  11. 
"  Markinch,  Sunday,  August  12. 

'  Dunfermline,  Monday,  August  13. 

'  Stirling,  Tuesday,  August  14.  Tarried  Wednesday  15th. 

'  Linlithgow,  Thursday,  August  16. 

'  Edinburgh,  Friday,  August  17.     Tarried  Saturday  18th. 

'  Haddington,  Sunday,  August  19. 
"  Pykelton,  near  Dunbar,  Monday,  August  20. 
"  Coldingham,  Tuesday,  August  21. 
"  Berwick,  Wednesday,  August  22. 
"  Having  spent  twenty-one  weeks  in  his  expedition." 
*  This  grant  included  Argyle  as  well  as  Lorn. 


although  high  in  favour  at  the  English  court.  He 
seems  to  have  held  some  situation  of  importance 
in  Ireland,  as  the  Minstrel)  referring  to  those  Irish 
refugees  who  took  shelter  in  Scotland  under  Wal- 
lace, says, 

"  Sum  part  off  tham  was  in  to  Irland  borne, 
That  Makfadyan  had  exilde  furth  beforne  ; 
King  Eduuardis  man  he  was  suorn  of  Iiigland, 
Off  rycht  law  byrth,  supposs  he  tuk  on  hand." 

BukeFeyrd,  180. 

Having  talents  and  ambition  he  allied  himself  to 
the  enemies  of  his  country,  and,  like  other  mush- 
rooms, throve  amid  the  raukness  of  that  corruption 
with  which  he  had  surrounded  himself.  A  wretch 
that  had  risen  by  oppressing  and  assisting  to  bind 
the  necks  of  his  free-born  countrymen  to  the  yoke 
of  slavery,  was  a  very  fit  instrument  to  employ  in 
forwarding  the  views  of  Edward  in  the  subjugation 
of  Scotland. 

He  had  not,  however,  proceeded  far  before  the 
Crann-tair,  or  fiery  cross,  was  seen  hurrying  on,  by 
hill  and  glen,  to  gather  the  children  of  the  Gael  to 
repel  their  savage  assailants.  Duncan  of  Lorn, 
the  uncle,  or,  according  to  some,  the  younger 
brother  of  the  chief,  unable  to  withstand  the 
superior  force  of  the  enemy,  had  retreated  towards 
Loch-Awe,  to  obtain  the  protection  of  Sir  Niel 
Campbell.  This  brave  man,  along  with  his  brother 
Donnchadh  dubh  nan  Caisteal  (Black  Duncan  of  the 
Castles),  had  collected  a  body  of  three  hundred 
Gall-oglaich  (well  armed  warriors),  part  of  whom 
were  the  vassals  of  Malcolm  MacGregor  of  Glen- 
urchy  *.  With  this  force  he  continued  to  em- 
barrass the  enemy,  by  attacking  their  foraging 
parties  and  cutting  off  their  supplies.  This  deter- 
mined Mac  Fadyan  to  follow  him  through  the 
fastnesses  of  the  country,  and  endeavour  to  over- 
whelm him  by  his  superior  numbers.  Sir  Niel 
managed  his  retreat  with  great  dexterity.  After 
leading  his  unwary  adversary  round  by  the  head 
of  Bradher  Pass,  he  hurried  down  that  dangerous 
and  difficult  defile,  and,  crossing  the  narrow  and 
ill-constructed  fabric  which  served  for  a  bridge,  he 
broke  it  down  ;  and  thus  being  secure  from  imme- 
diate pursuit,  found  himself  in  one  of  the  strongest 

*  This  person  was  the  chief  of  the  ancient  and  warlike 
clan  Gregor,  and  one  of  the  few  of  the  West  Highland 
chiefs  who  took  a  part  in  the  struggle  for  the  independence 
of  the  country.  He  remained  steady  in  his  loyalty  to  Robert 
Bruce,  whom  he  is  said  to  have  rescued  from  John  of  Lorn 
at  Dalreoch.  On  this  occasion  he  was  mounted  on  a  milk- 
white  steed.  He  afterwards  harboured  the  King  in  a  large 
cave  near  Cragcrastan,  which  is  to  this  day  called  "  Uagh  na 
rioffh,  or  the  King's  Cave,"  from  which  he  crossed  over  and 
met  the  Earl  of  Lennox  at  Lochlomond.  Malcolm  fought  at 
the  Battle  of  Bannockburn,  and  is  said  to  have  been  the 
person  who  brought  the  relict  of  St.  Fillan's  arm  from  the 
country  of  that  name,  then  part  of  his  property,  to  King 
Robert's  chaplain,  who  very  adroitly  passed  it  off  for  a  mi- 
racle, and  thereby  excited  the  hopes  and  stimulated  the 
valour  of  the  army.  So  sensible  was  Bruce  of  this  piece  of 
service,  that  he  founded  a  priory  in  honour  of  the  saint  in 
Straihfillan  in  1314.  Malcolm  was  much  celebrated  in  the 
songs  of  the  bards.  He  fought  under  King  Edward  Bruce  in 
Ireland ;  and  having  received  a  wound  at  the  battle  of  Dun- 
dalk,  he  retired  home  in  consequence;  and  as  he  never 
entirely  recovered,  he  was  called  ever  after,  "  M6rfhsar 
bacnch"  or  the  lame  lord. 


CHAP.  X.] 


BATTLE  OF  BRADHER. 


45 


positions  imaginable.  His  front  was  defended  by 
a  castle,  which,  commanded  the  only  approach  by 
which  he  could  be  assailed  ;  while  his  rear  was 
protected  by  the  Awe,  a  deep  and  rapid  river,  run- 
ning out  of  a  loch  of  the  same  name.  The  almost 
perpendicular  barrier  of  rocks  which  lined  the  side 
of  the  Awe — down  which,  as  has  already  been 
mentioned,  Sir  Niel  and  his  party  had  to  make 
their  way,  before  they  could  place  the  river  be- 
tween them  and  their  pursuers — was  of  such  a 
nature,  that  a  man  could  not  get  on  without  the 
assistance  of  his  hands,  to  prevent  him  from  slip- 
ping down  into  the  deep  and  eddying  abyss  below  ; 
and  even  with  this  assistance,  at  the  present  day, 
it  is  a  passage  of  considerable  danger,  from  the 
enormous  masses  of  loose  stones  with  which  the 
sloping  face  of  the  rocks  is  covered,  from  the  brink 
of  the  water  to  their  summits,  which  are  of  great 
elevation.  The  least  accidental  derangement  of 
the  stones  at  the  bottom,  never  fails  to  put  those 
above  in  motion,  when  an  immense  rush  takes 
place,  attended  often  with  serious  consequences  to 
the  parties  underneath.  The  reader  may  readily 
conceive  the  facility,  therefore,  with  which,  thus 
circumstanced,  Sir  Niel  and  his  followers  could, 
from  the  opposite  side  of  the  river,  retard  the 
advance  of  even  a  larger  army  than  that  of 
M'Fadyan.  The  difficulty  of  the  pass  is  not  per- 
ceptible till  the  angle  of  the  rock  is  fairly  turned, 
consequently  the  Irish  army  had  no  opportunity 
of  covering  their  advance  by  discharging  their 
missiles.  They  were  obliged  to  follow  each  other 
singly  ;  thus  affording,  as  they  came  creeping  along, 
fair  marks  for  the  arrows  of  the  Scots,  part  of 
whom  plied  their  deadly  shafts,  while  others  were 
engaged  in  throwing  stones  from  their  slings  against 
the  face  of  the  rocks,  and  thus  bringing  down 
masses  of  the  loose  fragments  upon  the  heads  of 
their  already  embarrassed  pursuers. 

The  castle  to  which  Sir  Niel  retired,  though 
small,  possessed  great  natural  advantages.  Situated 
on  a  rocky  knoll  at  the  edge  of  a  deep  ravine,  it 
could  only  be  approached  from  the  road  through 
which  M'Fadyan  had  to  advance,  and  that  by 
means  of  a  ladder  which  the  party  within  always 
kept  on  their  own  side.  When  they  wished  to 
admit  any  one,  a  rope  was  thrown  over  that  he 
might  pull  the  ladder  towards  him  ;  he  then  de- 
scended to  the  bottom  of  the  ravine,  when,  placing 
the  ladder  against  the  opposite  rock,  in  this  manner 
he  ascended  and  reached  the  castle  *. 

When  Sir  Niel  Campbell  had  determined  on  his 
line  of  retreat,  he  despatched  Duncan  of  Lorn, 
and  an  old,  but  swift-footed  Highander,  named 
Michael  or  Gillemichel,  to  acquaint  Wallace  of  his 
perilous  situation,  and  to  crave  his  aid  in  driving 
the  invaders  from  the  country.  Wallace,  aware  of 
the  importance  of  preventing  the  establishment 
intended  by  Edward,  lost  no  time  in  complying 

*  The  rock  on  which  the  castle  stood,  was  then  known, 
as  it  is  to  this  day,  by  the  name  of  Crag-an-aradh,  or  the 
rock  of  the  ladder.  The  Minstrel  calls  it  Crage-unyn.  This 
deviation  is  extremely  small,  and  more  in  the  orthography 
than  the  orthoepy.  The  West- Highlanders  pronounce  crag- 
an-aradh,  nearly  as  if  spelled  craganari.  The  difference 
may  have  easily  occurred  in  the  act  of  transcribing.  The 
mode  of  crossing  the  ravine  as  above  described,  was  in  use 
till  the  present  road  was  made  by  government,  when  a  bridge 
was  substituted  for  the  less  commodious  expedient  of  a 
ladder. 


with  the  request  of  his  old  confederate  ;  and  Sir 
Richard  Lundin  having  joined  him  with  five 
hundred  men,  he  now  found  himself  enabled  to 
march  to  the  relief  of  the  West  Highlanders,  at  the 
head  of  two  thousand  soldiers. 

In  Duncan  of  Lorn  and  his  servant,  Wallace  had 
sure  and  intelligent  guides.  At  that  time  nothing 
but  intricate  footpaths,  known  only  to  the  natives, 
existed  in  the  Highlands  ;  and  as  they  were  often 
formed  by  deer-stalkers,  while  tracing  their  game, 
they  frequently  led  through  places  both  perilous 
and  perplexing  to  the  stranger. 

By  the  time  the  Scottish  army  had  reached  the 
Chapel  of  St.  Phillan,  part  of  the  foot  soldiers 
began  to  flag,  and  get  disordered  in  their  ranks. 
Wallace,  therefore,  stopped,  and  thus  addressed 
them.  "  Good  men,"  said  he,  "  this  will  never  do. 
If  we  come  up  with  the  enemy  in  such  broken 
array,  we  may  receive  serious  injury  ourselves, 
but  can  do  them  very  little  hurt  in  return.  It  is 
also  necessary  that  we  should  be  up  with  them  as 
soon  as  possible ;  for  if  they  hear  of  our  approach, 
they  may  choose  a  plain  field,  where  their  numbers 
will  give  them  advantage.  To  prevent  this,  I  will 
go  forward  with  those  who  are  able,  and  leave  the 
rest  to  follow  at  more  leisure."  Accordingly, 
taking  with  himself  two  hundred  of  the  tried  ve- 
terans of  Ayrshire,  and  placing  another  hundred 
under  the  command  of  Sir  John  Graham,  with 
Sir  Richard  Lundin  at  the  head  of  his  own  follow- 
ers, they  crossed  a  mountain  in  their  front,  and 
descended  into  Glendouchar.  Here  they  met  a 
scout,  whom  they  had  previously  sent  forward, 
acting  as  guide  to  Sir  Niel  Campbell  and  his  three 
hundred  Highlanders.  This  wary  leader,  on  hearing 
of  the  advance  of  Wallace,  thought  it  proper  to 
retire  towards  him,  and  leave  the  passage  free  to 
M'Fadyan,  who,  he  knew,  if  he  followed,  could 
make  choice  of  very  few  positions  where  his  num- 
bers would  be  of  any  advantage.  Having  given 
our  hero  a  detail  of  what  information  he  possessed 
respecting  the  state  of  the  invaders,  Gillemichel 
was  again  sent  forward  to  watch  the  motions  of  the 
enemy  ;  and  the  tough  old  mountaineer  having 
fallen  in  with  a  scout  from  M'Fadyan,  who  had 
been  sent  to  track  the  route  of  Sir  Niel,  managed 
to  despatch  him  with  his  claidh  rnor,  and  returned 
with  the  intelligence  to  his  chief. 

The  ground  having  now  become  impassable  for 
cavalry,  the  Scots  dismounted,  and  proceeded  on 
foot.  Their  march  had  not  been  perceived  by  the 
enemy,  and,  from  the  superior  knowledge  they  had 
of  the  country,  they  managed  to  surprise  the  Irish 
in  a  situation  where  flight  was  almost  impracti- 
cable, and  the  superiority  of  their  numbers  became 
rather  a  disadvantage.  The  conflict  continued  for 
two  hours,  with  unexampled  fury  on  both  sides. 
Multitudes  of  the  Irish  were  forced  over  the  rocks 
into  the  gulf  below.  Many  threw  themselves  into 
the  water  to  escape  the  swords  of  the  Scots  ;  while 
various  bands  of  Highlanders,  stationed  among  the 
rocks,  sent  down  showers  of  stones  and  arrows 
where  the  enemy  appeared  most  obstinate  in  the 
strife.  Wallace,  armed  with  a  steel  mace,  at  the 
head  of  his  veterans,  now  made  a  charge,  which 
decided  the  fate  of  the  day.  Those  Scots  who  had 
joined  the  Irish,  threw  away  their  arms,  and  on 
their  knees  implored  mercy.  M'Fadyan,  with  fif- 
teen of  his  men,  having  made  his  way  over  the 
rocks,  and  attempted  to  conceal  himself  in  a  cave, 


LIFE  OF  SIR  WILLIAM  WALLACE. 


[CHAP.  xi. 


"  wndyr  cragmor,"  Duncan  of  Lorn  requested  per- 
mission of  Wallace  to  follow  and  punish  him  for 
the  atrocities  he  had  committed  ;  and  it  was  not 
long  before  he  returned,  bringing  his  head  on  a 
spear,  which  Sir  Niel  Campbell  caused  to  be  fixed 
on  the  top  of  the  rock  in  which  he  had  taken 
shelter. 

After  the  defeat  of  M'Fadyan,  Wallace  held  a 
meeting  of  the  chiefs  of  the  West  Highlands,  in 
the  priory  of  Ardchattan  ;  and  having  arranged 
some  important  matters  respecting  the  future  de- 
fence of  the  district,  he  returned  to  his  duties  in 
the  Low  Country,  having  received  an  accession  to 
his  numbers,  which  covered  any  loss  he  had  sus- 
tained in  the  late  engagement.  The  spoil  which 
the  Scots  collected  after  the  battle  is  said  to  have 
been  very  considerable  ;  any  personal  share  in 
which,  our  hero,  as  usual,  refused  *. 


CHAPTER  XI. 

ROBERT   BRUCE   JOINS   THE   STANDARD  OF  WALLACE 

PERCY  AND  CLIFFORD  SENT  TO  SUPPRESS  THE 
INSURRECTION — NIGHT  SKIRMISH  IN  ANNANDALE — 
DISAFFECTION  OF  THE  SCOTTISH  NOBLES — WALLACE 
RETIRES  TO  THE  NORTH — BATTLE  OF  STIRLING 
BRIDGE. 

THE  success  of  the  insurrection  excited  by  Wallace 
has. been  attributed  by  some  English  authors — and 
by  Langtoft  °t  in  particular — to  the  foolish  parsi- 
mony of  Cressingham,  who  had  disgusted  the 
English  soldiery  by  withholding  their  pay,  at  a 
time  when  their  services  might  have  been  of  the 
greatest  advantage.  In  consequence  of  this  unjust 
procedure,  many  of  the  yeomen  and  pages,  finding 
little  else  than  danger  to  be  met  with  in  the  service, 
deserted  their  posts,  and  returned  to  their  own 
country.  Although  the  impolitic  and  avaricious 
character  of  the  English  treasurer  is  a  matter  on 
which  the  authors  of  both  countries  are  agreed, 
the  precipitation  with  which  the  garrisons  of  the 
Usurper  now  retreated  on  the  approach  of  the 
Scots,  shows  that  the  severe  examples  which  had 
already  been  made  were  not  without  their  effect. 

While  our  hero  was  thus  following  up  his  plan 
for  the  emancipation  of  his  country,  his  standard 
was  unexpectedly  joined  by  the  younger  Robert 
Bruce.  s  This  powerful  baron,  it  seems,  had  in- 
curred the  suspicion  of  the  Warden  of  the  Western 
Marches,  who  summoned  him  to  attend  at  Carlisle, 
on  pretence  of  business  relating  to  the  kingdom. 
Afraid  to  disobey,  Bruce  made  his  appearance,  ac- 
companied by  a  numerous  retinue  of  his  followers, 
and  was  there  obliged  to  make  oath  on  the  conse- 
crated host,  and  the  sword  of  Thomas  a  Becket, 
that  he  would  remain  the  faithful  vassal  of  the 
King  of  England.  In  order  to  prove  his  loyalty, 
and  do  away  with  the  mistrust  attached  to  him, 
he  made  an  inroad  on  the  estates  of  Sir  William 
Douglas,  who  at  the  time  was  acting  with  Wallace, 
and  carried  off  his  wife  and  children  to  one  of  his 
own  fortresses  in  Annandale.  Having  thus  lulled 
the  suspicions  that  had  been  awakened,  he  next 
assembled  his  father's  vassals,  and  endeavoured  to 


See  Appendix,  E. 


t  Vol.  ii.  p.  297. 


persuade  them  to  join  him  in  attempting  the  de- 
liverance of  their  country.  In  this,  however,  he 
was  disappointed  :  he  therefore  collected  his  own 
retainers,  and  marched  to  the  quarters  of  Wallace  ; 
consoling  himself  with  the  reflection,  that  the  Pope 
would  easily  absolve  him  from  his  extorted  oath. 

The  insurrection  in  Scotland  had  hitherto  been 
regarded  by  Edward  more  as  the  unconnected 
operations  of  banditti,  than  any  thing  like  an  or- 
ganized scheme  for  regaining  the  national  inde- 
pendence. Having  most  of  the  Scottish  barons  in 
his  power  from  whom  he  thought  he  had  any  thing 
to  apprehend,  and  conceiving  that  their  vassals 
would  not  dare  to  move  without  the  warrant  of 
their  superior, — he  looked  upon  the  affair  as  one 
which  the  troops  he  had  left  behind  were  more 
than  sufficient  to  suppress.  In  this  opinion  he  was 
confirmed  both  by  the  English  and  the  Scotch 
barons  whom  he  had  along  with  him.  The  latter, 
either  ignorant,  or  pretending  ignorance  of  the 
talents  and  resources  of  our  hero,  represented  their 
presence  as  being  absolutely  necessary  before  any 
formidable  force  could  be  brought  into  the  field  ; 
and  Langtoft*  charges  the  English  barons  with 
deceiving  their  sovereign  in  the  affair,  and  con- 
cealing from  him  the  real  state  of  the  country.  It 
is  a  matter  of  notoriety,  that  about  this  time, 
Edward  and  his  nobles  were  not  on  the  best  of 
terms.  Having  now,  as  he  thought,  in  addition  to 
Wales,  insured  the  subjection  and  obedience  of 
Scotland,  and  remembering  the  facility  with  which, 
by  the  aid  of  30,000  Scots  lent  him  by  Alexander 
III.,  he  overawed  and  suppressed  the  Earl  of 
Gloucester  and  those  who  took  part  with  him  ;  he 
began  to  assume  towards  the  English  nobility  an 
imperious  and  haughty  demeanour,  which  both 
alarmed  their  fears  and  excited  their  jealousy. 
The  unprincipled  stretches  of  power  which  he  had 
attempted  since  his  triumphal  entry  into  London 
after  his  victories  in  Scotland,  had  also  sown  the 
seeds  of  dissatisfaction  among  the  inferior  classes, 
who,  no  longer  dazzled  with  the  splendour  of  his 
achievements  over  the  freedom  of  their  neighbours, 
began  to  reflect  on  the  encroachments  which  their 
ambitious  sovereign  was  making  on  their  own. 

When  Edward,  therefore,  became  fully  apprised 
of  the  serious  nature  of  the  revolt  in  Scotland,  he 
paused  in  the  midst  of  preparations  for  an  expe- 
dition to  Flanders,  and  despatched  orders  to  the 
Earl  of  Surrey  for  the  suppression  and  punishment 
of  the  insurgents.  This  distinguished  and  powerful 
nobleman,  the  most  efficient  perhaps  of  all  Ed- 
ward's generals,  was  at  that  time  residing  in 
Northumberland  for  the  recovery  of  his  health. 
Having  associated  with  him  in  the  command,  his 
nephew  Lord  Henry  Percy,  and  Robert  de  Clifford, 
he  sent  them  forward  with  forty  thousand  foot  and 
three  hundred  cavalry,  a  force  which  he  deemed 
sufficient  to  restore  the  country  to  the  allegiance  of 
his  master  "I*. 

While  the  troops  under  Percy  and  Clifford  were 
on  their  march  through  Annandale,  their  camp  was 
attacked  during  the  night  by  a  body  of  Scots,  led 
on  by  Wallace  and  Douglas.  The  darkness  pre- 
vented the  English  from  at  first  discovering  the 
numbers  of  their  assailants.  Much  confusion  in 
consequence  ensued  ;  and  many  were  either  killed 
or  driven  into  the  adjacent  morass.  In  this  ex- 


*  Vol.  ii.  p.  197. 


f  See  Appendix,  F. 


CHAP.  XI.] 


DISAFFECTION  OF  SCOTTISH  NOBLES. 


47 


tremity,  the  English  set  fire  to  a  number  of  their 
own  tents  ;  and,  by  the  light  thus  obtained,  they 
were  enabled  to  form  their  ranks,  and  repulse  the 
enemy,  who  were  too  inconsiderable  in  number  to 
attempt  any  thing  beyond  a  surprise.  Hence,  it 
may  be  inferred,  that  Bruce  and  his  Annandale 
vassals  were  not  engaged  in  the  affair. 

The  English  army  lost  no  time  in  following  the 
track  of  the  Scots,  who  retired  towards  those  dis- 
tricts where  the  cause  of  national  liberty  had  gained 
the  greatest  ascendancy.  On  reaching  the  neigh- 
bourhood of  Irvine,  the  English  commander  found 
Wallace  and  the  insurgent  barons  encamped  on  a 
well  chosen  position,  and  able,  from  their  numbers, 
to  have  given  battle,  had  they  not  been  woefully 
enfeebled  by  dissension.  The  feuds  among  them 
ran  so  high,  that  Sir  Richard  Lundin,  whose  ser- 
vices had  lately  proved  so  useful,  went  over  in  dis- 
gust to  the  enemy,  declaring  that  "  he  would  no 
longer  remain  with  a  party  at  variance  with  itself." 
His  example  was  speedily  followed  by  others,  most 
of  whom,  as  they  were  the  cause  of  the  dissension, 
could  not  assign  the  same  reason  for  their  conduct. 
Pride  of  birth,  and  reluctance  on  the  part  of  the 
higher  barons  to  submit  to  the  only  man  among 
them  who  had  talents  *  to  meet  the  emergency, 
have  been  assigned,  with  great  probability,  as  the 
cause  of  this  unfortunate  disagreement.  The 
Steward  of  Scotland  ;  his  brother,  the  Knight  of 
Bonkill ;  Robert  Bruce  ;  William  Douglas  ;  Alex- 
ander de  Lindsay  ;  and  Wishart,  Bishop  of  Glas- 
gow, with  their  followers,  were  among  those  who 
submitted  to  the  enemy.  The  Bishop  negotiated 
the  terms  on  which  they  were  to  be  admitted  to 
the  peace  of  their  "  Lord  Paramount :" — an  ac- 
knowledgment of  their  errors,  and  hostages  for 
their  future  obedience,  were  the  basis  of  the  treaty  ; 
and  a  copy  of  the  deed,  to  which  their  seals  were 
appended,  was  sent  to  Wallace,  in  expectation  of 
his  following  their  example.  The  high-minded 
patriot,  however,  entertaining  views  of  a  more 
elevated  nature,  treated  this  record  of  their  deser- 
tion of  the  liberties  of  their  country  with  merited 
disdain. 

At  the  head  of  his  personal  adherents,  and  a 
large  body  of  the  "  liberi  firmarii"  or  free  yeo- 
manry of  Scotland,  Wallace  retired  indignantly 
towards  the  North.  This  latter  class  of  men  con- 
sisted of  the  tenants,  and  descendants  of  tenants, 
of  the  crown  and  church-lands,  or  those  who  occu- 
pied farms  on  the  demesnes  of  the  barons,  ibr 
which  they  paid  an  equivalent  rent  in  money  or 
produce.  They  had  the  privilege  of  removing  to 
whatever  place  they  might  think  most  desirable, 
and  owed  no  military  service  except  to  the  King 
for  the  defence  of  the  country.  Among  them  the 
independence  of  Scotland  always  found  its  most 
faithful  and  stubborn  supporters.  These  "liberi 
firmarii,"  for  so  they  are  called  in  the  chartularies, 
and  chamberlains'  accounts,  were  considered  so 
useful  from  their  superior  industry,  and  agricultural 
knowledge,  that  during  the  minority  of  the  Maid 
of  Norway,  a  sum  of  money  appears  to  have  been 

*  The  military  genius  of  Bruce  had  not  yet  developed 
itself.  Nothing  can  exhibit  a  greater  contrast  than  the 
early  and  the  later  career  of  this  illustrious  individual.  The 
indecision  and  inertness  which  mark  his  first  appearance  in 
public  life,  and  the  sublimity  of  heroism  to  which  he  after- 
wards attained,  almost  entitle  him  to  be  considered  as  the 
Cimon  of  Scottish  history. 


distributed  among  them  as  an  inducement  to  remain 
on  the  crown  lands  of  Libertoun  and  Lawrence- 
town,  which  they  were  preparing  to  leave  in  con- 
sequence of  a  mortality  among  their  cattle.  They 
formed  a  striking  contrast  to  the  cottars  or  villeyns, 
who  were  entirely  subject,  both  in  body  and  means, 
to  the  will  of  the  landholder,  and  were  sold  or 
transferred  along  with  the  estate  ;  and  could  be 
claimed  or  brought  back  to  it,  if  they  removed,  in 
the  same  manner  as  strayed  cattle  *.  These  formed 
the  bulk  of  the  degraded  horde  who  followed  the 
banners  of  the  recreant  barons,  and  whose  ser- 
vility, ignorance,  and  ferocity,  often  made  them 
dangerous  to  the  liberties  of  the  country  ;  while 
the  former  class,  along  with  the  freemen  of  the 
boroughs,  supplied  the  materials  from  which  Wal- 
lace recruited  the  ranks  of  his  patriotic  battalions. 

Aware,  from  former  experience,  of  the  difficulty 
of  bringing  Wallace  to  action  if  he  were  not  so 
inclined,  Percy  and  Clifford  appear  to  have  with- 
drawn their  forces,  satisfied  with  having  detached 
the  aristocracy  from  his  standard  ;  none  remaining 
with  our  hero  save  the  gallant  Sir  Andrew  Murray, 
Sir  John  Graham,  and  a  few  of  his  own  personal 
friends. 

But  the  system  which  Wallace  had  organised  for 
the  emancipation  of  his  country,  was  not  liable  to 
any  material  derangement,  in  consequence  of  the 
defection  of  a  few  timid  and  interested  barons. 
It  is  true,  the  desertion  of  such  men  as  Sir  William 
Douglas  must  have  occasioned  him  considerable 
regret,  being  thereby  prevented  from  meeting  the 
enemy  openly  in  the  field,  with  such  an  equality  of 
force  as  would  have  insured  success.  This  feeling, 
however,  did  not  retard  his  exertions,  but  rather 
stimulated  him  to  fresh  undertakings  ;  for  we  find 
that  he  shortly  afterwards  surprised  and  garrisoned 
the  Castle  of  Dunotter.  Tyberf,  or  Tiber,  on 
the  banks  of  the  Nith,  he  also  took  and  destroyed. 
Forfar,  Brechin,  and  Montrose,  were  either  taken 
or  deserted  by  their  garrisons  on  his  approach. 
Aberdeen,  which  the  enemy  set  on  fire,  and  then 
retreated  to  their  ships,  afterwards  fell  into  his 
hands.  He  then  led  his  troops  against  the  Castle 
of  Dundee,  and  had  already  made  considerable 
progress  in  the  siege  of  that  strong-hold,  when  he 
was  apprised  of  the  advance  of  an  English  army 
under  the  Earl  of  Warren,  and  Cressmgham  the 
treasurer. 

Edward,  dissatisfied  with  the  imperfect  measures 
which  had  been  taken  for  the  suppression  of  the 
Scottish  revolt,  and  irritated  by  the  accounts  which 
were  daily  received  of  the  operations  of  the  insur- 
gents, had  despatched  peremptory  orders  for 
Warren  to  proceed  in  person  to  the  North.  He 
also  directed  his  writs  to  the  Bishop  and  Sheriff  of 
Aberdeenshire,  commanding  them  to  adopt  strong 

*  Some  curious  and  authentic  information  on  this  subject 
may  be  found  in  vol.  i.  p.  252—260,  of  Tytler's  History  of 
Scotland, — a  valuable  work  at  present  in  the  course  of  pub- 
lication. 

t  The  vestiges  of  Tiber  Castle,  which  has  been  a  large 
building,  are  to  be  seen  on  the  banks  of  the  Nith.  A  small 
part  of  the  wall  next  the  river  remains ;  fosses  are  visible ; 
and  some  intrenchments,  where  it  was  most  accessible.  It 
is  supposed  that  the  barony  of  Tiber  is  named  from  Tiber, 
or  Tiberius.  There  is  a  Roman  encampment  too.  The 
English  had  a  garrison  in  this  castle,  in  the  time  of  Sir  Wil- 
liam Wallace,  who  took  it  by  surprise." — Stat.  Ace.  Parish 
of  Penpont,  i.  209. 


LIFE  OF  SIR  WILLIAM  WALLACE. 


[CHAP.  xi. 


and  effectual  means  far  extinguishing  the  flame  of 
rebellion  within  the  boundaries  of  their  jurisdic- 
tion. They  were  likewise  required  to  furnish  what- 
ever supplies  might  be  wanted  by  William  de 
Warren*  for  the  defence  of  the  Castle  of  Ur- 
quhart,  a  strong  and  extensive  fortress  on  the 
banks  of  Loch  Ness,  of  which  he  was  governor. 
Warren  was  also  ordered  to  be  at  his  post,  and 
fully  prepared  to  meet  any  attempt  of  the  enemy. 

On  learning  the  movements  of  the  English, 
Wallace  collected  those  of  the  burgesses  of  Dundee 
who  were  able  to  bear  arms,  and,  placing  them 
under  the  command  of  their  townsmen,  Sir  Alex- 
ander Scrymgeour,  enjoined  them,  at  the  peril  of 
"  lyf  and  lyme  f,"  to  continue  the  siege.  He  then 
retired,  with  his  followers,  who  were  now  consi 
derably  increased,  to  watch  the  motions  of  the 
advancing  army. 

In  cases  of  invasion,  a  favourite  plan  adopted  by 
the  Scots  for  the  defence  of  their  country  was  to 
convey  their  cattle  and  other  valuables  to  the  more 
inaccessible  districts  north  of  the  Forth.  By  this 
measure,  they  not  only  secured  their  own  supplies, 
but,  by  depriving  their  enemies  of  the  means  of 
subsistence,  compelled  them  to  an  early  retreat  as 
the  only  resource  against  the  miseries  of  starva- 
tion. On  the  present  occasion  the  usual  precau- 
tion was  not  omitted  f. 

*  William  de  Warren  was  the  son  of  John,  Earl  of  War- 
ren and  Surrey  (according  to  Dugdale),  by  Alice,  daughter 
of  Hugh  le  Brun,  Count  of  March,  uterine  sister  of  Henry 
the  Third.  In  5th  Edward  I.,  he  was  sent  into  Wales  on 
the  King's  business.  In  22nd  Edward  I.,  he  was  employed 
in  pressing  ships  in  the  southern  and  western  counties,  and 
in  cutting  down  timber  for  the  use  of  the  Royal  Navy, 
which  was  to  rendezvous  at  Portsmouth.  In  the  25th  Ed- 
ward I.,  he  was  taken  prisoner  by  the  Scots,  on  which  occa- 
sion the  King  committed  the  care  of  his  lands  to  his  own 
attorney,  William  de  Berquey.  According  to  Dugdale,  he 
had  a  claim,  through  his  wife  Mary,  to  the  Isle  of  Man ; 
but  Edward  having  reserved  the  Island  for  his  own  use,  it 
is  uncertain  what  compensation,  or,  if -any,  was  made. 
He  appears  to  have  allowed  her,  by  the  name  of  Regina 
Manniae,  quondam  uxor  Domini  William  filii  Warren,  for 
her  support,  the  value  of  two  hogsheads  of  wine,  forty 
quarters  wheat,  and  forty  of  malt,  amounting  to  311.  6s.  8d., 
but  on  what  account  is  not  stated.  William  died  during 
his  father's  lifetime,  leaving  his  wife  enceinte  of  John,  who 
succeeded  his  grandfather  in  his  honours.  See  Observations 
on  the  Wardrobe  of  Edward  I.,  p.  58,  59. 
t  Wyntown,  vol.  ii.  p.  97,  and  Fordun,  lib.  xi.  cap.  xxix. 
j  This  system  of  warfare,  from  the  following  effusion, 
appears  also  to  have  met  the  approbaiion  of  the  immortal 
Bruce  :— 

'  Scotica  sit  guerra  pedites,  mons,  mossica  terra : 
Silva;  pro  muris  sint,  arcus,  et  hasta  securis. 
Per  loca  stricta  greges  munientur.    Plana  per  ignes 
Sic  inflammentur,  ut  ab  hoslibus  evacuentur. 
Insidice  vigiles  sint,  noctu  vociferantes. 
Sic  male  turbati  redient  veluf  ense  fugati 
Hastes  pro  certo,  sic  rege  docente  Roberto." 

Scottish  version,  ex  edit.  Hearn. 

On  fut  suld  be  all  Scottis  weire, 

Be  hyll  and  mosse  thaim  self  to  weire. 

Lat  wod  for  wallis  be  bow  and  speire, 

That  innymeis  do  thaim  na  dreire. 

In  strait  placis  gar  keip  all  stoire, 

And  byrnen  the  planen  land  thaim  before  : 


1  Famis  ense  MSS.  Cupr.  and  Perth. — See  Fordun,  vol.  ii. 
p.  232.     [Edin.  Ed.  1775.] 


The  success  which  had  attended  our  hero,  since 
the  affair  of  Irvine,  and  the  formidable  character 
of  the  well-disciplined  force  which  now  adhered  to 
his  banner,  occasioned  a  wavering  among  a  number 
of  those  barons  who  had  so  shamefully  submitted 
to  the  usurper.  Their  situation,  it  must  be  allowed, 
had  become  one  of  great  difficulty.  The  character 
of  Wallace  was  stern  and  decisive.  The  punish- 
ment he  inflicted  on  such  offenders,  they  had 
reason  to  know  was  seldom  mitigated  by  any  con- 
sideration for  the  high  rank  of  the  parties  *  ;  and 
the  English  had  repeatedly  shown,  that  they  were 
unable  to  protect  the  serviles  from  the  vengeance 
of  their  indignant  countrymen.  It  was  therefore 
with  no  slight  alarm  that  the  party  heard  of  the 
house  of  the  Bishop  of  Glasgow  being  attacked, 
and  pillaged,  and  his  family  carried  off  they  knew 
not  whither.  The  selection  which  Wallace  had 
made  of  Wishart,  as  an  example  to  the  others, 
had  no  doubt  been  suggested  party  by  the  ingra- 
titude of  that  churchman,  in  deserting  the  cause, 
after  having  been,  by  means  of  the  patriots,  so 
lately  restored  to  his  diocese  ;  and  partly  from  his 
being  so  instrumental  in  the  disgraceful  negotiation 
with  the  enemy.  The  sacredness  attached  to  his 
character,  as  a  priest,  would  speedily  disappear 
before  the  heinous  offence  of  assisting  to  detach, 
in  the  hour  of  need,  the  swords  of  a  Douglas,  a 
Lundin,  and  a  Bruce,  from  the  service  of  their 
country.  ^  Meanwhile  the  hostages  for  their  fidelity 
had  been  carelessly  exacted  ;  and  when  soon  after 
called  for  by  Warren,  (whose  remiss  conduct  had 
so  far  incurred  the  displeasure  of  Edward,  that  he 
sent  Brian  Fitz  Alen  to  supersede  him  as  lieute- 
nant), he  found  them  more  inclined  for  a  new 
arrangement,  than  willing  to  fulfil  the  terms  of  the 
former.  They  wished,  in  particular,  to  introduce 
some  stipulations  respecting  the  liberty  of  Scotland, 
a  proposal  no  doubt  made  for  the  purpose  of  allay- 
ing in  some  degree  the  indignation  of  their  patri- 
otic countrymen.  The  continued  obstinacy,  and 
increasing  power  of  Wallace,  was  made  a  pretext 
for  their  non-compliance  ;  and  they  could  now  with 
apparent  justice  decline  the  final  ratification  of  a 
deed  of  "treason  against  the  independence  of  their 
country,  when  protection  from  the  consequences 
was  so  extremely  uncertain. 

In  this  dilemma  the  Steward  and  the  Earl  of 
Lennox  sought  permission  of  Warren  to  open  a 
communication  with  the  leader  of  the  Scots,  under 
pretext  of  bringing  him  over  to  the  interests  of 
Edward.  In  consequence  of  this  arrangement, 
these  chiefs  ventured  to  visit  the  Scottish  army, 
which,  by  this  time,  had  reached  the  neighbour- 
hood of  Stirling,  and  taken  up  a  strong  position 

Thanen  sail  thai  pass  away  in  haist, 
Quhen  that  they  find  nathing  hot  waist. 
With  wyllis  and  wakenen  of  the  nicht, 
And  mekill  noyes  maid  on  hycht. 
Thanen  sail  they  turnen  with  gret  affra^ 
As  thai  were  chasit  with  several  away. 
This  is  the  counsall  and  intent 
Of  gud  King  Robert's  testament. 
*  The  grettast  Lordis  of  oure  land 
Til  hyrn  he  gert  thame  be  bowand : 
lid  thai,  wald  thai,  all  gert  he 
Bowsum  til  hys  Byddyng  be : 
And  til  hys  Byddyng  qwhay  war  noucht  bown 
He  tuk,  and  put  thame  in  Presown. 

Wyntown,  vol.  ii..  p.  96. 


j       CHAP.  XI. J 


BATTLE  OF  STIRLING  BRIDGE. 


49 


near  the  bridge,  where  it  appeared  determined  to 
wait  the  approach  of  the  English.  The  retiring 
population  had  left  little  behind  them  that  could  be 
useful  to  the  enemy  ;  all  their  cattle  and  provisions 
being  now  secured  in  the  rear  of  the  protecting 
columns  of  their  countrymen.  This  rendered  the 
position  of  Wallace  still  more  valuable,  prepared, 
as  he  was,  in  the  event  of  a  defeat,  to  fall  back  to 
certain  supplies,  while  his  opponents  would  be  still 
farther  removed  from  their  resources. 

But  if  feuds  had  rendered  the  Scots  inert  and 
submissive  to  the  enemy  at  Irvine,  the  councils  of 
the  English  were  now,  in  their  turn,  distracted 
from  the  same  cause.  The  mind  of  Warren  ap- 
peared more  occupied  in  brooding  over  his  late 
disgrace,  than  in  attending  to  the  details  of  the 
campaign  ;  while  Cressingham  *,  a  haughty,  ambi- 
tious, and  imperious  churchman,  assumed  addi- 
tional importance  on  learning  that  his  colleague 
had  incurred  the  royal  displeasure.  Conflicting 
measures,  supported  by  querulous  aud  acrimonious 
language,  engendered  a  dangerous  spirit  of  ani- 
mosity between  them.  Cressingham,  on  the  plea 
of  economy,  ordered  the  disbanding  of  a  body  of 
eight  thousand  foot  and  three  hundred  cavalry, 
commanded  by  Lord  Henry  Percy,  a  force  which 
Warren  wished  to  retain  as  a  reserve  ;  and  during 
the  altercations  which  this  occasioned,  the  com- 
munications of  the  Steward  and  the  Earl  of  Len- 
nox with  the  Scottish  camp  were  injudiciously 
allowed  to  continue. 

On  the  arrival,  however,  of  the  English  in  front 
of  the  position  occupied  by  the  Scots,  those  noble- 
men returned.  With  well  feigned  displeasure  they 
announced  their  inability  to  make  any  pacific  im- 
pression on  Wallace  and  his  followers  ;  and  then 
took  their  leave,  for  the  alleged  purpose  of  bringing 
up  a  number  of  their  mounted  vassals  to  join  the 
English,  who  were  to  defile  along  the  bridge  in  the 
morning. 

Five  thousand  foot  and  a  body  of  Welsh  archers 
had  passed  the  bridge  before  Warren  had  left  his 
bed  "f •  Whether  this  sluggishness  on  the  part  of 
the  English  general  arose  from  indisposition  or 
chagrin,  is  not  explicitly  stated.  The  troops,  how- 
ever, on  finding  that  they  were  not  supported  by 
the  rest  of  the  army,  returned  to  their  station. 
Warren,  who  arose  about  an  hour  after, — feeling, 
perhaps,  reluctant  to  attack  the  Scots  in  their  pre- 
sent position,  and  not  deeming  it  prudent  to  calcu- 
late on  the  recurrence  of  the  same  mistake  which 
had  given  him  so  easy  a  victory  at  Dunbar, — 
despatched  two  friars  to  make  a  last  attempt  at 
pacification. 

The  answer  returned  was  evidently  intended  to 
exasperate  the  English,  and  bring  them  on  head- 
long to  the  fray.  After  a  bold  declaration  of  inde- 
pendence, a  taunting  allusion  was  made  to  the 
conquerors  of  England.  "  We  came  not  here," 
said  the  intrepid  assertor  of  Scotland's  rights,  "  to 
negociate,  but  to  fight  ;  and  were  even  your  mas- 
ters to  come  and  attack  us,  we  are  ready  to  meet 
them  at  our  swords'  point,  and  show  them  that  our 

*  See  Appendix  G. 

t  Langtoft  partly  attributes  the  loss  of  this  battle  to  the 
indolence  of  the  English  general.  The  return  of  so  consi- 
derable a  body  of  troops,  on  account  of  their  not  being  sup- 
ported by  the  rest  of  the  army,  would  no  doubt  encourage 
the  ScotSj  and  perhaps  suggested  to  their  leader  the  admir- 
able manoeuvre  which  he  afterwards  put  in  practice. 


country  is  free."  Enraged  at  this  stern  and  pro- 
voking defiance,  the  English  became  clamorous  to 
be  led  on. 

A  council  of  war  being  called,  it  was  proposed 
by  Cressingham  that  the  army  should  instantly 
cross  the  river  and  attack  the  Scots.  In  this  he 
was  opposed  by  Sir  Richard  Lundin,  who  pointed 
out  the  many  difficulties  they  would  have  to  en- 
counter in  attempting  to  defile  along  a  bridge,  so 
narrow,  in  presence  of  so  wary  an  enemy ;  and 
offered  to  guide  them  to  a  ford  not  far  distant, 
where  they  could  pass  with  less  hazard.  Cressing- 
ham,— either  displeased  at  being  contradicted, — or 
not  placing  full  reliance  on  the  fidelity  of  Lundin, 
who  had  but  recently  joined  the  English,  told 
Warren, — who  appeared  to  hesitate,  that,  as  trea- 
surer of  the  King  of  England,  he  (Cressingham) 
could  not  be  answerable  for  squandering  the  money 
of  his  master  in  protracted  warfare  with  a  handful 
of  enemies,  who, — in  order  to  be  defeated,  had 
only  to  be  attacked,  and  would  always  be  formid- 
able,— provided  they  were  never  brought  to  an 
engagement.  Stung  by  the  reproach  conveyed  in 
these  remarks,  Warren  gave  orders  for  the  troops 
to  move  onwards. 

Sir  Marmaduke  Twenge,  a  knight  belonging  to 
the  North-Riding  of  Yorkshire,  of  much  expe- 
rience and  distinguished  personal  prowess,  assisted 
Cressingham  in  leading  the  van.  When  nearly 
one  half  of  the  English  had  cleared  the  bridge 
without  opposition,  an  attempt  was  made  to  dis- 
lodge the  Scots  from  the  ground  they  had  chosen  ; 
and  for  that  purpose,  Sir  Marmaduke  rather  im- 
patiently charged  up-hill  with  a  body  of  heavy- 
armed  cavalry.  The  consequence  was,  however, 
fatal  to  the  assailants,  as  the  enemy,  from  their 
vantage-ground,  drove  them  headlong  before  them 
with  their  long  spears.  In  the  mean  time,  the 
communication  between  the  bridge  and  the  van  of 
the  English  army  was  cut  off  by  a  masterly  move- 
ment of  a  division  of  the  Scots,  who  .afterwards 
kept  up  such  an  incessant  discharge  of  arrows, 
darts  *,  "  gavelocks,"  and  other  missiles,  as  com- 
pletely interrupted  the  progress  of  the  enemy. 
Wallace  contemplated,  for  a  moment,  the  success 
of  his  plan,  and  instantly  rushed  down  to  the 
attack  with  an  impetuosity  which  the  scarcely 
formed  battalions  of  the  English  were  ill  prepared 
to  withstand.  Giving  way  to  the  shock,  they  fell 
into  irretrievable  confusion,  while  the  repeated 
charges  of  the  compact  bodies  of  the  Scottish 
spearmen  were  fast  covering  the  ground  with  the 
splendid  wreck  of  the  chivalry  of  England.  The 
scene  now  became  animating  beyond  measure ; 
and  many  of  those  who  had  defended  the  bridge 
forsook  their  companions  to  join  in  the  desperate 
melee.  The  passage  being  thus  left  comparatively 
open,  the  royal  standard  of  England,  displaying 
"  Three  gold  leopards  courant,  set  on  red,"  was 
advanced  to  the  cry  of—"  For  God  and  St.  George  !" 
attended  by  a  strong  body  of  knights,  who,  with 
their  triangular  shields,  defending  themselves 
from  the  missiles  which  still  showered  thick  upon 
the  bridge,  rushed  forward  to  aid  their  fellow-com- 
batants. The  banner  of  Warren  next  appeared, 
chequered  with  gold  and  azure,  and  followed  by  his 
numerous  vassals.  The  day,  however,  was  too 
far  gone  to  be  retrieved,  even  by  this  powerful 


Langtoft,  vol.  ii.  p.. 297. 
E 


LIFE  OF  SIR  WILLIAM  WALLACE. 


[CHAP.  xi. 


assistance.  Finding  no  room  to  form,  they  only 
increased  the  confusion,  and  swelled  the  slaughter 
made  by  the  Scottish  spearmen,  before  whose 
steady  and  overwhelming  charges  thousands  were 
either  borne  down  or  driven  into  the  river. 

While  Warren,  with  inexpressible  anxiety,  be- 
held from  the  opposite  bank  the  destruction  of  the 
flower  of  his  army,  the  Steward  of  Scotland  and 
the  Earl  of  Lennox  were  seen  approaching  with  a 
strong  body  of  horse  ;  but,  as  might  be  expected, 
instead  of  joining  the  English,  they  assisted  their 
countrymen  in  pursuing  and  killing  those  who 
were  attempting  to  save  themselves.  Sir  Marma- 
duke  Twenge  gallantly  cut  his  way  to  the  bridge, 
and  escaped.* 

The  panic  now  became  general,  and  the  face  of 
the  country  was  covered  with  a  confused  mass 
of  terrified  fugitives,  hurrying  on  to  avoid  the 
swords  of  their  conquerors,  and  increasing,  as  they 
fled,  the  disorder  of  their  retreat,  by  throwing 
away  their  arms  and  their  standards,  in  order  to 
facilitate  their  flight. 

Wallace  having  crossed  the  ford  alluded  to  by 
Lundin,  the  pursuit  was  followed  up  with  the  most 
destructive  perseverance.  The  day  of  retribution 
had  arrived  ; — the  butcheries  of  Berwick,  the 
carnage  of  Dunbar,  with  a  long  list  of  national 
indignities  and  personal  sufferings  had  now  to  be 
atoned  for.  Conscious  of  the  provocation  which 
had  roused  to  frenzy  the  vengeance  of  an  infu- 
riated people,  Warren  turned  with  dismay  from 
the  scene  of  havoc,  leaving  twenty  thousand  of  his 
soldiers  to  manure  the  fields  of  those  they  had  so 
lately  oppressed.  Cressingham,  the  most  detested 
of  all  the  tools  of  Edward,  was  among  the  number 
of  the  slain  ; — and  when  Wallace  came  up,  a  party 
were  employed  in  flaying  the  body.  According  to 
the  MS.  Chronicle  of  Lanercost,  he  is  said  to  have 
ordered  only  as  much  of  the  skin  to  be  taken  off 
as  would  make  a  sword-belt  ;  and  his  men,  per- 
haps, imitating  his  example,  might  have  appro- 
priated the  rest.  This,  says  a  respectable  author  f, 
is  no  doubt  the  origin  of  the  tale  told  by  Aber- 
cromby  and  some  other  historians,  of  the  Scots 
having  used  it  as  girths  to  their  horses.  An  order 
of  this  kind,  given  in  the  heat  of  the  pursuit,  was 
perhaps  never  thought  of  afterwards  ;  at  least,  we 
have  no  account  of  Wallace  ever  wearing  such  an 
appendage.  The  circumstance,  however,  shows 

*  This  man,  though  a  brave  soldier,  it  seems,  was  no 
swimmer.  Being  advised  by  some  of  his  companions  to 
throw  himself  into  the  river,  he  replied,  "  It  shall  never  be 
said  of  me,  that  I  did  voluntarily  drown  myself.  God  forbid, 
that  such  a  dishonour  should  fall  upon  me,  or  any  English- 
man ;"  and,  setting  spurs  to  his  horse,  rushed  into  the  thick 
of  the  battle,  killing  many  of  his  opponents,  and  was  fast 
making  his  way  to  the  bridge,  when  he  was  called  to  by  his 
nephew,  who  was  wounded,  to  save  him.  "  Get  up  and 
follow  me,"  was  the  answer.  "  Alas!  I  am  weak,  and  can- 
not," returned  the  other.  Sir  Marmaduke's  squire  dis- 
mounted, and  placed  him  behind  his  uncle,  who  brought 
him  off  in  safety  to  Stirling  Castle,  where  they  both  found 
refuge. 

Notwithstanding  this  unfortunate  expedition,  Sir  Mar- 
maduke  returned  the  following  year  to  the  Scottish  wars. 
He  was  also  engaged  29th  and  32nd  Edw.  I.  and  1st 
Edw.  II.,  and  died  16th  Edw.  II.,  leaving  issue  by  Isabel, 
his  wife,  William,  his  son  and  heir.  He  himself  succeeded 
Robert  de  Twenge,  to  Cleveland  and  other  possessions  in 
the  North  of  Yorkshire.— Due/dale. 

t  P.  F.  Tytler,  Esq. 


the  deep-rooted  detestation  with  which  the  indi- 
vidual was  regarded. 

Warren,  who  fled  rapidly  to  Berwick,  was  most 
probably,  like  another  English  general  of  more 
modern  times,  the  first  herald  of  his  own  discom- 
fiture. The  consternation  which  his  disaster  occa- 
sioned among  his  countrymen  hi  Scotland  was  so 
great,  that  few  or  none  would  venture  to  wait  the 
approach  of  the  enemy ;  but  abandoning  their 
strongholds,  they  hurried  southward  with  the 
greatest  precipitation,  justly  conceiving  that  the 
terms  they  were  likely  to  obtain  from  one  who  fol- 
lowed up  his  victories  with  so  much  energy,  were 
hardly  worth  staying  for.  The  loss  on  the  part  of 
the  Scots  was  comparatively  small ;  none  of  note 
having  fallen,  save  the  brave  Sir  Andrew  Murray 
of  Bothwell  *. 

In  this  manner  was  Scotland  once  more  restored 
to  that  liberty  of  which  she  had  been  so  unjustly 
deprived.  Nor  was  the  benefit  conferred  on  the 
country  less  than  the  glory  which  redounded  to 
her  gallant  liberator.  The  brilliant  and  decisive 
victory  at  Stirling  Bridge  was  gained  on  the  llth 
September,  1297,  exactly  twelve  months  and  eleven 
days  from  the  return  of  Edward  to  Berwick,  after 
what  he  conceived  to  be  the  final  subjugation  of 
the  kingdom. 

The  state  of  Scotland  in  the  early  part  of  1297, 
was  such  as  might  well  have  extinguished  the 
ardour  of  any  mind  possessed  of  less  energy  than 
that  of  Wallace.  He  saw  his  country  humbled 
and  debased  at  the  feet  of  a  tyrant,  whose  talents 
and  power  forbade  every  hope  of  emancipation, 
while  the  boldest  of  her  nobles  dared  not  express 
a  Avish  to  be  free.  His  own  indignant  feelings 
blazed  forth,  and,  with  his  kindling  enthusiasm,  he 
breathed  into  his  torpid  and  enslaved  countrymen, 
the  breath  as  it  were  of  a  new  existence.  The 
regenerating  influence  of  his  heroic  example  was 
quickly  caught  by  those  whose  bosoms  still  beat  re- 
sponsive to  the  call  of  honour  ;  and  in  the  short  space 
we  have  mentioned,  those  banners  which  had  lately 
waved  over  hecatombs  of  butchered  Scots,  and 
had  been  paraded  through  the  land  with  all  the 
triumphant  arrogance  of  conquest,  were  now 
trampled  under  foot,  and  the  colossal  power  by 
which  they  were  sustained,  overthrown  before  the 
virtuous  indignation  of  a  people  determined  to  be 
free.  When  we  contemplate  the  might  and  the 
resources  of  Edward,  who,  in  addition  to  those  of 
his  own  kingdom,  had  Ireland,  Wales,  and  his 
continental  possessions  to  depend  upon  ;  it  is  im- 
possible not  to  feel  impressed  with  admiration  at 
the  greatness  of  that  mind,  which,  with  the  frac- 
tions of  a  divided  and  dispirited  people,  could  form 
the  idea  of  braving  a  force  so  overwhelming  :  but 

*  Among  those  who  distinguished  themselves  in  this 
memorable  engagement,  there  is  reason  to  believe  that  the 
burgesses  of  Stirling,  and  the  tenants  of  the  Abbeylands  at 
Cambuskenneth,  were  particularly  active;  and  it  is  sup- 
posed, that,  from  their  behaviour  on  this  occasion,  they 
were  allowed  to  assume  an  allusion  to  the  battle  in  the 
town's  seal,  which,  after  the  date  of  the  above  transaction, 
displayed  on  the  obverae  a  bridge,  composed  of  seven 
arches  ;  in  the  centre  appeared  a  crucifix,  on  the  south  side 
of  which  stand  three  soldiers  with  bows  (the  national  wea- 
pon of  the  EngHsh),  endeavouring  to  force  the  passage,  and 
on  the  north  side  are  the  same  number  of  soldiers,  armed 
with  spears,  the  characteristic  weapon  of  the  Scots.  The 
legend  is,  "  Hlc  armit  Brutl  Scoli  stant,  hlc  cruce  tuti.' 


CHAP.  XII.] 


HE  IS  APPOINTED  GUARDIAN. 


51 


when  we  find  those  plans  which  he  had  conceived 
in  the  deep  recesses  of  his  woodland  retreats,  not 
only  perseveringly  carried  on  against  a  tide  of 
adverse  circumstances — in  defiance  of  the  aris- 
tocracy of  his  own  country,  and  the  opposition  of 
secret  and  avowed  enemies — it  may  with  truth  be 
said,  that,  however  highly  he  may  have  been  ex- 
tolled, a  tithe  of  his  greatness  has  not  yet  been 
appreciated.  Much  has  been  said  of  romance  being 
mixed  up  with  the  accounts  given  of  him  ;  but  it 
would  be  difficult  for  any  of  those  who  delight  in 
nibbling  at  great  names,  to  point  out  any  tradition 
respecting  Wallace,  sufficiently  romantic  to  outstrip 
the  simple  facts  that  stand  recorded  of  him  in  the 
authentic  annals  of  British  history. 

Deserted  by  the  barons  at  a  time  when  he  con- 
ceived he  had  united  in  the  sacred  cause  all  that 
was  noble,  and  all  that  was  high-minded  in  the 
land,  it  required  no  common  intrepidity  to  bear  up 
against  their  heartless  and  unseemly  defection  ; 
and  to  recruit  his  ranks  after  so  serious  a  dimi- 
nution, required  talents  of  the  highest  order,  and 
exertions  beyond  the  reach  of  ordinary  men.  This, 
however,  he  not  only  accomplished,  but  also  reco- 
vered a  number  of  fortresses, — drove  the  enemy 
from  the  North,  and,  with  a  numerous  and  gallant 
army,  sat  down  in  a  well-chosen  position,  to  await 
the  advance  of  the  legions  of  England, — all  within 
two  months  of  the  disgraceful  negociation  at 
Irvine. 

After  a  victory  achieved  in  the  face  of  diffi- 
culties so  formidable,  with  what  feelings  must  the 
hero  of  Stirling  Bridge  and  the  Scottish  aris- 
tocracy have  regarded  each  other  !  The  mighty 
force  of  him  whom  they  had  acknowledged  as  their 
Lord  Paramount,  was  now  broken  and  dispersed 
before  the  superior  valour  and  steadiness  of  one 
whom  they  had  so  rashly  abandoned.  In  the  rich 
harvest  of  laurels  which  had  been  acquired,  they 
had  excluded  themselves  from  all  participation  ; 
and,  though  conscious  that  they  could  not  lay 
claim  to  a  single  leaf,  they  were  sensible  that  the 
heroism  of  their  late  companions  would  soon  be 
emblazoned  through  every  country  in  Europe  ; 
while  they  had  the  mortification  to  reflect,  that  the 
tale  of  their  own  pusillanimous  submission,  would 
be  held  up  as  a  counterpart  to  the  gallantry  of 
those  friends  whom  they  had  so  shamefully  for- 
saken in  the  road  to  immortality. 


CHAPTER  XII. 

WALLACE  APPOINTED  GUARDIAN  OF  THE  KINGDOM — 
INVADES  ENGLAND — INROAD  OF  DE  CLIFFORD  ON 
THE  SOUTH  OF  SCOTLAND. 

STIRLING  CASTLE  capitulated  immediately  after  the 
battle,  and  Sir  Marmaduke  Twenge  *,  who  had 
taken  shelter  in  it,  was  sent  prisoner  to  Dum- 
barton. The  surrender  of  the  castle  of  Dundee 
followed  ;  and,  with  the  exception  of  the  garrisons 

*  Langtoft  tells  an  improbable  story  of  the  Scots  having 
induced  him  to  surrender,  by  a  promise  of  returning  to  the 
allegiance  of  Edward.  Twenge  must  have  been  a  noted 
simpleton  indeed,  if  he  could  have  been  so  easily  imposed 
upon. — See  Langtoft,  vol.  ii.  p.  300. 


remaining  in  Roxburgh,  Berwick,  and  Dunbar, 
Scotland  was  once  more  completely  cleared  of  her 
invaders.  These  places,  with  the  exception  of  the 
last,  were  also  given  up,  as  soon  as  they  were  sum- 
moned by  the  leaders  of  the  Scottish  army  ;  and 
about  this  time,  at  a  meeting  held  in  the  Forest- 
kirk,  Selkirkshire,  Wallace  was  elected,  or  de- 
clared Regent  of  Scotland,  in  the  name  of  King 
John  ;  the  appointment  being  sanctioned  by  the 

S'esence   of  the   Earl    of   Lennox,    Sir    William 
ouglas,  and  a  number   of  the   most   powerful 
among  the  nobility. 

Thus  armed  with  legitimate  authority,  the  newly 
appointed  Guardian  began  to  exercise  it  in  the 
manner  that  he  conceived  would  be  most  con- 
ducive to  the  general  interest  and  welfare  of  the 
country.  He  had  often  experienced  the  difficulties 
which  feudal  vassalage  presented  to  his  efforts  in 
behalf  of  the  national  independence.  The  nume- 
rous serfs  who  were  retained  in  bondage  by  the 
more  powerful  barons,  could  be  either  restrained 
from  taking  up  arms,  or  withdrawn  at  the  caprice 
of  their  masters,  even  when  their  services  were  of 
the  greatest  importance.  A  power  so  dangerous 
in  the  hands  of  a  party  comparatively  small,  had 
been  productive  of  the  most  ruinous  consequences. 
To  reform  a  system  pregnant  with  mischief,  and 
one  at  the  same  time  so  much  in  favour  with  the 
prejudices  of  the  age,  required  wisdom  and  energy, 
such  as  he  possessed.  Aware  of  the  opposition 
which  an  open  and  declared  attempt  to  emancipate 
the  adscripti  glebce  would  create, — he  attacked  the 
system  in  the  only  part  where  it  appeared  to  be 
vulnerable.  Having  divided  the  country  into  dis- 
tricts, he  caused  a  muster-roll  to  be  made  out, 
containing  the  names  of  all  who  were  capable  of 
bearing  arms  between  the  ages  of  sixteen  and  sixty. 
These  he  divided  and  subdivided  in  a  manner  pecu- 
liarly his  own.  Over  every  four  men  he  appointed 
a  fifth  ;  over  every  nine,  a  tenth  ;  over  every  nine- 
teen, a  twentieth  ;  and  thus  continued  the  gradation 
of  rank  till  it  reached  the  chiliarch,  or  commander 
of  a  thousand  *.  In  the  different  parishes,  gibbets 
were  also  erected  to  enforce  obedience  to  these 
regulations  ;  and  whoever  refused  to  appear  for 
the  defence  of  his  country  when  summoned,  was 
hung  up  as  an  example  to  others.  Those  barons 
who  interposed  their  authority  to  prevent  their 
vassals  from  joining  the  ranks  of  the  patriots,  were 
either  punished  with  imprisonment,  or  confiscation 
of  property. 

Though  the  active  and  restless  mind  of  Wallace 
may  now  seem  to  have  had  full  employment  in  the 
various  duties  of  his  office, — yet,  amidst  the  multi- 
plicity of  objects  of  internal  policy  which  occupied 
his  time,  the  resuscitation  of  the  foreign  trade  of 
the  kingdom  appears  to  have  had  its  proper  share 
of  his  attention.  The  advantage  which  Scotland 
derived  from  her  foreign  commercial  intercourse, 
as  has  been  already  stated,  was  too  important  to  be 
soon  forgotten  ;  and  the  heroic  and  faithful  conduct 
of  the  Flemings  at  the  siege  of  Berwick,  was  too 
recent  not  to  be  dwelt  on  with  grateful  remem- 
brance. In  order,  therefore,  to  renew  the  con- 
nection with  those  useful  strangers,  accredited 
persons  appear  to  have  been  despatched  with 
letters  to  the  free  towns  of  Hamburg  and  Lubeck  f. 

*  Fordun  a  Goodall,  vol.  ii.  p.  170. 

*  See  Appendix,  H. 

E2 


52 


LIFE  OF  SIR  WILLIAM  WALLACE. 


[CHAP.  xn. 


Having  provided  for  the  necessary  supplies  of 
men,  the  Guardian  determined  on  retaliating  the 
injuries  Scotland  had  sustained  at  the  hands  of  her 
late  oppressors.  Meanwhile  a  famine, — the  natural 
consequence  of  the  neglect  of  agriculture  during 
the  unsettled  state  of  the  country,  had  begun  to 
make  its  appearance  ;  and  was  soon  followed  by  a 
pestilence, — occasioned,  doubtless,  by  the  multi- 
tude of  putrid  carcases  which  remained,  partially 
at  least,  if  not  altogether,  exposed  after  the  recent 
carnage.  To  alleviate,  as  far  as  possible,  the  misery 
consequent  on  those  dreaded  calamities,  he  com- 
manded all  the  standing  crops  to  be  carefully 
gathered  in,  and  stored  up  in  barns  and  yards 
unde^  proper  regulations,  to  meet  the  exigencies 
of  the  country  during  winter.  In  order,  at  the 
same  time,  to  concentrate  the  strength  and  re- 
sources of  the  country,  and  establish  that  unani- 
mity so  necessary  for  its  defence,  he  summoned  all 
the'vassals  of  the  Scottish  crown  to  meet  him  at 
Perth.  From  this  parliament,  which  was  pretty 
numerously  attended,  Patrick,  Earl  of  Dunbar, 
thought  proper  to  absent  himself.  The  great  power 
and  military  experience  of  this  baron,  joined  to  the 
circumstance  of  his  occupying  a  fortress  which  was 
considered  as  the  key  of  the  eastern  part  of  the 
kingdom,  made  it  an  object  of  some  importance 
that  his  allegiance  should  be  unquestionable.  An 
early  partisan  of  Edward,  he  had  as  yet  shown  no 
disposition  to  relinquish  his  unnatural  connection 
with  the  enemy.  When  the  subject  of  his  absence 
came,  therefore,  to  be  discussed  before  the  Scottish 
nobles,  they  unanimously  resolved  on  proceeding 
against  him  without  delay.  Wallace,  however, 
proposed  the  more  gentle  expedient  of  remon- 
strance, before  having  recourse  to  extremities  ; 
and  a  deputation  was  accordingly  sent,  to  request 
his  attendance  as  a  Scottish  peer,  in  order  to  take 
part  in  the  government  of  the  country,  and  to  aid, 
with  his  counsel  and  his  arms,  in  the  establishment 
of  the  national  independence.  Possessed  of  large 
dominions  in  England,  as  well  as  an  extensive 
inheritance  in  Scotland,  this  Earl  felt  little  inclina- 
tion to  incur  the  displeasure  of  his  Lord  Para- 
mount in  the  South,  by  a  too  ready  accession  to 
the  cause  of  liberty  in  the  North  ;  and  he  accord- 
ingly returned  a  haughty  and  scornful  answer,  no 
way  calculated  to  allay  the  prejudice  which  his 
former  contemptuous  behaviour  had  excited  against 
him.  As  soon,  therefore,  as  the  various  objects 
which  had  engaged  the  attention  of  the  parliament 
were  disposed  of,  Wallace  proceeded,  with  a  select 
body  of  400  men,  to  reduce  the  turbulent  chieftain. 
A  little  to  the  east  of  Dunbar,  the  Guardian  found 
the  Earl  awaiting  his  approach  at  the  head  of  900 
followers  ;  and  a  desperate  conflict  immediately 
commenced,  which  ended  in  the  flight  of  Patrick, 
who  escaped  to  England  *.  The  castle  of  Dunbar 
was  in  consequence  surrendered  to  the  victor,  who 
gave  it  in  charge  to  Sir  Christopher  Seton,  with  a 
competent  garrison  for  its  defence. 

1297.  Early  in  October  a  proclamation  was 
issued  for  every  one  capable  of  bearing  arms  to 
appear  on  the  moor  of  Roslin.  An  immense  multi- 
tude attended.  The  most  vigorous  and  the  best 
equipped  were  then  selected  ;  and  having  thus 
embodied  an  efficient,  numerous,  and  gallant  army, 
Wallace  excited  their  ardour  by  a  short  and  ani- 

*  See  Appendix,  I. 


mating  address,  in  which  he  told  them,  that,  united 
as  they  were,  with  only  one  glorious  object  in 
view,  they  had  nothing  but  victory  to  expect, — 
their  country  had  been  stripped  of  its  wealth  by  their 
late  oppressors,  and  it  was  now  their  duty  and 
interest  to  recover  it,  and  punish  the  aggressors. 
The  army  *  then  proceeded  in  high  spirits  towards 
the  English  frontier, — their  leader  rightly  judg- 
ing, that,  by  withdrawing  so  many  men,  a  larger 
quantity  of  provisions  would  remain  for  those  left 
behind ";  and  by  adopting  this  measure,  his  soldiers 
also,  while  they  escaped  from  the  contagion  which 
had  appeared  in  Scotland,  would  be  moreover 
rewarded  for  their  past  labours,  by  the  riches  they 
would  find  in  the  more  flourishing  regions  of  the 
South ;  which,  having  enjoyed  a  long  interval  of 
peace,  might  be  conceived  to  be  overflowing  with 
that  description  of  wealth  most  desirable  in  the 
estimation  of  the  needy  adventurers  of  the  North  ; 
— and  the  latter,  no  doubt,  as  they  drove  home 
their  lowing  and  bleating  prey  from  the  rich  pas- 
tures of  Durham  and  the  neighbouring  counties, 
considered  that  they  were  merely  removing  their 
own  property,  of  which  they  had  been  unjustly 
deprived  by  the  tyranny  of  the  English. 

In  this  expedition,  Wallace  divided  the  com- 
mand of  the  army  with  Sir  Andrew  Murray  of 
Bothwell,  the  promising  son  of  the  brave  Sir 
Andrew,  who  fell  in  the  late  engagement.  This 
honour  he  may  have  thought  due  to  the  patriotic 
conduct  of  the  father,  in  adhering  to  the  fortunes 
of  his  country,  amidst  the  general  defection  of  the 
Scottish  barons.  And — as  it  might  tend  to  give 
the  lie  to  those  reports  which  began  to  be  cir- 
culated of  an  intention  to  aggrandize  himself  at  the 
expense  of  the  aristocracy, — the  appointment  was 
evidently  a  measure  of  judicious  and  honourable 
policy. 

On  the  approach  of  the  Scottish  army,  the  in- 
habitants of  Northumberland  deserted  their  dwell- 
ings, and  fled  to  Newcastle,  carrying  with  them 
their  wives  and  children,  their  cattle  and  household 
stuff.  The  Guardian,  however,  for  a  short  time 
delayed  his  advance  ;  and  having  received  notice 
that  several  of  the  burgesses  of  Aberdeen,  and 
others  in  that  quarter,  had  disobeyed  his  summons 
to  appear  at  Roslin,  he  hurried  back  to  the  North, 
where,  on  apprehending  the  parties,  those  whose 
excuses  were  inadmissible,  he  ordered  for  imme- 
diate execution.  Hastily  rejoining  his  forces,  he 
crossed  the  Border,  and  succeeded  in  surprising 
the  English,  who,  thinking  the  storm  had  blown 
over,  were  returned  to  their  homes. 

The  Scots  now  commenced  their  destructive 
reprisals,  by  wasting  with  fire  and  sword  the  coun- 
ties of  Cumberland  and  Northumberland.  In  this 
work  of  devastation  they  were  assisted  by  Robert 
de  Ros  of  Werk,  a  great  northern  baron,  who,  as 
we  have  already  observed,  had  deserted  the 
standard  of  Edward  in  1295.  It  is  presumed  that 
the  same  influence  wkich  formerly  seduced  him 
from  his  loyalty,  still  existed  ;  and  it  is  a  pity  that 
the  name  of  the  lady  who  made  so  patriotic  a  use 
of  her  charms,  has  not  been  preserved  by  the 
historians  of  her  country. 

The  former  inroads  of  the  Scots  were  trifling, 

*  Of  this  army  the  Campbells  and  M'Gregors  formed  a 
part,  and  no  doubt  a  number  of  the  Perthshire  clans  were 

included. 


HE  INVADES  ENGLAND. 


compared  with  the  wide-spreading  desolation  which 
now  marked  their  career.  The  havoc  they  made, 
and  the  spoils  they  collected,  are  feelingly  dwelt 
on  by  the  English  writers  of  the  day.  Langtoft 
thus  expresses  himself  : — 

"  To  werre  than  ros  thei  eft,  tille  God  thei  mad  a  vowe, 
That  no  thing  suld  be  left,  that  ir.yght  to  Inglond  prowe, 
Mercy  suld  none  haue,  tille  alle  thei  suld  do  wo, 
Kirke  suld  no  man  saue,  hot  brenne  ther  in  &  slo. 
In  Northumberland  ther  first  thei  bigan, 
&  alle  that  com  tille  hande,  they  slouh  and  ouer  ran 
To  Flandres  tille  Edward  tithinges  men  him  sent, 
That  Scottis  com  in  hard,  the  North  is  nere  alle  brent, 
&  more  salle  zit  be  lorn,  hot  if  we  haf  socoure. 
Nouht  standes  tham  biforn,  toun,  castelle  ne  toure." 

Vol.  ii.  p.  21)8,  299. 

Hemingfcrd  says,  "At  this  time  the  praise  of 
God  was  not  heard  in  any  church  or  monastery 
through  the  whole  country,  from  Newcastle-upon- 
Tyne  to  the  Gates  of  Carlisle  ;  for  the  monks  and 
canons  regular,  and  other  priests  who  were  minis- 
ters of  the  Lord,  fled  with  the  whole  people  from 
the  face  of  the  enemy  ;  nor  was  there  any  to 
oppose  them,  except  now  and  then  a  few  English 
who  belonged  to  the  castle  of  Alnwick,  who  ven- 
tured from  their  strongholds,  and  slew  some  strag- 
glers. But  these  were  but  slight  successes  ;  and 
the  Scots  roved  over  the  country  *  from  the  Feast 
of  St.  Luke  to  St.  Martin's  day,  inflicting  on  it  all 
the  miseries  of  rapine  and  bloodshed  f." 

*  Fordun  states,  that  the  Scots  army  remained  in  Eng- 
land from  All  Saints  day  till  Christmas,  31st  October  till 
25th  December.  Wyntown  also  agrees  with  him,  and  thus 
expresses  himself  on  the  subject. 

"  And  syne  fra  the  Alhalowmes 
In  Yngland  till  Yhule  he  bydand  wes. 
All  Allyrdayle  as  man  of  Were 
That  tyme  he  brynt  wyth  his  Powere  : 
And  wyth  gret  Prayis  owt  of  that  Land, 
Come  eftyr  the  Yhule  in-til  Scotland." 

Wyntown,  B.  viii.  c.  13.  v.  177—182. 

t  In  the  invasion  of  England,  one  Grimesby  acted  as 
guide  to  the  Scottish  army.  This  person  we  have  alluded 
to  at  page  19,  as  carrying  the  banner  of  St.  John  of  Beverley, 
in  the  army  of  Edward.  He  was  afterwards  rewarded  by 
the  Usurper  with  the  promise  of  the  first  benefice  of  twenty 
merks  or  pounds  which  should  become  vacant  in  Scotland. 
This  prospect  of  preferment,  however,  did  not  prevent  him 
from  joining  the  liberator  of  his  country.  He  appears  to 
have  been  long  in  the  service  of  England,  and  was  most 
probably  one  of  those  30,000  Scots  who  were  sent  by  Alex- 
ander III.  to  the  assistance  of  Henry  III.,  when  opposed  by 
his  barons.  Though  it  be  uncertain  if  he  accompanied 
Edward  to  the  Holy  Land,  it  is  however  pretty  evident  that 
he  attended  him  in  his  various  expeditions  to  France  ;  and, 
in  his  character  of  pursuivant,  he  obtained  a  very  intimate 
acquaintance  with  the  localities  of  that  country,  as  well  as 
of  England.  His  intimate  knowledge  of  the  latter  rendered 
Kis  services  of  much  importance  to  his  countrymen.  Henry 
represents  him  as  a  steady  and  useful  adherent  to  Wallace, 
and  describes  him  to  be  of  great  stature,  and  as  having 
acquired  among  the  English  the  name  of  Grimesby,  on 
account  of  his  grim  or  stern  visage.  This,  however,  is  more 
fanciful  than  correct.  Grimesby  is  of  Danisli  origin,  and 
though  among  the  Scots  he  was  called  Jop,  his  real  name  ap- 
pears to  h  ve  been  Gilbert  Grimesby.  He  acted  as  herald,  as 
well  as  guide ;  and  often  marshalled  the  Scottish  battalions 
on  the  eve  of  battle. 


The  Guardian  having  summoned  in  all  his  plun- 
dering parties,  and  concentrated  his  army,  directed 
his  march  towards  Carlisle.  The  sack  of  this  city 
would  have  been  most  desirable  to  the  invaders, 
not  only  on  account  of  its  riches,  but  also  as  in 
some  measure  enabling  them  to  avenge  the  injuries 
inflicted  upon  Berwick.  The  place,  however,  was 
strongly  fortified  ;  and  the  Scots  not  being  pro- 
vided with  a  battering  train,  they  had  to  content 
themselves  with  sending  a  summons  ;  which,  being 
disregarded  by  the  garrison,  they  passed  on,  and 
laid  waste  Cumberland  and  Allerdale,  from  Ingle- 
wood  Forest  to  Derwentwater  and  Cockermouth. 
Winter  now  advanced  : — the  frost  set  in  with 
uncommon  severity, — and  the  Scots,  who  had  cre- 
ated a  desert  around  them,  began  also  to  dread 
the  miseries  of  famine,  as  well  as  the  inclemency 
of  the  season.  Their  encampments  could  now  be 
traced  by  the  frozen  bodies  of  those  who  had 
perished  during  the  night  from  the  intensity  of  the 
cold.  Under  these  circumstances,  Wallace  gave 
orders  for  their  return  to  Scotland. 

On  their  reaching  Hexceldsham  *,  the  monastery 
of  which  had  been  plundered  during  their  advance, 
the  following  singular  scene  is  said  by  Heming- 
forcl  to  have  occurred.  Three  monks,  all  who  had 
the  courage  to  remain,  were  observed  in  a  small 
chapel.  Thinking  that  the  danger  was  over,  they 
had  forsaken  their  concealments,  and  were  endea- 
vouring to  repair  the  damages  of  the  late  visitation, 
when,  in  the  midst  of  their  labours,  they  disco- 
vered the  Scottish  army  returning,  and  fled  in 
dismay  to  the  oratory.  The  soldiers,  however, 
with  their  long  spears,  were  soon  among  them  ; 
and  brandishing  their  weapons,  commanded  them, 
at  their  peril,  to  give  up  the  treasures  of  the 
monastery.  "  Alas  !  "  said  one  of  the  monks,  "  it 
is  but  a  short  time  since  you  yourselves  have  seized 
our  whole  property,  and  you  know  best  where  it 
now  is."  At  this  juncture  Wallace  entered,  and 
commanding  his  soldiers  to  be  silent,  requested 
one  of  the  monks  to  perform  mass  :  he  obeyed, 
and  the  Guardian  and  his  attendants  heard  the 
service  with  becoming  reverence.  When  the  ele- 
vation of  the  host  was  about  to  take  place,  Wallace 
retired  for  a  moment  to  lay  aside  his  helmet  and 
arms.  Instantly  the  avarice  and  ferocity  of  the 
soldiers  broke  out.  They  pressed  upon  the  priest, 
snatched  the  cup  from  the  high  altar,  tore  away 
the  ornaments  and  sacred  vestments,  and  even 
stole  the  book  which  contained  the  ceremony. 
When  their  leader  returned,  he  found  the  priest 
in  fear  and  horror  at  the  sacrilege.  Wallace, 
indignant  at  such  conduct,  gave  orders  that  the 
villains  should  be  searched  for,  and  put  to  death. 
In  the  mean  time,  he  took  the  monks  under  his 
own  special  protection. 

As  some  atonement  for  the  outrage  committed, 
the  Guardian  granted  to  the  monks  of  Hexcelds- 
ham a  charter  of  protection  for  twelve  months, 
from  the  7th  November,  1297f,  by  which  their 
lives  and  property  were  held  sacred.  "  The  pro- 
hibition," says  Lord  Haiies,  "  to  slay  any  eccle- 
siastic of  the  monastery  of  Hexceldsham,  shows 
that  the  Scots  had  been  guilty  of  uncommon  bar-  l)ro- 
barities."  Had  his  Lordship  said  that  the  conduct-oy  the 
of  the  Scots  was  merely  an  humble  imitationoon  after- 
the  example  which  the  English  had  set  th 


Hexham. 


t  See  Appen'" 


LIFE  OF  SIR  WILLIAM  WALLACE. 


[CHAP.  xm. 


their  "  Good  Friday  "  revelries  at  the  sack  of  Ber- 
wick, he  would  have  been  nearer  the  truth.  We 
find  no  such  restraint  put  upon  the  English  sol- 
diery, who  were  allowed  to  murder  their  lay  and 
clerical  victims  indiscriminately  ;  not  even  except- 
ing nuns,  whose  sex,  independent  of  every  other 
consideration,  ought  to  have  been  their  protection. 
If  a  shadow  of  humanity  can  be  discovered  in  the 
mode  of  warfare  carried  on  by  the  two  nations,  it 
certainly  belongs  of  right  to  those  who  published 
a  prohibition  of  such  enormities.  In  the  invasion 
by  the  Scots  in  1296,  there  is  no  charge  brought 
against  them  of  killing  priests.  Langtoft  says, 
vol.  ii.  p.  273,  that  in  coming  to  Hexham  and 
Leynertofte,  they  merely  chased  out  the  canons, 
and  took  away  their  goods.  Their  subsequent 
severity  must  therefore  have  been  forced  upon 
them  by  their  enemies. 

English  writers  have  lamented,  with  eloquence 
and  pathos,  the  cruelties  exercised  in  this  invasion  ; 
and  from  their  silence  respecting  the  atrocities  of 
their  own  -countrymen,  have  endeavoured  to  fix 
the  stain  of  exclusive  barbarity  on  the  arms  of 
Scotland.  This  is  all  natural  enough,  and  quite 
consistent  with  that  national  prejudice  by  which 
the  people  of  every  country  are  more  or  less  im- 
bued ;  but  it  is  painfully  mortifying,  when  we 
find  Scotchmen  of  acknowledged  talent  and  pene- 
tration forgetting  what  is  due  to  themselves  and 
to  their  country  ;  and  from  a  weak  fear  of  being 
thought  illiberal,  following  humbly  in  the  train  of 
such  authors,  and  echoing  their  reflections  ;  or 
favouringly  assenting  to  their  ex  parte  statements, 
in  place  of  standing  forward  and  showing  the 
world,  that  their  countrymen,  in  resorting  to 
such  severities,  merely  exercised  a  system  of 
fair  retaliation,  for  the  purpose  of  repressing 
enormities  of  the  deepest  dye,  committed  in 
support  of  an  aggression  of  the  most  unparalleled 
baseness. 

During  the  time  the  Scottish  army  was  engaged 
in  ravaging  the  northern  counties  of  England, 
Robert  de  Clifford,  at  the  head  of  one  hundred 
men-at-arms,  and  twenty  thousand  foot,  left  Car- 
lisle, and  proceeded  to  plunder  in  Scotland.  His 
success,  however,  was  not  great,  having  killed 
three  hundred  and  eight  Scots,  burned  two  villages, 
and  taken  a  few  prisoners,  with  whom  he  returned 
home  about  Christmas. 

Whilst  the  Guardian  was  thus  successfully  pro- 
secuting the  cause  of  his  country's  independence, 
his  efforts,  at  the  same  time,  were  becoming  daily 
more  beneficial  to  the  real  liberties  of  the  very 
people  to  whom  he  was  opposed.  Elated,  first  by 
the  conquest  of  Wales,  and  afterwards  by  that  of 
Scotland,  Edward  had  already  begun  to  stretch 
forth  the  iron  rod  of  oppression  over  the  legiti- 
mate subjects  of  his  own  native  kingdom  ;  and, 
trusting  to  the  assistance  he  should  receive  from 
the  barons  of  his  newly  acquired  conquests,  who, 
he  might  naturally  suppose  would  not  be  found 
reluctant  to  act  as  instruments  in  holding  their 
late  conquerors  in  subjection,  he  assumed,  towards 
the  nobles  of  England,  an  air  of  haughty  supe- 
riority that  awakened  their  j  ealousy,  and  alarmed 
,their  fears.  But  as  the  investigation  of  this  sub- 
t  would  interrupt  the  course  of  our  narrative, 
N'  reserve  jt  till  the  end  of  the  volume  *. 


*  'See  Appendix,  L. 


CHAPTER  XIII. 

WALLACE    RETURNS    TO    SCOTLAND — ENVIED    BY    THE 

NOBILITY EDWARD  LANDS   IN  ENGLAND WALLACE 

MEETS  HIS  ARMY  AT  STANMORE BATTLE  OF    BLACK- 
IRONSIDE LEGALITY     OF     WALLACE'S      REGENCY 

EDWARD   INVADES    SCOTLAND — TREACHERY   OF  TWO 
SCOTTISH  NOBLEMEN. 

DURING  the  time  that  Wallace  remained  in  Eng- 
land, his  army  was  occasionally  renewed  ;  for  as 
soon  as  the  quota  of  men  belonging  to  one  clan  or 
parish  had  collected  a  sufficient  share  of  booty, 
they  were  allowed  to  retire  and  secure  it  in  the 
North,  while  their  places  were  supplied  by  fresh 
hordes  of  not  less  hungry  adventurers.  By  such 
means  the  spoil  of  England  became  pretty  equally 
divided  throughout  the  several  districts  of  Scot- 
land, and  the  inhabitants  began  to  experience  the 
benefits  of  returning  plenty.  Having,  in  this  man- 
ner, enriched  his  own  country  at  the  expense  of 
her  enemies,  the  intrepid  Guardian  returned — poor 
it  is  true,  in  wealth,  but  rich  in  fame — to  behold 
the  prosperity  he  had  so  gallantly  achieved  *.  This 
expedition,  however,  though  it  had  increased  his 
reputation  among  the  common  people,  failed  not 
to  awaken  the  envy  of  the  nobles,  who  could  ill 
brook  the  popularity  of  one  whose  actions  had 
thrown  them  so  much  into  the  shade  ;  and  his 
praise,  which  they  heard  on  all  sides,  sounded  in 
their  ears  like  so  many  reproaches  against  them- 
selves, who,  possessing  wealth  and  power,  either 
could  not,  or  from  treachery  would  not,  do  what  he, 
so  much  their  inferior  in  wealth  and  influence,  had 
taken  in  hand  and  finished,  with  glory  to  himself 
and  honour  to  the  country.  Hence  the  private 
heartburnings  which  arose  among  these  noblemen, 
whose  consciences  whispered  that  they  had  been 
either  traitors  or  sluggards  when  the  liberty  of 
their  country  was  at  stake. 

1298.  In  the  mean  time,  Edward  having  com- 
plied with  the  demands  of  his  subjects,  the  Barons 
of  England  collected  an  army,  and  advanced 
towards  the  Border.  On  the  14th  March,  the 
King  himself  landed  at  Sandwich,  and  instantly 
summoned  the  Scottish  barons  to  a  Parliament  at 
York.  According  to  Abercromby,  he  also  ad- 

*  It  is  probable  that  some  of  our  readers  may  be  dis- 
pleased with  our  passing  over  the  interview  which  Wallace 
is  said  to  have  had  with  Queen  Margaret,  during  the  time 
his  army  was  encamped  in  the  north  of  England ;  but  we 
always  wish  to  have  some  authority  for  what  we  commit  to 
our  pages ;  and  as  we  can  find  nothing  in  support  of  it, 
either  in  English  or  Scottish  records,  we  are  inclined  to  look 
upon  it  as  a  minstrel's  tale,  introduced  for  the  purpose  of 
effect.  The  subject  excited  the  inquiries  of  the  learned 
Dr.  Jamieson,  who  has  been  at  considerable  pains  to  ascer- 
tain whether  or  not  such  an  interview  actually  took  place ; 
and  all  his  researches  tend  rather  to  throw  discredit  on  the 
affair,  in  addition  to  the  doubt  which  naturally  arises  from 
the  silence  of  history.  Henry,  in  whose  work  the  tale  is 
only  to  be  found,  represents  Edward  as  being  then  in 
Britain,  while  it  is  agreed  on  all  hands  that  he  was,  at  the 
time,  prosecuting  the  war  in  Flanders.  Though  the  Min- 
strel be  a  favourite  with  us,  still  we  like  to  see  his  state- 
ments corroborated;  and  we  conceive,  that  the  English 
Queen  appearing  in  the  Scottish  camp  in  the  manner  be 
describes,  was  a  circumstance  too  flattering  to  the  national 
pride  of  the  Scots,  to  be  left  to  the  pen  of  one  solitary  nar- 
rator. 


CHAP.  XIII.] 


MEETING  AT  STANMORE. 


55 


dressed  letters  to  the  Guardian,  and  in  a  strain 
more  impassioned  than  courteous,  upbraided  him 
for  his  audacity  in  disturbing  the  tranquillity  of 
Scotland,  and  in  presuming  afterwards  to  invade 
England, — a  line  of  conduct  which,  he  observed, 
would  not  have  been  ventured  upon,  had  he  (Ed- 
ward) been  in  the  country  ;  and  concluded,  by 
commanding  Wallace  to  redeem  his  errors  by  an 
immediate  submission  to  his  authority.  To  these 
letters  the  Guardian  replied,  that  in  availing  him- 
self of  the  absence  of  Edward,  in  order  to  regain 
the  liberty  of  his  country,  he  had  done  no  more 
than  his  duty,  and  that  the  baseness  lay  with  the 
English  monarch  in  taking  advantage  of  the  dis- 
union of  a  free  people  to  enslave  them.  As  to 
invading  England,  he  had  done  so  in  order  to  indem- 
nify Scotland  for  the  injuries  she  had  so  unjustly 
sustained  ;  and  in  respect  to  submission,  as  he 
intended  soon  to  be  in  England  again,  he  would 
then  give  him  his  answer  in  person. 

The  active  and  undaunted  Guardian  was  in- 
stantly at  the  heels  of  his  messenger,  and  on  the 
20th  of  March  came  in  sight  of  the  English  army 
at  Stanmore.  Scottish  historians  say,  that  Edward's 
force  though  much  superior  to  that  of  Wallace, 
was  composed  chiefly  of  raw  militia  hastily  raised, 
few  or  none  of  his  veterans  having  been  yet  landed, 
and  that  the  English  monarch,  struck  with  the 
appearance  and  admirable  discipline  of  the  Scots, 
and,  unwilling  to  risk  his  fame  in  a  conflict  so 
doubtful, — when  about  five  hundred  paces  from 
the  enemy,  turned  his  banners  and  marched  off 
the  field.  Wallace,  afraid  of  an  ambush,  restrained 
his  soldiers  from  the  pursuit,  and  repressed  their 
ardour  by  telling  them,  that  the  victory  they  had 
already  gained  was  the  more  glorious,  as  it  was 
got  without  blood  and  against  the  first  captain  of 
the  age,  at  the  head  of  an  army  which,  to  all 
human  appearance,  was  able,  from  its  numbers,  to 
have  swallowed  them  up  ;  concluding  his  address, 
by  ordering  thanksgivings  to  Heaven  for  so  great 
an  interposition  in  their  favour. 

This  account,  however,  is  not  corroborated  by 
English  historians.  They  allege  that  the  King  was 
not  present  ;  and  in  this  they  are  certainly  in  the 
right.  Edward,  on  his  arrival  in  England,  was 
detained  by  matters  of  importance,  in  such  a  man- 
ner as  to  render  his  presence  at  Stanmore  on  the 
20th  March  utterly  impossible.  That  the  Scots 
may  have  come  in  sight  of  the  English  army  on 
the  borders,  is  not  at  all  unlikely  ;  or  that  the  lat- 
ter should  decline  risking  a  general  engagement, 
'  after  their  late  reverses,  without  the  presence  of 
their  King,  who  was  daily  expected,  is  extremely 
probable.  It  may  also  be  observed,  that  the  char- 
ters of  their  rights,  though  granted  at  Ghent,  had 
not  as  yet  been  confirmed  in  England.  .  The  con- 
duct of  the  English  leaders,  under  such  circum- 
stances, may  be  considered  as  highly  prudent  and 
judicious. 

But  if  the  Scots  were  disappointed  in  not  coming 
to  blows  with  their  enemies  at  Stanmore,  it  was  not 
long  before  they  had  an  opportunity  of  trying  the 
mettle  of  their  swords.  Aymer,  or  Aldomer  de 
Vallance,  son  of  the  Earl  Pembroke,  a  youth  at 
that  time  of  eighteen  years,  had  raised  himself 
high  in  the  estimation  of  Edward,  by  the  ready 
manner  in  which  he  accompanied  him  to  Flanders. 
The  abilities  and  discretion,  which  he  soon  dis- 
played, obtained  for  him  so  much  of  the  confidence 


of  his  master,  that  he  was  employed  in  various 
important  matters  of  state.  On  the  truce  with 
France  being  concluded — for  the  furtherance  of 
which  he  was  appointed  a  commissioner — Edward, 
it  appears,  had  ordered  him  to  sail  for  Scotland 
with  the  force  under  his  command,  for  the  purpose 
of  co-operating  in  the  invasion  which  he  meditated 
on  his  arrival  in  England.  Various  circumstances 
contributed  to  retard  the  projected  attempt  ;  and 
it  was  not  till  Midsummer  that  Aldomer  and  Sir 
John  Siward  (a  recreant  Scot,  son  of  the  traitor  of 
Dunbar)  landed  in  Fife  with  a  considerable  body 
of  troops,  and  began  to  lay  waste  the  country. 
Their  destructive  operations,  however,  were  soon 
interrupted  by  the  arrival  of  Wallace  and  his  Scots, 
who  fell  upon  them  in  the  extensive  foi'est  of 
Blackironside,  and,  after  an  obstinate  conflict,  the 
invaders  were  defeated  with  the  loss  of  1,580  men. 
This  engagement,  which  is  sometimes  called  the 
Battle  of  Dillecarew,  was  fought  on  the  12th  June. 
The  loss  of  the  Scots  was  comparatively  trifling  ; 
and,  with  the  exception  of  Sir  Duncan  Balfour, 
Sheriff  of  Fife,  and,  according  to  some,  Sir  Christo- 
pher Seton  *,  few,  if  any,  of  note,  were  killed, — Sir 
John  Graham  being  only  wounded.  Sir  John 
Ramsay  of  Auchterhouse,  with  Squires  Guthrie 
and  Bisset  f,  are  particularly  mentioned  as  having 
distinguished  themselves  in  this  brilliant  rencounter. 
On  his  return  to  Scotland,  after  the  affair  at 
Stanmore,  Wallace  applied  himself  to  rectify  the 
abuses  and  disorders  which  had  arisen  from  the 
disorganized  state  of  the  country.  For  this  pur- 
pose, he  seems  to  have  made  a  tour  through  the 
kingdom,  and  on  29th  March  we  find  him  presiding 
in  an  assembly  of  the  Barons  at  Torphichen.  At 
this  assembly,  which  was  most  probably  held  in 
the  preceptory  of  the  Templars,  various  meritorious 
individuals  were  rewarded  for  their  patriotic  exe  - 
tions  in  the  cause  of  independence.  Among  these, 
Alexander  Scrymgeour  had  the  constabulary  of 
Dundee  conferred  upon  him  and  his  heirs,  for  his 
"faithful  aid  in  bearing  the  Royal  Banner  of  Scot- 


*  See  Appendix,  M. 

t  Respecting  these  two  meritorious  individuals,  few  par- 
ticulars appear  to  be  known.  Guthrie  is  said  to  have  been 
the  ancestor  of  the  Guthries  of  that  Ilk,  and  was  frequently 
employed  as  the  confidential  agent  of  his  countrymen. 

Bisset  is  also  mentioned  as  the  progenitor  of  the  Bissets 
of  that  Ilk ;  and  according  to  Henry,  he  was  killed  on  this 
occasion  by  the  hand  of  Siward,  who,  in  his  turn,  was  cut 
down  by  Wallace.  By  the  chamberlain's  accounts  it  appears, 
that  one  John  Bisset,  a  poor  monk  of  Haddington,  received 
from  King  Robert  Bruce  a  pension  of  20s.  per  annum  for 
clothing.  Whether  this  was  given  in  consequence  of  any 
relationship  to  the  gallant  patriot  of  that  name,  is  not  stated. 

The  battle  of  Blackironside  appears  to  have  been  a  pro- 
tracted forest-fight  for  the  greater  part  of  the  day;  and  the 
heat  of  the  weather  induced  the  combatants  at  times,  as  if 
by  mutual  consent,  to  pause  amid  the  deadly  strife. 

On  one  of  those  occasions,  Wallace  it  is  said  unclasped 
the  helmet  of  a  dead  Englishman,  and,  repairing  to  a  neigh- 
bouring fountain,  still  unstained  with  the  carnage  of  the 
day,  he  dipped  it. into  the  stream,  and  continued  to  carry  the 
water  along  the  ranks  of  his  fainting  soldiers.  When  he 
had  in  this  manner  allayed  their  thirst,  he  afterwards  par- 
took himself;  and  declared,  that  the  cooling  beverage  was 
mi -re  grateful  to  his  palate,  than  the  richest  wines  he  had 
ever  tasted.  The  effect  which  this  mark  of  attention  pro- 
duced on  the  minds  of  his  followers,  was  evinced  by  the 
vigour  they  displayed  in  the  charge  which  they  soon  after- 
wards made  on  the  enemy. 


LIFE  OF  SIR  WILLIAM  WALLACE. 


[CHAP.  xin. 


land,  u-hich  service  he  actually  performs ."  This  docu- 
ment appears  to  have  been  made  with  the  consent 
and  approbation  of  the  Scottish  nobility,  and  is 
dated  29th  March,  1298  *. 

Some  authors  assert,  that  the  election  of  Wallace 
to  the  Guardianship  took  place  after  his  return 
from  the  invasion  of  England.  Lord  Hailes  says, 
he  assumed  the  title  of  Guardian  subsequent  to 
that  event.  This  we  consider  extremely  impro- 
bable ;  as  the  degree  of  popularity  he  had  attained 
among  his  countrymen  would  have  certainly  anti- 
cipated any  assumption  on  the  part  of  their  de- 
liverer. Although  Abercromby  be  not  a  first-rate 
authority,  we  conceive  that  he  is  right  in  placing 
the  election  before  the  advance  of  Wallace  to  the 
south.  The  immense  preparations  necessary  for 
an  invasion  of  England,  required  the  sanction  of 
something  like  legitimate  authority  to  carry  it  into 
effect  ;  and  the  measures  which  he  resorted  to  for 
the  good  of  the  country,  immediately  posterior  to 

*  For  the  satisfaction  of  the  reader,  we  will  here  give  the 
charter  referred  to,  as  it  is  preserved  in  Anderson's  Diplumata 
et  Numismata  Scotits  (Edin.  1739) — from  the  original  at  that 
time  in  the  possession  of  Mr.  David  Watson,  writer,  Edin- 
burgh. 

CHARTA 

Domini   Gulielmi    Wallaev,    Cuslodis    Scotia;,    nomine  Jo- 
hannis  Balliol  Regis,  cum  sigillo  ejusdem  Johannis. 

"  Willelmus  Walays  miles,  Gustos  Regni  Scocie,  et  Ductor 
exercituum  ejusdem,  nomine  preclari  Principis  Domini 
Johannis,  Dei  Gracia  Regis  Scocie  illustris,  de  consensu 
communitatis  ejusdem  Regni.  Omnibus  probis  hominibus 
dicti  Regni  ad  quos  presens  scriptum  pervenerit,  eternam  in 
Domino  salutem.  Noverit  universitas  vestra,  nos,  nomine 
predict!  Domini  nostri  Regis  Scocie,  per  consensum  et 
assensum  magnatum  dicti  regni,  dedisse  et  concessisse,  ac 
ipsas  donationem  et  concessionem  presenti  carta  confirmasse 
Alexandro  dicto  Skirmischur  sex  marcatas  terre  in  territo- 
rio  de  Dunde,  scilicet,  terrain  illam  que  vocatur  campus  su- 
perior, prope  villam  de  Dunde  ex  parte  boreali,  cum  acris 
illis  in  campo  occidentali  que  ad  partem  regiam  spectare 
solebant  prope  villam  de  Dunde  ex  parte  occidentali,  et 
etiam  pratum  regium  in  predicto  territorio  de  Dunde,  et 
etiam  constabulariam  castri  de  Dunde,  cum  suis  pertinen- 
ciis, libertatibus  et  asyamentis  sine  aliquo  retinemento,  pro 
homagio  predicto  Domino  Regi  et  heredibus  suis  vel  suis 
successoribus  faciendo,  et  pro  fideli  servicio  et  succursu  suo 
predicto  regno  impenso  portando  vexillum  regium  in  exer- 
citu  Scocie  tempore  confectionis  presentium,  tenenda  et 
habenda  predicto  Alexandro  et  heredibus  suis  de  predicto 
Domino  nostro  Rege  et  heredibus  suis  vel  suis  successo- 
ribus, libere,  quiete,  integre,  pacifice  et  honorifice  in  per- 
petuum,  cum  omnibus  pertinenciis,  libertatibus  et  asya- 
mentis ad  dictam  terram  et  pratum  prenominatum,  et  pre- 
fatam  constabulariam  spectantibus  vel  quoquo  modo  spec- 
tare  valentibus  in  futurum,  faciendo  inde  annuatim  Domino 
Regi  et  heredibu*  suis  vel  suis  successoribus,  scilicet  pro 
predictis  terra,  prato,  et  constabularia  cum  suis  pertinenciis, 
libertatibus,  et  asyamentis,  servicium  quod  pertinet  ad  dic- 
tam constabulariam  tantum  pro  omnibus  que  de  predictis 
exigi  poterunt  in  futurum.  In  cujus  rei  testimonium, 
sigillum  commune  predicti  Regni  Scocie  presenti  scripto 
est  appositum.  Datum  apud  Torpheichyn  vigesimo  nono 
die  Marcii,  Anno  Gracie  millesimo  ducentesimo  nono- 
gesimo  octavo." 

From  the  above  document,  it  will  appear  that  Wallace 
was  sole  Regent ;  and  that,  when  he  associated  the  name 
of  the  younger  Sir  Andrew  Murray  along  with  his  own,  it 
may  be  considered  as  only  a  respectful  compliment  to  the 
memory  of  the  gallant  and  patriotic  father,  whose  example 
the  young  warrior  was  thereby  excited  to  emulate. 


the  battle  of  Stirling,  were  not  of  a  less  decisive 
character  than  those  which  marked  his  policy  on 
his  return  from  England.  Abercromby  also  states, 
that  he  held  a  commission  of  Regency  under  the 
seal  of  Baliol*,  which  was  privately  executed 
during  the  captivity  of  the  latter  in  the  Tower  of 
London.  To  this  statement,  tradition  unites  her 
testimony,  and  adds,  that  Wallace  likewise  obtained 
a  bond  from  the  principal  barons  of  Scotland,  au- 
thorizing any  measures  he  might  adopt  for  the 
recovery  of  the  kingdom.  This  bond,  it  is  asserted, 
he  held  in  terrorem  over  the  heads  of  the  aristo- 
cracy, for  the  purpose  of  compelling  them  to  their 
duty. 

The  authority  of  Wallace,  "however,  whether 
conferred  or  assumed,  unfortunately  for  his  country, 
was  not  destined  to  be  of  long  duration.  Soon 
after  the  defeat  of  the  Earl  of  Pembroke,  Edward, 
now  reconciled  to  his  barons,  entered  Scotland  by 
the  eastern  marches,  with  a  formidable  army,  con- 
sisting, according  to  English  writers,  of  3000  horse- 
men, armed  at  all  points,  4000  of  a  lighter  descrip- 
tion, called  hobelars,  and  80,000  foot.  A  further 
reinforcement  overtook  him  on  his  march,  which 
swelled  his  forces  to  upwards  of  1 00,000  fighting 
men,  a  great  proportion  of  whom  were  veterans, 
inured  to  arms  in  the  French  wars.  To  oppose  a 
power  so  overwhelming  in  the  open  field,  the 
Guardian  well  knew  would  be  in  vain  ;  he,  there- 
fore, again  resorted  to  those  measures  which  had 
already  been  found  so  effective  :  the  population 
retired  with  their  cattle  and  provisions  before  the 
approaching  enemy,  after  destroying  whatever  they 
conceived  might  be  useful  to  the  invaders.  While 
the  Scottish  army  kept  far  in  the  a'dvance,  a  strict 
surteillance  was  exercised  over  the  motions  of  their 
adversaries,  so  that  few  of  the  English  scouts  were 
able  to  return  with  any  satisfactory  account  of  the 
position  or  numbers  of  their  opponents  ;  and  though 
most  of  the  fortified  places  made  little  or  no  re- 
sistance, yet  the  supplies  the  conquerors  found  in 
the  garrisons,  did  little  to  relieve  that  scarcity 
which  soon  began  to  be  severely  felt  among  the 
multitudes  who  followed  the  banner  of  England. 

In  the  mean  time,  the  fleet  which  Edward  had 
ordered  to  attend  him  with  provisions  being  de- 
tained by  contrary  winds,  he  was  compelled  to 
wait  their  arrival ;  and,  for  this  purpose,  he  fixed 
his  head-quarters  in  the  preceptory  of  the  Knights 
Templars  at  Torphichen  f  ;  while  part  of  his  army 


*  This  deed  Baliol  could  have  no  great  difficulty  in  exe- 
cuting ;  for  though  residing  in  the  Tower,  he  enjoyed  the 
full  liberty  of  twenty  miles  round,  and  a  princely  retinue  to 
attend  him.  That  he  transmitted  a  commission  of  Regency 
to  Wallace,  is  not  only  highly  probable,  but  placed  almost 
beyond  a  doubt,  not  merely  from  the  suspicions  entertained 
by  Edward,  and  the  severe  treatment  which  Baliol  latterly 
experienced  in  consequence  of  his  supposed  duplicity,  but 
also  from  the  fact  of  Wallace  possessing  and  using,  in  his 
character  of  Regent  of  the  kingdom,  the  seal  of  the  de- 
throned monarch ;  and  that  in  the  presence,  and  with  the 
sanction  of  the  assembled  nobility.  Evidence  to  this  effect 
is  furnished  by  the  charter  granted  to  Alexander  Scrymgeour, 
given  in  the  preceding  note  ;  and  as  the  lands  which  were  at 
that  time  conferred  are  declared  to  have  belonged  to  the 
crown,  the  full  and  unrestricted  authority  with  which  Wal- 
lace was  invested  becomes  thereby  the  more  apparent. 

t  Lord  Hailes,  on  the  authority  of  Hemingford,  says 
"  Temple-liston,"  and  thus  condescends  to  notice  a  respect- 
able writer: — "  Sir  Robert  Sibbald,  Comment,  in  Relat.  et 


CHAP.  XIII.] 


EDWARD  INVADES  SCOTLAND. 


occupied  Temple-liston,  thus  keeping  open  his 
communication  with  the  sea. 

Edward,  in  his  march,  had  met  with  little  annpy- 
ance,  except  from  the  stronghold  of  Dirleton,  and 
two  other  castles  in  his  rear,  the  garrisons  of  which 
made  frequent  sorties,  and  cut  off  several  of  his 
foraging  parties.  The  Bishop  of  Durham  was 
therefore  ordered  to  lay  siege  to  these  fortresses. 
His  efforts,  however,  were  at  first  unsuccessful ;  he 
was  driven  from  the  walls  of  Dirleton  with  con- 
siderable loss  ;  and  as  the  force  under  his  com- 
mand was  in  want  of  provisions,  as  well  as  of  a 
sufficient  battering  train,  he  sent  Sir  John  Fitz- 
Marmaduke  to  represent  his  situation  at  head- 
quarters. "  Go  back,"  said  Edward,  "  and  tell 
Antony  that  he  is  right  to  be  pacific  when  he  is 
acting  the  Bishop,  but  that  in  his  present  business 
he  must  forget  his  calling  :  and  as  for  you,  Mar- 
maduke,"  addressing  the  messenger,  "  You  are  a 
relentless  soldier  ;  I  have  often  had  to  reprove  you 
for  too  cruel  exultation  over  the  death  of  your 
enemies  ;  but  return  now  whence  you  came,  and  be 
as  relentless  as  you  choose,  you  will  deserve  my 
thanks,  not  my  censure  ; — but  look  you  do  not  see 
my  face  again  till  these  three  castles  are  razed  to 
the  ground  *." 

While  lying  inactive  in  the  preceptory  of  the 
Templars,  Edward  appears  to  have  amused  him- 
self by  raising  a  number  of  young  squires  to  the 
rank  of  knighthood  ;  and — a  few  ships,  affording  a 
temporary  supply,  having1  very  opportunely  arrived 
— a  donation  of  wine  was  distributed  on  the  occa- 
sion among  the  soldiers,  the  effects  of  which  liber- 
ality soon  became  apparent.  Intoxicated  with 


Blair,  p.  31,  says  'at  Torphichen,'  because  Blind  Harry  says 
so.  It  was  an  admirable  fancy  to  correct  W.  Hemingford  by 
Blind  Harry!  Had  Edward  fixed  his  head  quarters  at 
Torphichen,  his  communication  with  Edinburgh  and  the 
Frith  of  Forth  would  have  been  speedily  cut  off." 

This  is  scarcely  doing  Sir  Robert  justice.  It  is  more 
reasonable  to  suppose  that  he  said  so,  after  weighing  the 
probabilities  of  the  case.  That  Torphichen  was  a  place  of 
some  importance,  and  possessed  accommodation,  appears 
certain,  from  the  circumstance  of  Wallace  having,  only  a 
few  months  before,  assembled  the  Scottish  Barons  to  a  par- 
liament there ;  and  it  was,  as  aas  been  already  mentioned, 
the  station  of  a  preceptory  of  the  Templars,  within  the  pre- 
cincts of  which  Edward  was  more  likely  to  fix  his  head- 
quarters, than  in  any  part  of  the  desolated  country  around 
him.  Durirtf  his  stay,  we  also  find  him  employed  in  con- 
ferring the  honour  of  knighthood  on  a  number  of  young 
esquires  ; — an  idea  very  naturally  produced  by  his  residence 
in  such  a  spot.  That  Edward's  communication  with  Edin- 
burgh and  the  Frith  of  Forth  became  thereby  liable  to  any 
interruption,  is  a  supposition  more  to  be  admired  for  sim- 
plicity than  depth  of  reflection.  The  distance  between 
Torphichen  and  Temple-liston  is  but  a  very  few  miles. 
Edward  was  at  the  head  of  an  army  consisting  of  7000 
cavalry,  and  about  100,000  foot;  a  multitude  that  could  find 
little  more  than  tent-room  in  the  space  between  the  two 
places.  Had  the  English  monarch,  therefore,  been  the  most 
imbecile  general  that  ever  led  men  to  the  field, — with  such 
a  force  he  could  have  no  difficulty  in  keeping  open  his  com- 
munication to  a  much  greater  extent  than  what  was  re- 
quired in  such  a  position.  That  a  portion  of  the  English 
army  was  stationed  at  Temple-liston,  is  not  to  be  doubted  ; 
and  it  seems  equally  certain,  that  Edward  made  the  more 
convenient  station  of  Torphichen  his  own  head-quarters. 
Sir  Robert,  therefore,  had  reason,  as  well  as  the  authority  of 
Blind  Harry,  in  support  of  his  statement. 

*  See  Appendix,  N. 


their  allowance,  the  national  animosity  of  the  Eng- 
lish and  Welsh  troops  broke  out  in  a  dangerous 
mutiny.  The  latter,  inflamed  by  wine,  and  irritated 
by  the  privations  they  had  already  suffered,  at- 
tacked the  English  in  their  quarters  during  the 
night,  and  murdered  eighteen  ecclesiastics  ;  where- 
upon the  English  cavalry,  in  revenge,  rode  in  upon 
the  assailants,  and  slew  eighty  of  their  number. 
The  Welsh,  who  amounted  to  40,000,  now  with- 
drew from  the  English  in  high  displeasure  at  the 
slaughter  of  their  countrymen  ;  and  Edward, 
having  at  first  made  light  of  the  affair,  afterwards 
found  it  necessary  to  exert  himself,  in  order  to 
effect  a  reconciliation.  Meantime,  the  scarcity 
continued  to  increase  in  his  camp  to  such  an  ex- 
tent, as  induced  him  to  issue  his  orders  for  a 
retreat. 

The  Scottish  army,  by  the  prudence  of  its  leader, 
had  hitherto  been  kept  as  it  were  invisible  from 
the  enemy,  who  were  only  aware  of  its  existence, 
by  the  desolation  with  which  it  surrounded  them  ; 
and  the  excellent  generalship  of  Wallace  was  now 
to  all  appearance  about  to  be  crowned  with  its 
usual  success,  when  his  plans  were  rendered  abor- 
tive by  the  treachery  of  his  pretended  adherents. 
Two  Scottish  noblemen*  found  means  to  commu- 
nicate to  the  Bishop  of  Durham  the  position  of  the 
Scottish  army,  and  their  intention  to  surprise  the 
English  by  a  night  attack,  and  afterwards  to  hang 
upon  their  rear,  and  harass  them  in  their  retreat. 
Edward  received  this  news  with  ecstasy.  "  Thanks 
be  to  God  ! "  he  exclaimed,  "  who  hath  hitherto 
extricated  me  from  every  danger.  They  shall  not 
need  to  follow  me,  since  I  shall  forthwith  go  and 
meet  them  ;"  and,  instantly  countermanding  the 
orders  for  a  retreat,  he  prepared  to  go  in  search  of 
the  Scottish  army. 

Though  the  utmost  diligence  was  used  by  Ed- 
ward and  his  officers,  morning  was  pretty  far 
advanced  before  the  immense  concourse  of  war- 
riors could  be  put  in  motion.  The  distant  stations 
which  an  army  so  numerous  must  necessarily  have 
occupied,  rendered  an  instant  removal  altogether 
impossible  ;  and  a  whole  summer's  day  was  there- 
fore consumed  in  enabling  them  to  reach  an  exten- 
sive heath  to  the  east  of  Linlithgow  ;  where,  for 
that  night,  they  rested  in  their  armour.  In  the 
mid-watch,  however,  an  alarm  spread,  that  the 
enemy  were  at  hand,  and  considerable  confusion 
ensued.  It  originated  in  an  uproar,  occasioned  by 
an  accident  which  happened  to  the  King  : — His 
war-horse,  which  stood  beside  him,  had  it  seems 
become  restive,  and  trampled  on  him  as  he  lay  on 
the  heath  ;  and  his  domestics  having  raised  the  cry, 
that  the  King  was  wounded,  every  man  grasped 
his  weapon,  and  stood  on  his  defence.  Philip  de 
Belvey,  the  King's  surgeon,  however,  soon  quieted 
their  apprehensions,  and  they  again  betook  them- 
selves to  rest. 


*  These  noblemen,  it  is  said,  were  the  Earls  of  Dunbar 
and  Angus.  With  respect  to  the  first,  there  is  certainly  a 
mistake,  as  he  does  not  appear  ever  to  have  joined  the 
standard  of  Wallace,  and  the  other,  with  more  propriety, 
may  be  called  an  Anglo-Scot.  What  share  he  may  have 
had  in  the  treason,  is  uncertain.  That  the  plans  of  Wal- 
lace were  betrayed  by  those  in  his  confidence,  is  evident ; 
but  who  the  guilty  parties  were,  remains  doubtful.  The 
subsequent  conduct  of  Cumyn  excites  a  strong  suspicion 
against  him. 


58 


LIFE  OF  SIR  WILLIAM  WALLACE. 


[CHAP.  xiv. 


CHAPTER  XIV. 

THE     ENGLISH     ARMY     ADVANCE     TO     LINLITHGOW 

BATTLE  OF  FALKIRK,  FROM  THE  ACCOUNTS  GIVEN 
BY  ENGLISH  AND  SCOTTISH  WRITERS — MISCEL- 
LANEOUS TRANSACTIONS. 

DAY  broke  on  the  army  of  England  moving  onward 
to  Linlithgow  in  one  long  and  variegated  column. 
To  those  whom  sanctity  of  character,  or  local 
situation,  enabled  to  await  its  approach,  the  spec- 
tacle, which  was  now  at  hand,  must  have  been 
fearfully  interesting.  Since  the  days  of  the  Romans, 
the  present  army  was  perhaps  the  largest  that  had 
traversed  the  plains  of  Scotland.  Many  alterations 
had  been  introduced  about  this  time  into  Europe 
by  the  crusaders  ;  and  Edward,  who  was  no  inapt 
scholar  in  the  military  art,  had,  during  his  re- 
sidence in  Palestine,  and  his  expeditions  to  France, 
availed  himself  of  every  invention  that  came  under 
his  observation.  His  army,  therefore,  might  justly 
be  considered  as  the  most  perfect  in  discipline, 
equipment,  and  feudal  splendour,  that  Christendom 
could  boast  of  at  the  time.  As  it  approached, 
it  seemed  to  lengthen, — the  interminable  array 
issuing,  as  it  were,  from  some  inexhaustible  source 
on  the  verge  of  the  horizon  :  its  glittering  mazes 
occasionally  appearing  and  disappearing  among  the 
inequalities  of  the  road,  might  be  aptly  compared 
to  the  undulating  movements  of  one  of  those 
enormous  serpents  that  figure  in  the  pages  of 
romance,  some  of  whose  coils  are  at  times  seen 
while  its  extremities  are  concealed  amid  the  dark- 
ness of  the  den  from  whence  it  is  represented  as 
issuing  forth.  Most  of  the  inhabitants  fled  before 
the  unwelcome  intruders,  except  a  few  Carmelite 
friars,  who  stopped  to  gaze  on  the  warlike  pageant. 

The  confused  hum  of  this  living  mass  increased 
as  it  advanced,  till  the  deserted  walls  of  Linlithgow 
resounded  to  the  braying  of  clarions,  the  thun- 
dering of  kettle-drums,  and  the  prancing  of  war- 
steeds  in  flowing  caparisons,  bestrode  by  warriors 
mailed  to  the  teeth,  having  long  two-handed  swords 
depending  from  their  girdles,  while  their  right 
hands  held  lances,  and  their  left  supported  tri- 
angular shields  painted  with  the  various  devices  of 
their  families. 

Henry  de  Lacy,  Earl  of  Lincoln  *,  and  Humphry 
de  Bohun,  Earl  of  Hereford,  and  Constable  of 
England,  led  the  first  division.  The  second  was 
under  the  charge  of  Bishop  Bek,  who,  having  exe- 
cuted the  commission  Edward  had  sent  him  by 
John  Fitz-Marmaduke,  next  appeared  in  this  por- 
tentous march,  attended  by  thirty-nine  banners  ; 
for  this  proud  ecclesiastic  spared  no  expense  to 
render  his  retinue  as  magnificent  as  possible.  In 
the  third  division  under  the  command  of  the  King, 
besides  the  royal  standard  (three  leopards  courant), 
there  waved,  the  sacred  banner  of  St.  John  of 
Beverley,  that  of  St.  George  (white  with  a  red  cross), 
that  of  St.  Edmond,  King  of  the  West-Saxons  (blue 
with  three  gold  crowns),  that  of  St.  Edward  the  Con- 
fessor (blue,  with  a  cross  fleury  between  five  martlets, 
gold},  and  also  the  ominous  standard  of  Henry  III., 

*  The  banner  of  the  Earl  of  Lincoln  was  of  yellow  silk, 
with  a  purple  lion  rampant.  That  of  the  Constable  was  of 
deep  blue  silk,  with  a  white  bend  between  two  cotises  of  fine 
gold,  on  the  outside  of  which  he  had  six  lioncels  rampant. — 
Walter  of  Exeter. 


by  the  unfurling  of  which  the  army  were  apprised 
of  the  vicinity  of  the  enemy,  and  the  certainty  of 
an  approaching  battle.  This  gorgeous  emblem  of 
war  was  never  displayed,  except  to  announce  a 
positive  intention  to  fight  :  it  was  formed  of  red 
satin,  bearing  a  dragon  embroidered  in  gold,  having 
sapphii-e  eyes,  and  the  tongue  ingeniously  contrived 
to  seem  continually  moving  *. 

Amongst  those  who  followed  the  royal  banner, 
was  Brian  Fitz- Allan  f,  the  late  Governor  of  Scot- 
land, attended  by  his  vassals,  and  those  Scots  who 
still  ventured  to  oppose  the  liberties  of  their  coun- 
try. Of  the  latter,  we  find  Brian  le  Jay,  preceptor 
of  the  Scottish  Templars,  who  probably  joined 
Edward  at  Torphichen.  What  number  of  knights 
accompanied  him  to  the  field  in  this  formidable 
crusade  against  the  freedom  of  that  people  who 
fostered  them,  cannot  now  be  ascertained  ;  we 
may,  however,  venture  to  include  John  de  Sautre, 
"  Maister  de  la  Chiralerie  de  Templi  en  Ecosse." 

The  immense  multitude  of  Welsh  collected  by 
Edward,  as  being  better  acquainted  with  mountain 
warfare,  were  dispersed  among  the  different  divi- 
sions of  the  forces.  Being  mostly  archers,  and 
clothed  in  white  tunics,  they  were  easily  distin- 
guished from  the  other  troops. 

Tradition  asserts,  that  this  grand  army  took  a 
whole  day  to  deploy  through  the  town  of  Linlith- 
gow. This  perhaps  may  be  true  respecting  the 
parties  escorting  the  heavy  war-engines,  suttlers 
attending  the  camp,  and  other  stragglers  ;  but  the 
advanced  guard  of  the  English  came  in  sight  of 
the  Scottish  outposts  early  in  the  day.  The  latter 
occupied  the  ridge  of  a  hill ;  and  as  the  English 
marched  up  to  attack  them,  a  thick  mist  intervened, 
and  prevented  the  intended  rencounter. 

When  the  day  cleared  up,  the  Scottish  army  was 
discovered  in  the  distance,  taking  up  their  positions, 
and  preparing  for  battle.  Their  numbers  did  not 
exceed  30,000 — not  a  third  part  of  the  force  opposed 
to  them  ;  and  aware  of  the  immense  advantages 
which  Edward  possessed,  and  extremely  averse  to 
risk  the  safety  of  the  country  on  the  issue  of  a 
single  battle,  the  Guardian  would  gladly  have  pro- 
tracted the  warfare,  by  retiring  farther  to  the 
north.  Divisions,  however,  prevailed  among  the 
leaders  of  the  Scots  ;  and,  before  they  could  agree 
on  the  measures  necessary  to  be  adopted,  the  near 
approach  of  the  English,  and  the  great  superiority 
of  the  latter  in  cavalry,  rendered  retreat  extremely 
hazardous. 

The  Scottish  army,  which  consisted  principally 
of  spearmen  or  lancers,  was  arranged  in  four  divi- 
sions or  schiltrons.  Those  in  the  centre  held  their 
long  spears  perpendicular,  and  stood  ready  to  fill 
up  a  vacancy,  while  each  intervening  rank  gra- 
dually sloped  their  weapons  till  they  came  to  a 
level.  The  front  rank  kneeling,  and  the  whole 
closely  wedged  together,  presented  to  the  enemy 
the  appearance  of  four  enormous,  impenetrable 
porcupines,  the  space  between  each  being  filled  up 
with  archers. 

Edward,  on  seeing  these  dispositions  for  battle, 
hesitated  to  give  orders  for  the  attack,  and  pro- 

*  In  an  encampment,  this  ensign  was  placed  near  the 
royal  tent,  on  the  right  of  the  other  standards.  It  was 
intended  to  be  expressive  of  destruction  to  the  enemy,  and 
of  safety  to  the  weary  and  wounded  among  the  English.— 
Fide  Illustrations  of  British  History. 

t  See  Appendix,  O. 


CHAP.  XIV.] 


BATTLE  OF  FALKIRK. 


posed  that  his  followers  should  pitch  their  tents, 
and  allow  the  soldiers  and  horses  time  for  rest  and 
refreshment.  This  was  opposed  by  his  officers,  as 
being  unsafe  in  their  present  situation, — a  small 
rivulet  only  intervening  between  the  two  armies. 
"What,  then,  would  you  advise?"  exclaimed 
Edward.  "  An  immediate  advance  ! "  was  the 
reply  ;  "  the  field  and  the  victory  will  be  our's." 
"  In  God's  name,  then,  let  it  be  so  ! "  said  the 
King. 

The  Earls  of  Lincoln  and  Hereford,  accordingly, 
led  the  first  squadron  to  the  attack.  Their  pro- 
gress, however,  was  retarded  by  an  extensive 
morass,  which  covered  the  front  of  the  Scots,  and 
obliged  their  enemies  to  make  a  circuit  to  the  west. 
While  thus  employed,  the  powerful  squadron  under 
the  Bishop  of  Durham  managed  to  get  in  front  of 
the  enemy.  Bek,  however,  on  observing  the  for- 
midable appearance  of  his  opponents,  wished  to 
delay  the  charge  till  supported  by  the  column 
under  the  command  of  the  King.  "  Stick  to  thy 
mass,  Bishop,"  said  Ralf  Basset  of  Drayton,  "  and 
teach  us  not  what  to  do  in  the  face  of  an  enemy." 
"  On,  then,"  said  Bek,  "  Set  on,  in  your  own  way  ; 
we  are  all  soldiers  to-day,  and  bound  to  do  our 
duty."  Instantly  they  rushed  forward,  and  soon 
became  engaged  with  the  first  schiltron,  which 
was  almost  simultaneous  attacked  on  the  opposite 
quai-ter  by  the  first  division  which  had  cleared,  the 
morass.  "The  cavalry  of  the  Scots,  and  a  large 
body  of  the  vassals  of  John  Cumyn,  immediately 
wheeled  about,  and  left  the  field  without  awaiting 
the  attack.  The  schiltrons  of  spearmen,  however, 
stood  firm,  and  repulsed  all  the  efforts  of  their 
numerous  and  heavy-armed  assailants,  who  recoiled 
again  and  again  from  before  the  mass  of  spears 
which  their  enemies  presented.  Baffled  in  then- 
attack,  the  cavalry  of  Edward  charged  upon  the 
archers,  who,  less  able  to  stand  tlieir  ground  against 
the  weight  of  their  mail-clad  adversaries,  gave  way. 
In  this  confusion,  Sir  John  Stewari  of  Bonkill,  bro- 
ther to  the  Steward  of  Scotland,  was  thrown  to  the 
ground,  while  attempting  to  rally  his  vassals,  the 
archers  of  Selkirk  ;  and  though  many  of  them 
rushed  forward  to  his  assistance,  their  exertions 
were  in  vain  : — their  gallant  leader  fell,  surrounded 
by  the  bodies  of  his  faithful  tenantry. 

Though  heavy  squadrons  of  cavalry  were  con- 
tinually pushed  forward  against  the  Scottish  spear- 
men, still  the  latter  maintained  their  ranks,  and 
displayed  such  admirable  discipline  and  stubborn 
resolution,  that  Edward,  convinced  of  the  inability 
of  breaking  their  array,  suspended  the  charges 
of  his  horsemen,  and  ordered  all  his  archers  and 
slingers  to  advance  *. 

Langtoft  thus  describes  the  conduct  and  appear- 
ance of  the  Scottish  infantry  : — 

"  Ther  formast  conrey,  ther  bakkis  togidere  sette, 
Ther  spares  poynt  ouer  poynt,  so  sare  &  o  thikke 
&  fast  togidere  joynt,  to  se  it  was  ferlike. 
Als  a  castelle  thei  stode,  that  were  walled  with  stone, 
Thei  wende  no  man  of  blode  thorgh  tham  suld  haf  gone 


*  Langtoft  says,  the  Welsh,  amounting  to  40,000,  would 
not  act  against  the  Scots  at  Falkirk. 

"  The  Walsch  folk  that  tide  did  nouther  ille  no  gode, 
Thei  held  tham  alle  bi  side,  opon  a  hille  thei  stode. 
Ther  thei  stode  that  while,  tille  the  bataile  was  don." 

Vol.  ii.  p.  306. 


Ther  folk  was  so  mykelle,  so  stalworth  &  so  clene, 
Ther  foyntes  forward  prikelle,  nonhut  wild  thei  wene, 
That  if  alle  Inglond  fro  Berwik  vnto  Kent, 
The  folk  therin  men  fond  had  bien  thider  sent, 
Stength  suld  non  haf  had,  to  perte  tham  thorgh  oute, 
So  wer  thei  set  sad  with  poyntes  rounde  aboute." 

Vol.  ii.  p.  304,  30,5. 

The  formation  of  these  Scottish  schiltrons  was 
admirably  adapted  for  defence  ;  and  had  they  been 
supplied  with  a  sufficient  body  of  cavalry  to  have 
pi-otected  them  from  the  assaults  of  the  archers, 
they  might  have  kept  their  ground,  in  defiance  of 
every  effort  of  the  enemy.  But,  deserted  by  their 
own  cavalry,  they  now  stood  helplessly  exposed  to 
a  storm  of  missiles  which  assailed  them  in  all 
directions  ;  for  though  those  in  the  centre  bravely 
pressed  forward  to  fill  up  the  chasms  in  front, 
cloud  after  cloud  of  arrows,  mingled  with  stones, 
continued  to  descend  among  their  ranks  with 
increasing  and  deadly  effect,  till  the  ground  was 
encumbered  around  them  ;  while  their  former  as- 
sailants sat  with  their  horses  on  the  rein,  ready 
to  burst  in  upon  them  at  the  first  opening  that 
would  offer.  The  Scots  at  last  became  unsteady, 
under  the  incessant  and  murderous  discharge  of 
the  English  artillery.  The  cavalry  then  dashed 
forward,  and  breaking  in  upon  their  ranks,  com- 
pleted the  confusion. 

Wallace  now  saw  that  retreat  was  the  only 
expedient  left  by  which  he  could  save  the  remnant 
of  his  countrymen  ;  and  having,  with  incredible 
efforts,  rallied  a  number  of  his  most  determined 
'adherents,  he  attacked  the  foremost  of  the  pur- 
suers, and  by  that  means  covered  the  retreat  of  the 
fugitives.  Amongst  the  slain,  Brian  le  Jay  *  is 
particularly  mentioned.  The  death  of  this  Tem- 
plar, which  took  place  in  Callender-wood,  damped 
the  ardour  of  his  companions,  and  enabled  the 
Scots  to  make  good  their  retreat.  In  this  sangui- 
nary conflict,  15,000  Scots  are  said  to  have  been 
left  on  the  field ;  the  most  distinguished  of  whom 
were  Sir  John  Graham  of  Dundalk,  Sir  John 
Stewart  of  Bonkill,  and  MacDuff,  grand-uncle  to 
the  Earl  of  Fife.  The  extent  of  the  English  loss, 
from  the  stubborn  opposition  of  their  enemies, 
must  also  have  been  considerable.  After  the 
battle,  Wallace  fell  back  on  Stirling,  which  he 
burnt,  in  order  to  prevent  it  from  falling  into  the 
hands  of  the  English. 

Respecting  this  battle,  Scottish  authors  give  a 
very  different  account  from  the  preceding,  which 
is  chiefly  taken  from  the  pages  of  English  his- 
torians. According  to  the  former,  the  envy  of  the 
nobles  towards  Wallace,  and  the  dissensions  inci- 
dent thereto,  were  the  chief,  if  not  the  sole  occa- 
sion of  the  disaster.  The  Scottish  army,  say  they, 
consisted  of  three  divisions  of  ten  thousand  men 
each,  under  the  command  of  Sir  John  Cumyn, 
Lord  of  Badenoch,  chief  of  the  powerful  clan  of 
that  name  ;  Sir  John  Stewart,  brother  to  the  Lord 
of  Bute,  who,  in  addition  to  his  own  tenantry, 
headed  those  of  his  absent  brother  ;  and  Sir  Wil- 
liam Wallace, — three  of  the  most  powerful  men  in 
the  country,  the  two  former  from  their  birth  and 
influence,  the  latter  from  the  great  fame  acquired 
by  his  military  achievements.  On  the  brink  of  the 
engagement,  an  imprudent  and  unfortunate  dis- 
agreement arose  among  the  leaders.  Stewart  in- 

*  Langtoft,  vol.  ii.  p.  305,  306. 


(50 


LIFE  OF  SIR  WILLIAM  WALLACE. 


[CHAP.  xiv. 


impatient  at  the  resistance  he  had  already  met 
with,  ordered  Robert  Bruce  and  the  Bishop  of  ' 
Durham  to  advance  with  the  forces  under  their 
command.  While  Wallace  was  engaged  in  secur- 
ing the  retreat  of  his  unfortunate  countrymen, 
Bruce  made  a  circuit  round  the  hill  which  he  occu- 
pied, and  gaining  the  ascent,  obliged  him  to  quit 
his  position,  and  endeavour  to  force  his  way 
through  the  enemy  beneath.  The  charge  of  this 
fresh  body  of  Scots,  composed  of  the  stoutest  and 
best  disciplined  warriors  in  the  country,  was  but  ill 
sustained  by  the  division  they  attacked,  which, 
giving  way  before  their  impetuous  descent,  was 
thrown  into  confusion  ;  and  Wallace,  availing  him- 
self of  their  disorder,  directed  his  troops  to  cross 
the  Carron,  and  occupy  a  post  which  commanded 
the  ford.  In  the  mean  time,  with  a  small  but 
choice  body  of  his  friends,  he  kept  in  the  rear,  and 
continued  to  charge  and  repulse  those  that  were 
most  forward  in  the  pursuit.  In  one  of  these 
efforts,  Wallace  advanced  alone  from  the  midst  of 
his  little  band,  and,  with  a  single  blow,  slew  Sir 
Brian  le  Jay,  a  knight  templar  *  of  high  military 
renown,  who  had  shown  himself  most  active  in 
harassing  the  retreating  Scots.  This  action  ren- 
dered the  others  more  cautious  in  their  approaches. 
Sir  John  Graham,  however,  giving  way  to  a  gallant 
but  imprudent  ardour,  advanced  too  far  amongst 
the  enemy,  where  he  was  surrounded  and  slain  ; 
and  Wallace,  after  repeated  endeavours  to  revenge 
the  death  of  his  friend,  rejoined  his  followers.  This 
he  effected  with  great  difficulty,  from  the  influx  of 
the  tide,  and  the  weakness  .of  his  horse,  which  is 
said  to  have  been  so  worn  out  with  the  fatigues  of 
the  day,  and  the  wounds  it  had  received,  that  the 
noble  animal  expired  as  soon  as  it  had  placed  its 
master  beyond  the  reach  of  his  pursuers.  By  the 
attention  of  his  trusty  follower  Kerle,  who  stood 
an  anxious  spectator  on  the  danger  of  his  chief, 
Wallace  was  furnished  with  a  fresh  horse  ;  and 
the  two  friends,  as  they  moved  slowly  along  the 
banks  of  the  river,  were  gazing  with  silent  and 
sorrowful  interest  on  the  scene  of  carnage  they  had 
left,  when  Bruce,  from  the  opposite  bank,  having 
recognised  the  Guardian,  raised  his  voice,  and  re- 
quested an  interview.  This  was  readily  granted, 
and  the  warriors  approached  each  other  from  oppo- 
site sides  of  the  river,  at  a  place  narrow,  deep,  and 
rocky.  When  on  the  margin  of  the  stream,  Wal- 
lace waved  his  hand,  to  repress  the  curiosity  of  his 
followers,  while  he  eyed  his  misled  countryman 
with  stern,  but  dignified  composure.  Bruce  felt 
awed  by  the  majestic  appearance  and  deportment 
of  the  patriot,  and  his  voice,  though  loud,  became 

*  This  warrior  is  thus  described  by  Langtoft,  who  claims 
him  as  an  Englishman  : — 

"  Was  no  man  Inglis  maynhed  no  dede  that  day, 
Bot  a  templer  of  pris,  Sir  Brian  the  geay 
Maister  templere  he  was  on  this  half  the  se, 
He  folowed  the  Scottis  pas,  whan  the  bigan  to  fle 
Per  in  tille  a  wod  ;  men  calle  it  Kalenters, 
Ther  in  a  mire  a  mod,  withouten  help  of  pers, 
Slauk  thei  Sir  Brian  alone  withouten  mo." 

Vol.  ii.  p.  305,  6. 

By  Rymer,  however,  he  is  noticed  as  swearing  fealty  to 
Edward  in  Edinburgh  Castle,  July  1291,  after  the  convoca- 
tion of  Brigham,  and  designated  as  preceptor  templi  in 
Scotia ;  and,  by  the  same  authority,  it  appears  his  example 
was  followed  by  John  de  Sautre,  and  those  under  his  control. 


sisted  upon  taking  command  of  the  army,  being,  as 
he  conceived,  entitled  to  that  honour,  as  the  repre- 
sentative of  his  brother,  who  was  Lord  High 
Steward  of  Scotland  ;  Cumyn  claiming  it,  in  his 
own  right,  on  account  of  high  birth,  and  near  rela- 
tionship to  the  crown  ;  and  Wallace,  as  Guardian 
of  the  kingdom,  refused  to  admit  the  pretensions  of 
either  to  a  command  which  he,  as  representative 
of  their  absent  sovereign,  conceived  himself  every 
way  entitled  to,  even  though  he  had  not  earned 
that  honour  by  former  services.  Stewart,  in  the 
heat  of  the  altercation,  is  said  to  have  upbraided 
Wallace  with  the  lowness  of  his  birth,  and  charged 
him  with  encroaching  on  the  rights  of  the  nobility, 
which  reminded  him,  he  said,  "  of  the  owl  in  the 
fable,  who,  having  borrowed  a  feather  from  one 
bird,  and  a  feather  from  another,  became  vain  of 
his  plumage,  and  endeavoured  to  lord  it  over  his 
betters.  The  application  is  not  difficult,"  con- 
tinued he  ;  "  for,  if  every  nobleman  in  Scotland 
were  to  claim  his  part  of  those  vassals  which  now 
follow  your  banners,  your  own  personal  retainers 
would  make  but  a  sorry  appearance  in  support  of 
your  high-flown  pretensions."  Wallace  heard,  with 
stern  composure,  those  ill-timed  remarks  of  the 
haughty  chieftain.  "  I  am  not  ignorant,"  said  he, 
"  of  the  source  whence  this  insulting  language  has 
proceeded  ;  and  since  you,  my  Lord,  condescend 
to  utter  their  sentiments,  you  may  be  also  induced 
to  imitate  their  example  :  and  even  this,"  glancing 
a  look  of  indignation  at  Cumyn,  "  I  am  not  alto- 
gether unprepared  for.  Your  fable  of  the  owl  is 
not  quite  applicable ;  for  1  always  showed  myself 
in  the  face  of  day,  asserting  the  liberty  and  inde- 
pendence of  my  country,  while  some  others,  like 
owls,  courted  concealment,  and  were  too  much 
afraid  of  losing  their  roosts,  to  leave  them  for  such 
a  cause.  As  to  my  followers,  I  wish  no  man  to 
follow  me  who  is  not  sound  at  the  heart  in  the 
cause  of  his  country  ;  and  either  at  the  head  or  in 
the  ranks  of  these,  I  will  always  consider  it  my 
glory  to  be  found.  In  the  mean  time,  till  it  appear 
who  are  entitled  to  that  character,  I  will  make  an 
alteration  in  my  position."  Having  thus  spoken, 
he  removed  those  under  his  command  to  a  strong 
position  on  the  face  of  a  hill  immediately  behind. 

Edward,  as  if  aware  of  the  feud  that  thus  ex- 
isted in  the  Scottish  camp,  and  though  suffering 
from  the  effects  of  his  late  accident,  ordered  the 
Earl  of  Hereford,  Constable  of  England,  to  ad- 
vance with  a  body  of  thirty  thousand  men,  to 
attack  the  division  under  Cumyn  ;  who,  on  seeing 
them  approach,  turned  his  banners,  and  marched 
off  the  field,  leaving  Stewart  and  his  Brandanes 
(as  the  inhabitants  of  Bute  were  then  called),  and 
the  archers  of  Selkirk,  his  immediate  vassals,  ex- 
posed to  all  the  fury  of  the  charge.  They  sus- 
tained it  with  the  firmest  resolution  ;  but  the  great 
mass  of  assailants  against  whom  they  were  en- 
gaged, left  them  little  chance  of  success.  Stewart, 
in  the  early  part  of  the  battle,  while  giving  orders 
to  a  body  of  archers,  was  thrown  from  his  horse 
and  slain.  His  followers,  however,  far  from  being 
discouraged  by  the  loss  of  their  chief,  continued 
the  conflict  with  the  greatest  bravery.  MacDuff, 
with  a  great  part  of  his  retainers,  were  cut  off,  in 
their  endeavours  to  retrieve  the  fortunes  of  the 
day,  yet  numbers  forced  their  way  through  the 
ranks"  of  the  English,  and  joined  the  division  under 
Wallace.  This  was  observed  by  Edward,  who, 


CHAP.  XIV.] 


OPINIONS  OF  HISTORIANS. 


tremulous  as  he  thus  addressed  him  : — "  I  am 
surprised,  Sir  William,  that  you  should  entertain 
thoughts,  as  it  is  believed  you  do,  of  attaining  to 
the  crown  of  Scotland  ;  and  that,  with  this  chime- 
rical object  in  view,  you  should  thus  continue  to 
expose  yourself  to  so  many  dangers.  It  is  not 
easy,  you  find,  to  resist  the  King  of  England,  who 
is  one  of  the  greatest  princes  in  the  world.  And 
were  you  even  successful  in  your  attempts,  are  you 
so  vain  as  to  imagine,  that  the  Scots  will  ever 
suffer  you  to  be  their  King  ?  "  The  Guardian  did 
not  allow  him  to  say  more.  "  No,"  replied  he,  "  my 
thoughts  never  soared  so  high,  nor  do  I  intend  to 
j  usurp  a  crown  I  very  well  know  my  birth  can  give 
me  no  right  to,  and  my  services  can  never  merit. 
I  only  mean  to  deliver  my  country  from  oppression 
and  slavery,  and  to  support  a  just  cause,  which 
you  have  abandoned.  You,  my  lord,  whose  right 
may  entitle  you  to  be  king,  ought  to  protect  the 
kingdom  ;  it  is  because  you  do  it  not,  that  I  must, 
and  will,  while  I  breathe,  endeavour  the  defence  of 
that  country  I  was  born  to  serve,  and  for  which,  if 
Providence  will  have  it  so,  to  die.  As  for  you, 
who,  in  place  of  exerting  your  talents  to  turn  the 
tide  of  battle  in  your  country's  favour,  choose 
rather  to  live  a  slave,  if  with  safety  to  your  life 
and  fortune,  than  free,  with  the  hazard  of  losing 
the  latter,  you  may  remain  in  possession  of  what 
you  so  much  value,  while  the  hollow  praises  of  our 
enemies  may  blind  you  to  the  enormity  of  your 
conduct ;  but  remember,  my  lord,  they  whom  you 
are  thus  aiding  to  bind  the  yoke  of  slavery  on  the 
necks  of  your  countrymen,  will  not  long  consider 
that  conduct  praiseworthy  in  you,  which  they  would 
condemn  as  infamous  in  themselves  ;  and  if  they 
are  successful  in  rivetting  our  chains,  you  will  find 
your  reward  in  the  well-earned  contempt  of  the 
oppressor,  and  the  hearty  execrations  of  the  op- 
pressed. Pause,  therefore,  and  reflect ;  if  you 
have  but  the  heart  to  claim  the  crown,  you  may  win 
it  with  glory,  and  wear  it  with  justice.  I  can  do 
neither  ;  but  what  I  can  I  will — live  and  die  a  free 
born  man."  These  generous  sentiments,  uttered 
in  a  clear,  manly,  and  determined  tone  of  voice, 
came  home  to  the  heart  of  Bruce,  with  all  the 
sternness  of  deserved  reproof ;  and  he  was  about 
to  reply,  when  the  ringing  of  harness,  followed  by 
the  appearance  of  a  number  of  helmets,  over-top- 
ping the  ridge  of  a  neighbouring  hillock,  made  it 
prudent  to  break  off  the  conference. 

Such  are  the  particulars  of  this  memorable 
battle,  as  related  with  some  trifling  variations,  by 
most  of,  if  not  by  all,  our  old  Scottish  historians. 
As  modern  commentators,  however,  consider  them- 
selves justified  in  denying  some  of  the  material 
points  ;  particularly  the  feud  among  the  leaders — 
the  presence  of  Bruce  in  the  engagement — and, 
consequently,  his  conference  with  Wallace,  we  shall 
in  this  place  devote  a  few  pages  to  their  consideration. 
These  objections  are  chiefly  founded  on  the 
authority  of  Hemmgford  and  Trevit,  two  English 
monks,  who  are  said  to  have  had  their  information 
from  eye-witnesses.  This  may  be  all  true  ;  but 
when  we  find  one  of  them  (Hemingford)  asserting, 
that  "ffiy  thousand  Scots  were  slain  in  the  battle, 
many  drowned,  three  hundred  thousand  foot  taken 
prisoners,  besides  a  thousand  horse,"  we  may  reason- 
ably suppose  the  possibility  of  the  eye-witnesses 
being  so  much  occupied  in  counting  their  killed 
and  captured  enemies,  that  matters  of  such  com- 


paratively trifling  importance  may  not  have  had 
thj:  requisite  share  of  their  attention.  Lord  Hailes, 
however,  lends  the  weight  of  his  highly  respect- 
able name  in  support  of  those  who  deny  the  truth 
of  this  portion  of  our  national  annals,  and  thus 
expresses  himself  on  the  points  in  question  :  "  It 
would  be  tedious  and  unprofitable  to  recite  all  that 
that  has  been  said  on  this  subject  by  our  own 
writers,  from  Fordun  to  Abercrombie,  how  Wal- 
lace, Stewart,  and  Comyn  quarrelled  on  the  punc- 
tilio of  leading  the  van  of  an  army,  which  stood 
on  the  defensive  ;  how  Stewart  compared  Wallace 
to  an  owl,  with  borrowed  feathers  ;  how  the  Scot- 
tish leaders,  busied  in  this  frivolous  altercation, 
had  no  leisure  to  form  their  army  ;  how  Comyn 
traitorously  withdrew  with  ten  thousand  men  ; 
how  Wallace,  from  resentment,  followed  his  ex- 
ample ;  how,  by  such  disastrous  incidents,  the 
Scottish  army  was  enfeebled,  and  Stewart  and  his 
party  abandoned  to  destruction.  Our  histories 
abound  in  trash  of  this  kind.  There  is  scarcely 
one  of  our  writers  who  has  not  produced  an  invec- 
tive against  Comyn,  or  an  apology  for  Wallace, 
or  a  lamentation  for  the  deserted  Stewart.  What 
dissensions  may  have  prevailed  among  the  Scottish 
commanders,  it  is  impossible  to  know.  It  appears 
not  to  me,  that  their  dissensions  had  any  influence 
on  their  conduct  in  the  day  of  battle.  The  truth 
seems  to  be  this  :— The  English  cavalry  greatly 
exceeded  the  Scotch  in  numbers — were  infinitely 
better  equipped,  and  more  adroit.  The  Scottish 
cavalry  were  intimidated  and  fled : — had  they 
remained  in  the  field,  they  might  have  preserved 
their  honour,  but  never  could  have  turned  the 
chance  of  that  day.  It  was  natural,  however,  for 
such  of  their  party  as  survived  the  engagement, 
to  impute  the  disaster  to  the  defection  of  the 
cavalry  : — National  pride  would  ascribe  their  flight 
to  treachery  rather  than  to  pusillanimity.  It  is  not 
improbable,  that  Comyn  commanded  the  cavalry  ; 
hence  a  report  may  have  spread,  that  Comyn  be- 
trayed his  country  :  the  report  has  been  embel- 
lished by  each  successive  relation.  When  men  are 
seized  with  a  panic,  their  commander  must  of  neces- 
sity, or  will  from  prudence,  accompany  them  in 
their  flight.  Earl  Warren  fled  with  his  army  from 
Stirling  to  Berwick,  yet  Edward  did  not  punish 
him  as  a  traitor  or  a  coward. 

"  The  tale  of  Comyn's  treachery  and  Wallace's 
ill-timed  resentment,  may  have  gained  credit, 
because  it  is  a  pretty  tale,  and  not  improbable  in 
itself  ;  but  it  always  amazes  me  that  the  story  of 
the  congress  of  Bruce  and  Wallace,  after  the  battle 
of  Falldrk,  should  have  gained  credit.  I  lay  aside 
the  full  evidence  which  we  now  possess,  'that 
Bruce  was  not  at  that  time  of  the  English  part}', 
nor  present  at  the  battle' — for  it  must  be  admitted, 
that  our  historians  knew  nothing  of  those  circum- 
stances which  demonstrate  the  impossibility  of  the 
congress — but  the  wonder  is,  that  men  of  sound 
judgment  should  not  have  seen  the  absurdity  of  a 
long  conversation  between  the  commander  of  a  fly- 
ing army,  and'  one  of  the  leaders  of  a  victorious 
army.  When  Fordun  told  the  story,  he  placed 
*  a  narrow  but  inaccessible  glen  ; '  between  the 
speakers.  Later  historians  have  substituted  the 
river  Carron  in  place  of  an  inaccessible  glen  ; 
and  they  make  Bruce  and  Wallace  talk  across  the 
river  like  two  young  declaimers  from  the  pulpits 
in  a  school  of  rhetoric." 


62 


LIFE  OF  SIR  WILLIAM  WALLACE. 


[CHAP.  xiv. 


With  all  due  deference  to  his  Lordship,  we  con- 
ceive that  the  strength  of  his  first  objection  lies 
chiefly  in  adhering  too  literally  to  the  words  "  lead- 
ing the  Tan,"  made  use  of  by  some  of  our  old 
writers  ;  others,  who  mention  the  quarrel,  do  not 
so  express  themselves.  Now,  we  do  not  see  any 
thing  so  improbable  in  a  discussion  arising  among 
these  chiefs,  who  considered  themselves  indepen- 
dent of  each  other,  about  who  should  have  the 
supreme  command  in  directing  the  operations  of 
the  day,  which,  we  presume,  is  all  that  is  to  be 
understood  in  this  instance  by  "  leading  the  van." 
The  obvious  advantage  of  having  a  commander-in- 
chief  in  so  momentous  an  occasion,  could  not  have 
escaped  the  merest  tyro  in  military  tactics  ;  and 
that  no  person  was  appointed  to  this  office,  even 
his  Lordship  does  not  deny.  That  Wallace,  from 
past  services,  as  well  as  from  being  Guardian  of  the 
kingdom,  had  reason  to  consider  himself  entitled  to 
this  distinction,  cannot  be  disputed  ;  and  it  is  not 
likely,  from  the  talents  and  foresight  he  had  dis- 
played on  former  occasions,  that  he  would  have 
come  to  the  field  against  so  powerful  and  so  ex- 
perienced an  adversary,  without  having  previously 
formed  some  plan  for  conducting  the  operations  of 
the  day,  so  as  to  counteract  the  great  superiority 
of  force,  which  the  English  monarch  had  brought 
into  the  field.  The  thwarting  of  his  plans,  by  the 
envy  and  hauteur  of  his  colleagues,  affords  a  plain 
and  obvious  solution  of  his  conduct  ;  and  his  resig- 
nation of  the  Guardianship  after  the  battle  (which 
his  Lordship  does  not  deny),  very  strongly  corro- 
borates the  account  given  by  our  Scottish  his- 
torians, of  the  treatment  which  he  received  on  the 
field  ;  and  this  treatment  must  have  been  attended 
with  circumstances  which  convinced  him  of  the 
utter  hopelessness  of  his  being  able  to  direct  the 
resources  of  the  country  to  advantage.  Strong 
indeed  must  have  been  the  reasons  which  induced 
this  brave,  intrepid,  and  prudent  pilot,  to  relinquish 
the  helm  of  affairs  at  so  critical  a  juncture.  That 
an  unfortunate  animosity  existed,  we  have  the 
most  ample  testimony  ;  and  though  his  Lordship 
conceives  it  to  have  been  so  very  trifling  in  its 
nature,  as  not  to  influence  the  parties  in  the  dis- 
charge of  their  duty,  yet  we  have  respectable  and 
incontrovertible  evidence  that  it  not  only  did  so, 
but  was  the  principal,  if  not  the  sole  cause  of  the 
disasters  which  overwhelmed  the  country.  Wyn- 
town  this  expresses  himself,  on  the  occasion  : — 

"  For  dyspyt  and  gret  inwy 
The  Comynys  Kyn  all  halyly 
Fyrst  left  the  Feld ;  and,  as  behowyd, 
Syne  Willame  Walayis  hym  remowyd; 
For  he  persawyd  gret  malys 
Agayne  hym  scharpyd  mony  wys." 
•    | 

And  again, 

"  Before  than  couth  na  man  say, 
Na  nevyr  wes  sene  befor  that  day, 
Sa  hale  wencust  the  Scottis  men  : 
Na  it  had  noucht  fallyn  then, 
Had  noucht  Falshed  and  Inwy 
Devysyd  theme  sa  syndryly." 

Here  there  is  no  national  pride  interfering,  to 
conceal  the  extent  of  the  discomfiture  of  the  Scots  ; 
and  it  is  surprising  his  Lordship  should  conceive, 
that  any  one  would  think  it  necessary  to  invent 


what  he  calls  a  "pretty  tale"  for  the  purpose  of 
soothing  the  national  feelings.  Thirty  thousand 
Scots,  we  presume,  may  be  defeated  by  ninety  or  a 
hundred  thousand  English,  without  being  very  much 
disgraced  by  the  affair  ;  whereas  the  English  au- 
thorities may  have  been  silent  on  circumstances 
which  tended  to  diminish  the  glory  of  their  victory, 
even  had  they  come  to  their  knowledge. 

That  Cumyn  commanded  the  cavalry  is  merely 
a  conjecture  of  his  Lordship  ;  but  allowing  it  to 
have  been  the  case,  we  conceive  there  is  a  mate- 
rial difference  between  a  leader  joining  in  the 
general  flight  of  his  army,  and  one  riding  off  with 
part  of  the  forces,  and  leaving  the  rest  to  stand 
the  brunt  of  the  engagement.  If  Warren  had 
acted  so,  we  presume  he  would  either  have  been 
punished  as  a  traitor,  or  cashiered  as  a  coward. 
That  Cumyn  was  afterwards  elected  one  of  the 
regents  of  the  kingdom,  affords  no  satisfactory 
evidence  of  his  having  acted  correctly.  He  was  at 
the  head  of  the  only  entire  body  of  troops  in  the 
country,  and  his  faction  unbroken — of  course,  there 
could  be  no  opposition  to  his  election.  And  the 
wonder  is,  considering  the  ambition  of  the  man, 
that  under  these  circumstances  he  was  not  ap- 
pointed sole  regent,  in  place  of  sharing  a  divided 
authority,  as  will  be  seen  in  the  sequel,  with  one 
who  was  his  inferior  in  birth,  talents,  and  influence. 

We  cannot  see  any  great  improbability  of  the 
"  congress  "  (as  his  Lordship  calls  it)  having  taken 
place  in  the  manner  described,  provided  that  Bruce 
was  present.  Wallace  had  already  secured  his 
troops  from  immediate  pursuit.  Bruce  might  think 
it  a  favourable  opportunity  to  palliate  his  conduct 
at  Irvine  ;  and  Wallace,  who  was  seldom  afraid  to 
come  in  juxtaposition  with  any  one,  might  have 
been  easily  induced  to  stand  when  he  hailed  him. 
His  Lordship's  objection  is  founded  chiefly  on  the 
length  of  the  conversation.  Now,  if  any  one  will 
peruse  it,  even  in  the  most  verbose  of  our  histo- 
rians, he  will  find  that  it  could  no;t  have  occupied 
more  than  five  minutes,  which  certainly  cannot  be 
called  "  a  long  conversation,"  or  at  least  so  long 
as  to  afford  any  thing  like  a  plausible  objection  to 
its  occurrence.  As  to  Fordun  having  placed  "  a 
narrow  inaccessible  glen "  between  the  parties,  it 
does  not  in  the  least  affect  the  credibility  of  the 
account.  Few  glens  are  to  be  found  in  Scotland, 
without  a  river  or  stream  of  some  description  run- 
ning through  them  ;  and  in  speaking  of  any  of 
these,  it  is  no  uncommon  thing  for  one  person  to 
allude  to  the  glen,  and  another  to  the  river  or 
stream  so  connected  with  it. 

That  all  our  ancient  authors  should  agree  in  the 
circumstance  of  Bruce  being  present  at  the  battle, 
is  very  singular,  provided  he  was  not  there.  How 
they  should  all  be  in  this  state  of  ignorance  is  ra- 
ther unaccountable,  considering  the  facility  they 
had  of  informing  themselves  ;  as  some  of  them 
must  have  written  from  authority,  if  not  of  eye- 
witnesses, at  least  of  those  who  derived  their  ac- 
counts from  such.  It  is  not  at  all  probable  that 
Bruce,  who  is  universally  acknowledged  to  have 
been  a  monarch  of  great  political  sagacity,  would 
have  allowed  a  tale,  so  likely  to  injure  him  in  the 
opinion  of  his  subjects,  to  get  into  general  circula- 
tion, while  the  contrary  statement,  if  true,  would 
have  tended  to  exalt  him  in  their  estimation.  There 
appear  so  many  irreconcilable  circumstances  in- 
volved in  the  belief  of  this  opinion,  that  we  feel 


CHAP.  XIV.] 


OPINIONS  OF  HISTORIANS. 


much  inclined  to  suspect  some  little  discrepancy  in 
the  evidence  to  which  his  Lordship  so  confidently 
alludes  *,  more  particularly  as  Wyntowne,  whose 
authority  is  highly  appreciated  by  all  writers,  is  so 
very  pointet  in  asserting  the  presence  of  Bruce  in 
the  English  ai*my.  The  words  are, — 

"  Bot  yhit  the  lele  Scottis  men, 

That  in  that  feld  ware  feychtand  then, 

To-gyddyr  stwd  sa  fermly 

Strykand  before  thame  manlykly, 

Swa  that  nane  tliare  thyrl  thame  mycht, 

Bot  Robert  the  Brows  than  wyth  a  slycht, 

(He  thare  wes  wyth  this  Kiny  Edwart, 

Set  he  oure  Kyng  wes  eftyrwart) 

Wyth  Schyre  Anton  the  Bek  a  wyly  man, 

Of  Durame  Byschape  he  wes  than, 

A-bowt  ane  hill  a  well  fere  way 

Owt  of  that  stowre  than  prikyd  thay ; 

Behynd  bakkis  alsa  fast 

Thare  thai  come  on,  and  layid  on  fast  ; 

Swa  made  thai  the  dyscumfytowre." 

Here  our  author,  not  satisfied  with  stating,  that 
"  Robert  de  Brows  "  was  with  "  King  Edwart ;" 
but,  in  order  to  establish  the  identity  of  the  person, 
and  guard  against  his  being  confounded  with  the 
elder  Robert  Bruce,  or  any  other  of  the  same 
name,  he  says  expressly, 

"  Set  he  oure  Kyng  wes  eftyrwart" 

If  Bruce  was  at  this  time  on  the  side  of  the 
patriots,  as  his  Lordship  says,  it  is  singular  that 
he  did  not  appear  among  them  on  this  eventful  day, 
in  a  manner  becoming  his  birth,  talents,  and  great 
territorial  influence.  When  all  the  chiefs  of  the 
party  had  collected  their  followers  for  a  grand 
national  struggle,  Bruce  is  represented  as  employed 
in  guarding,  what  his  Lordship,  for  the  sake  of 
effect,  calls  the  "  important  castle  of  Ayr,"  which, 
it  seems  in  those  days,  "kept  the  communication 
open,  with  Galloway,  Argyllshire,  and  the  Isles  *f\" 


*  Among  the  various  documents  which  his  Lordship  ap- 
pears to  consider  authentic,  is  the  following,  which  he  thus 
introduces : — "  I  have  seen  the  title  of  a  public  instrument, 
which  runs  thus  : — '  Acte  contenant  les  responses  faites  par 
Pierre  Flotte,  Seigneur  de  Revel,  commis  par  le  Roy  (de 
France)  pour  traitter  et  conferer  avec  les  Ambassadeurs 
Anglois,  touchant  1'execution  du  traite  de  treve,  et  repara- 
tion des  infractions  d'icelle.  Simon  de  Meleun  1'arbitre 
nomme  par  le  Roy,  offrit  au  Roy  d'Angleterre  de  delivrer 
tous  les  prisonniers  Anglois  en  rendant  par  lui  le  Roy  de 
Escosse  et  son  fils,  et  les  Escossois  detenus  en  Angleterre  et 
ailleurs,  ou  les  mettant  en  la  garde  d'un  prelat  Francois  qui 
les  gardera  soubs  le  nom  du  Pape  pendant  que  le  Pape  ju- 
gera  de  leur  differend.'  The  original,  if  extant,"  says  Lord 
Hailes,  "  might  serve  to  explain  several  circumstances  re- 
specting this  treaty ;  particularly,  that  Edward  Baliol  was 
in  captivity,  together  with  his  father,  and  that  the  Pope 
proposed  himself  as  umpire  between  Edward  I.  and  his 
disobedient  vassal." 

Now,  the  above  is  all  good  modern  French,  and  the  or- 
thography exactly  as  at  present,  with  the  exception  of  the 
following  words,  responses,  traitter,  Eacosse,  soubs,  which 
appear  to  have  had  their  spelling  antiquated  a  little,  to  give 
the  document  a  venerable  air ; — it  has,  on  the  whole,  a  very 
clumsy  appearance,  and  shows  that  it  cannot  be  older  than 
the  seventeenth  century.  If  the  "full  evidence"  referred  to 
be  liable  to  similar  objections,  it  will  not  appear  very  sur- 
prising, that  our  early  writers  should  have  been  so  much  in 
the  dark  respecting  it. 

t  Vol.  i.  311,  312. 


Had  the  possession  of  this  "important  castle" 
been  of  any  use  to  an  army  stationed  between 
Linlithgow  and  Falkirk,  it  certainly  could  have 
been  defended  by  a  person  of  less  consequence 
than  Bruce,  whose  military  talents  and  numerous 
vassals  would  have  been  of  infinitely  greater  ser- 
vice in  the  field.  When  Wallace  was  straining 
every  nerve  to  collect  the  strength  of  the  country, 
to  oppose  the  formidable  invaders,  and  with  his 
utmost  efforts  could  not  muster  more  than  30,000 
soldiers,  can  it  be  supposed,  that  he  would  have 
failed  to  summon  to  the  standard  of  liberty  a  baron 
of  such  influence  as  the  Earl  of  Carrick,  if  he 
thought  there  were  a  chance  of  the  summons  being 
obeyed  ? 

Though  his  Lordship  asserts  that  Bruce  had 
deserted  the  cause  of  Edward,  yet  he  does  not  at- 
tempt to  show  that  any  communication  took  place 
between  him  and  the  Scottish  army  ;  nor  by  what 
authority  he  assumed  the  defence  of  the  castle  of 
Ayr,  which  was  a  fortress  at  that  time  belonging  to 
the  Crown.  If  Hemingford,  on  whose  authority 
his  Lordship  chiefly  relies,  could  have  gone  so 
egregiously  astray  from  every  thing  like  probability 
in  the  account  he  gives  of  the  casualties  of  the 
battle,  we  may,  without  injustice,  receive  his  tes- 
timony on  this,  or  on  any  other  subject,  with  sus- 
picion ;  particularly  when  it  goes  to  contradict 
historians  of  acknowledged  veracity,  who  had  op- 
portunities of  being  at  least  equally  well  informed 
on  the  subject  as  himself.  It  has  been  advanced 
by  the  learned  annalist,  in  evidence  of  the  truth 
of  Hemingford's  statement,  that  lands  and  castles 
belonging  to  Bruce  were  plundered  and  taken  by 
the  English  army.  By  a  parity  of  reasoning,  if 
these  lands  and  castles  had  been  exempt  from  the 
general  outrage,  it  would  have  proved  that  Bruce 
was  in  the  interest  of  England  ;  and  the  Guardian 
and  Barons  of  Scotland  would  thereby  have  stood 
convicted  of  the  unparalleled  folly  of  allowing 
lands  to  be  occupied,  and  castles  to  be  held,  in  the 
very  centre  of  the  country,  by  the  open  and  de- 
clared partisan  of  their  enemy.  That  the  title  of 
Bruce  to  his  Scottish  estates  was  in  abeyance,  and 
his  castles  garrisoned  for  the  safety  of  the  com- 
monwealth of  Scotland,  is  the  most  probable  state 
of  the  affair.  When  the  half-famished  soldiers  of 
Edward,  therefore,  pillaged  the  lands,  and  attacked 
the  castles  of  Bruce,  they  did  what  their  King, 
under  such  circumstances,  neither  could  nor  would 
restrain,  whether  his  vassal  had  renounced  his 
allegiance  or  not.  This  conduct  on  the  part  of  the 
English,  therefore,  can  afford  no  evidence  what- 
ever of  Bruce  being  at  the  time  "  in  arms  against 
England." 

These  observations  the  writer  has  thought  it 
expedient  to  make,  in  support  of  the  relation  given 
of  the  battle  of  Falkirk  by  the  ancient  historians 
of  Scotland.  As  the  talents,  however,  which  Lord 
Hailes  has  displayed  in  his  researches  into  Scottish 
history,  are  held  by  the  public  in  high,  and  in  many 
instances,  deserved  estimation ;  and  though  it  is 
with  reluctance  that  we  differ  from  one  whose 
opinions  in  general  are  entitled  to  credit;,  yet,  as 
we  find  him  in  this  instance  at  variance  with  most 
of  our  ancient  Scottish  authorities,  we  have  thought 
it  our  duty  to  endeavour  to  lay  both  sides  of  the 
question  fairly  before  the  reader,  in  order  that  he 
may  be  able  to  form  his  own  opinion  of  the  mat- 
ter. 


-» 


U-i                                            LIFE  OF  SIR  WILLIAM  WALLACE.                                  [CHAP.  xv. 

Was  na  man  thar  fra  wepyng  mycht  hym  rafreyn 

CHAPTER  XV. 

For  loss  off  him,  quhen  thai  hard  Wallace  pleyn. 

Thalcaryit  him  with  worschip  and  dolour, 

NOTICES    RESPECTING     SIR    JOHN     GRAHAM     AND     SIR 

In  the  Fawkyrk  graithit  him  in  sepultour." 

JOHN     STEWART  CONDUCT     OF      CUMYN  —  WALLACE 
RESIGNS     THE     GUARDIANSHIP  EDWARD     RETURNS 
HOME  TRIUMPHANT    PROCESSION    OF   THE    LONDON- 
ERS   IN    HONOUR     OF     HIS    VICTORY    AT    FALKIRK  
REVIEW    OF    THE   CAMPAIGN. 

In  this  monody,  we  have  a  highly  finished  por- 
trait of  a  warrior  and  a  gentleman  ;  and  the  as- 
semblage of  rare  and  shining  virtues  which  are 
thus  said  to  have  met  in  this  illustrious  individual, 

have  never  been  denied  or  depreciated  by  the  most 

THE  retreat  of  Wallace  from  the  field  of  Falkirk, 
may  justly  be  considered  as  a  masterpiece  of  gene- 
ralship.    The  formidable   bodies  of  horse  at  the 

fastidious  of  our  critics  ;  while  all  our  historians 
bear  uniform  testimony  to  the  correctness  of  the 
character  *.     Having  discharged  this  duty  to  his 

disposal  of  Edward,  afforded  him  ample  means  of 

following  up  and  cutting  off  the  retiring  army  of 

*  His  Grace  the  Duke  of  Montrose  (one  of  whose  titles 

the  Guardian.     That  so  large  a  body  of  the  Scots, 

is  Viscount  Dundaff),  possesses  an  antique  sword,  on  which 

though  deserted  by  their  own  cavalry,  should  how- 

is the  following  inscription  :  — 

ever  have  effected  their  escape  in  presence  of  a 

force  so  powerful,  so  well  appointed,  and  headed  by 
one  of  the  first  generals  of  the  age,  is  truly  asto- 
nishing ;  and  can  only  be  accounted  for  by  sup- 
posing, either  that  the  English  must  have  suffered 

"  '  SIR  IONE  YE  GRAME,  VERRY  VICHT  AND  WYSE, 
ONE  OF  YE  CHIEFES  RELIEVIT  SCOTLAND  THRYSE. 
FAVGHT  VITH  YS  SVORD,  AND  NER  THOUT  SCHAME, 
COMMAND!!  NANE  TO  EEIR  IT  EOT  HIS  NAME.' 

severely  in  the  action,  or  that  the  conduct  dis- 

" The  Duke  is  also  proprietor  of  Dundaff,  where  Sir  John 

played  by  Wallace  was  such  as  awed  them  from 

Graham  of  Dundaff  s  castle  is  seen  in  ruins. 

the  attempt. 

"  The  grave-stone  of  Sir  John  de  Graham  is  in  the  church- 

According to  the  Minstrel,  the  Guardian,  after 

yard  of  Falkirk,  having  the  following  Latin  motto,  with  a 

withdrawing  his  troops  to  a  place  of  safety,  re- 

translation :  — 

turned  to  the  field,  accompanied  by  Malcolm  Earl 

of  Lennox,  Ramsay  of  Auchterhouse,  Sir  Richard 

'  MENTE  MANVQVE  POTENS,  ET  VALL.32  FIDVS  ACHATES  ; 

Lundin,  Wallace  of  Riccarton,  Sir  Crytell  Seton  *, 

CONDITVR  HIC  GRAMVS,  BELLO  INTERFECTVS  AB  ANGLIS. 

and  a  number  of  their  followers,  to  seek  for  the 

XXII.  JVLII  ANNO  1298.' 

body  of  Sir  John  Graham  —  the  English  being  by 
this  time  removed  to  Linlithgow. 

'  Heir  lyes  Sir  John  the  Grame,  baith  wight  and  wise, 
Ane  of  the  Cheefs  who  rescewit  Scotland  Ihrise, 

Considering  the  great  affection  our  hero  enter- 

Ane better  Kniyht,  not  to  the  world  was  lent, 

tained  for  this  gallant  and  accomplished  warrior, 

Nor  was  gude  Grame,  of  truth  a?id  hardiment.' 

the  circumstance   is  not  improbable.      The  high 

value  he  placed  on  his  services  was  such,  that,  in 

"  While  some  of  Cromwell's  troops  were    stationed  in 

speaking  of  Graham,  he  used  to  designate  him  as 
his  "  right  hand."     The  regret  which  he  felt  at  his 

Falkirk,  an   officer  desired    the  parochial   schoolmaster  to 
translate  the  Latin.     This  he  did  as  follows  :— 

death,  would  no  doubt  have  been  embittered  by  the 
reflection,  that  his  friend  might  easily,  from  the 

'  Of  mind  and  courage  stout, 
Wallace's  true  Achates  ; 

state  of  the  wounds  which  he  had  received  at  the 

Here  lies  Sir  John  the  Grame, 

affair  of  Blackironside,  have  absented  himself  from 

Felled  by  the  English  Baties.' 

the  battle  of  Falkirk,  without  the  slightest  injury 

to  his  reputation.     The   distress   of  Wallace,  on 

"  There  are  now  three  stones  upon  the  grave.     When  the 

seeing  the  dead  body,  is  thus  finely  depicted  by  the 
iorementioned  author  :  — 

inscription  on  the  first  had  begun  to  wear  out  by  the  influ- 
ence of  the  weather,  a  second  was  put  above  it,  with  the 

same  inscription  ;  and  a  third  was  lately  added  by  William 

"  Amang  the  ded  men  sekand  the  worthiast, 

Graham  of  Airth,  Esq.     At  a  little  distance,  upon  the  left,  is 

The  corss  off  Graym,  for  quham  he  murned  mast. 

an  unpolished  stone,  said  to  cover  the  remains  of  the  gallant 

Quhen  thai  him  fand,  and  gud  Wallace  him  saw, 

knight  of  Bonkill."  —  Nimmo's  History  of  Stirlingshire. 

He  lychtyt  down,  and  hynt  him  fra  thaim  aw 

With  regard  to  Stewart  of  Bonkill  being  buried  in  Fal- 

In armyss  vp  ;  behaldand  his  paill  face, 

kirk,  we  are  inclined  to  be  a  little  sceptical,  not  so  much 

He  kyssyt  him,  and  cryt  full  oft,  '  Allace  ! 

from  the  silence  of  the  Minstrel,  as  from  the  great  proba- 

My best  brothir  in  warld  that  euir  I  had  ! 

bility  of  his  having  been  conveyed  to  Bute  by  the  surviving 

My  afald  freynd,  quhen  i  was  hardest  stad  ! 

tenantry  of  that  island.     In  a  small  ruined  chapel,  about 

My  hop,  my  heill,  thow  was  in  maist  honour  ! 

half  a  mile  west  of  Rothesay,  there  is  still  to  be  seen  all  that 

My  faith,  my  help,  my  strenthiast  in  stour  ! 

remains  of  "  the  auld  Stewarts  of  Bute"    where,  amidst  a 

In  the  was  wyt,  fredom  and  hardines  ; 

number  of  dilapidated  monuments,  well  worth  the  attention 

In  the  was  treuth,  manheid,  and  nobilness; 

of  the  antiquary,  appears  a  stone  figure,  said  to  represent 

In  the  was  rewll,  in  the  was  gouernans  ; 

the    gallant   knight  of  Bonkill,    in    complete    armour    of 

In  the  was  wertu  with  outyn  warians  ; 

the  thirteenth  century.     In  a  recess  in  the  opposite  wall 

In  the  lawte,  in  the  was  gret  largnas  ; 

there  is  also  to  be  seen  another  figure,  representing  Jean 

In  the  gentrice,  in  the  was  stedfastnas. 

M'Rudrie,  heiress  of  Bute.    This  lady  appears  to  have  been 

Thow  was  gret  causs  off  wynnyng  off  Scotland  ; 

descended  from  a  sea-officer,  or  pirate,  named  Rudrie,  who  is 

Thocht  I  began,  and  tuk  the  wer  on  hand, 

thus  noticed  in  the  Norwegian  account  of  the  expedition  of 

I  wow  to  God,  that  has  the  warld  in  wauld, 

King  Haco  :  —  "  The  wind  was  not  favourable  ;  King  Haco, 

Thi  dede  sail  be  to  Sotheroun  full  der  sauld. 

however,  made  Andreas  Pott  go  before  him,  south  to  Bute, 

Martyr  thow  art  for  Scotlandis  rycht  and  me  ; 

with  some  small  vessels,  to  join  those  he  had  already  sent 

I  sail  the  wenge,  or  ellis  tharfor  de.' 

thither.     News  was   soon  received,  that  they  had  won   a 

*  The  son  of  Sir  Chrytell,  slain  at  Blackironside. 

cepted  terms  of   the   Norwegians.      There  was  with  the 

CHAP.  XV.] 


HE  RESIGNS  THE  GUARDIANSHIP. 


departed  friend,  Wallace  rejoined  his  followers  in 
the  Torwood  ;  and,  on  the  following  night,  he  is 
said  to  have  broken  into  the  English  camp  on  Lin- 
lithgow  muir,  and,  after  killing  a  number  of  the 
enemy,  and  spreading  alarm  through  the  whole 
army,  effected  his  retreat  without  loss. 

Edward,  incensed  at  the  frequency  with  which 
these  night  attacks  were  repeated,  now  determined 
on  pursuing  the  Scots  with  his  whole  forces.  His 
nimble  adversaries,  however,  retired  before  him, 
and,  having  burned  Stirling,  continued  to  waste  the 
country  as  they  went  along  ;  so  that  the  enemy 
was  put  to  the  greatest  inconvenience,  from  the 
want  of  forage  for  his  numerous  cavalry. 

While  the  Guardian  and  his  little  army  of 
patriots  were  thus  engaging  the  attention  of  the 
invader,  Cumyn  and  the  partisans  of  Stewart  were 
loud  in  their  expressions  of  disapprobation  at  the 
conduct  of  our  hero.  The  latter  charged  him  with 
the  loss  of  the  battle,  by  his  refraining  to  assist 
Stewart  till  it  was  too  late  ;  and  the  former,  con- 
scious of  his  own  misconduct,  in  order  to  supply 
something  like  a  pretext  for  having  treacherously 
deserted  his  countrymen,  accused  the  Guardian 
with  an  intention  of  usurping  the  sovereign  autho- 
rity ;  declaring,  "  that  it  was  more  honourable 
for  men  of  birth  to  serve  a  great  and  powerful 
monarch,  though  a  foreigner,  than  subject  them- 
selves to  the  tyranny  of  an  upstart  of  yesterday." 

While  such  sentiments  were  circulating  among 
the  adherents  of  these  two  powerful  families,  to  the 
manifest  injury  of  the  cause  of  liberty,  Cumyn  was 
still  increasing  the  number  of  his  followers  ;  and  it 
appeared  uncertain,  whether  he  intended  to  assist 
his  countrymen,  or  take  part  with  the  invader. 
Wallace  now  saw,  that,  without  involving  the  king- 
dom in  all  the  horrors  of  civil  war,  he  could  not 
exercise  his  authority  so  as  to  compel  this  factious 
chief  to  the  discharge  of  his  duty  ;  and  as  the  views 
of  Cumyn  with  regard  to  the  crown,  had,  on  many 
occasions,  been  too  palpably  displayed,  to  have 
escaped  the  observation  of  Wallace,  his  late  unac- 
countable retreat  had  completely  opened  the  eyes 
of  the  Guardian  to  the  line  of  policy  he  was  pur- 
suing. Indeed,  had  both  divisions  of  the  Scottish 
army  been  destroyed,  Cumyn  would  have  found 
little  difficulty  in  obtaining  the  crown  from  Ed- 
ward, on  the  same  terms  as  it  had  been  awarded 
to  Baliol :  for  being  at  the  head  of  a  powerful  body 

Norwegians  a  sea-officer  called  Eudri ;  he  considered  Bute 
as  his  birth-right;  and  because  he  had  not  received  the 
island  of  the  Scots,  he  committed  many  ravages,  and  killed 
many  people,  and  for  that  he  was  outlawed  by  the  Scottish 
King.  He  came  to  Haco  and  took  the  oaths  to  him,  and, 
with  two  of  his  brothers,  became  his  subjects.  As  soon  as 
the  garrison,  after  having  delivered  up  the  stronghold,  were 
gone  away  from  the  Norwegians,  Rudri  killed  nine  of  them, 
because  he  thought  he  owed  them  no  good  will."  After  the 
treaty  between  Alexander  and  the  Norwegians,  it  would 
seem  that  Rudrie  had  been  allowed  to  hold  the  island  of 
Bute  as  a  vassal  of  the  Scottish  crown;  and  there  is  every 
reason  to  believe  that  the  Janet  M'Rudrie  above-mentioned 
was  either  his  daughter  or  grand-daughter,  who,  by  her  mar- 
rying Alexander  Stewart,  became  the  mother  of  Sir  John 
Stewart  of  Bonkill. 

The  present  noble  proprietor,  whose  family  came  to  the 
possession  of  Bute  in  the  reign  of  Robert  II.,  has  made 
some  slight  repairs  about  the  walls  where  these  figures  are 
reclining.  It  is,  however,  to  be  regretted,  that  a  little  more 
attention  is  not  paid  to  the  preservation  of  such  valuable 
antiques. 


of  men,  with  great  family  interest,  and  having 
already  made  a  favourable  impression  on  the 
English  king,  by  his  conduct  at  the  battle  of  Fal- 
kirk,  it  is  highly  probable  that  any  lingering  par- 
tiality which  Edward  might  still  entertain  for 
Bruce — whom  he  had  long  amused  with  hopes  of 
the  crown — would  soon  disappear  before  the  pre- 
tensions of  a  more  useful  claimant.  But  as  Cumyn 
made  the  ambition  of  Wallace  the  pretext  for  his 
refraining  to  co-operate  against  the  English,  with  a 
promptitude  which  showed  his  mind  as  decisive  as 
his  sword,  when  the  interest  of  his  country  was  at 
stake,  the  latter  called  the  Estates  together,  and 
solemnly  renounced  the  Guardianship  of  the  king- 
dom, reserving  to  himself  no  other  privilege  than 
that  of  fighting  against  the  enemies  of  Scotland,  at 
the  head  of  such  friends  as  might  be  inclined  to 
adhere  to  him.  This  resignation  was  accordingly 
followed  by  the  election  of  a  Regency,  consisting  of 
Cumyn,  Soulis,  and  William  Lamberton,  Bishop  of 
St.  Andrew's  *  ;  and  by  this  conduct  on  the  part  of 
Wallace,  Cumyn  was  left  without  the  shadow  of  an 
excuse  for  withholding  his  assistance  against  the 
common  enemy  ;  while  the  talents,  prowess,  and 
patriotism  of  the  late  Guardian  acted  as  a  check  in 
restraining  him  from  sacrificing  the  interest  of  the 
country  to  his  own  personal  aggrandizement. 

Edward  reached  Stirling  four  days  after  the  late 
battle,  and  took  up  his  quarters  in  the  convent  of 
the  Dominicans.  Here  he  remained  fifteen  days, 
waiting  his  recovery  from  the  wound  inflicted  on 
him  by  his  horse,  and  for  the  arrival  of  his  long- 
expected  fleet.  The  Castle  of  Stirling  having  been 
partly  demolished  by  Wallace,  in  his  retreat, 
Edward  now  applied  himself  to  repair  it ;  and 
therein,  as  a  place  of  safety,  he  deposited  those 
unwieldy  engines  of  war  he  had  brought  with  him 
for  the  purpose  of  battering  the  fortifications,  and 
which  he  found  would  be  troublesome,  while  pur- 
suing his  enemies  over  the  rugged  and  mountainous 
country  that  lay  before  him. 

The  accession  of  strength  which  the  cause  of 
liberty  acquired,  by  the  prudent  measures  of  our 
patriot,  enabled  the  Scots  more  effectually  to  em- 
barrass the  movements  of  the  enemy.  While  he, 
with  his  brave  followers,  continued  to  surprise 
the  foe,  by  breaking  into  their  camp  where  least 
expected,  the  other  leaders  were  engaged  in  pre- 
venting supplies  from  reaching  the  English  ;  and 
Edward,  at  last,  became  apprehensive  of  advancing 
too  far  into  the  sterile  regions  of  the  North.  A 
scarcity  had  already  begun  to  be  severely  felt  in 
his  army,  and  he  now  prudently  directed  his  march 
towards  the  more  fruitful  districts  in  the  neigh- 
bourhood of  Perth.  But  there  also  his  unwearied 
and  restless  enemy  continued  to  assail  those  parts 
of  the  army  that  appeared  most  vulnerable  ;  and 
having  at  last  cut  off  a  part  from  the  main  body  of 
the  English  forces,  by  breaking  down  the  bridge 
over  the  Tay,  in  three  successive  engagements  he 

*  Lamberton  appears  to  have  succeeded  Frazer  in  the 
Bishopric  of  St.  Andrew's.  This  secret  emissary  of  Edward 
died  at  Paris  in  1297,  to  which  place  he  probably  thought 
proper  to  retire  on  the  success  of  Wallace.  According  to  his 
own  request,  his  heart  was  brought  to  Scotland,  and  "  layed 
in  halowyed  sepultour"  in  the  wall  of  the  cathedral  over 
which  he  presided.  His  body  was  interred  in  the  cemetery 
of  the  Preaching  Friars  at  Paris.  Lamberton,  his  successor, 
a  man  of  learning  and  good  reputation,  had  been  Chancellor 
of  Glasgow. —  Wyntown,  vol.  ii.  p.  99. 


GG 


LIFE  OF  SIR  WILLIAM  WALLACE. 


[CHAP.  xv. 


defeated  them  with  great  slaughter.  The  English 
army,  however,  was  still  too  numerous  for  the 
Scots  to  risk  a  general  engagement ;  and  Edward, 
finding  no  probability  of  bringing  the  war  to  a  satis- 
factory conclusion,  after  wreaking  his  vengeance 
on  the  most  fruitful  parts  of  the  country,  returned 
home  through  Ayrshire  and  Annandale,  carrying 
with  him  all  the  spoil  he  could  collect.  A  body  of 
troops  under  the  command  of  Henry  de  Lacy,  made 
a  similar  inroad  in  Fife,  destroying  whatever  came 
in  their  way,  in  revenge,  no  doub ,,  for  the  gallant 
stand  the  inhabitants  had  ma^e  under  MacDuff, 
their  late  unfortunate  chief.  After  destroying  St. 
Andrew's  *,  he  laid  siege  to  the  castle  of  Cupar, 
which  surrendered  about  the  end  of  July  *{•. 

Edward  now  led  his  army  homewards,  after 
leaving  a  force  to  protect  the  southern  part  of 
Scotland,  the  reduction  of  which  was  all  his  mighty 
efforts  had  been 'able  to  accomplish.  To  have 
defeated  Wallace,  however,  a  name  which  had 
filled  England  with  dismay,  was  considered  by  his 
subjects  an  achievement  deserving  of  the  highest 
eulogium.  The  disasters  of  the  campaign  were 
accordingly  forgotten,  and  bands  of  minstrels  issued 
from  the  different  towns  on  his  route,  to  welcome 
the  conqueror  at  Falkirk.  The  Londoners  decreed 
him  a  triumphal  procession  in  honour  of  his  vic- 
tory, and  the  different  corporations  vied  with  each 
other  in  the  richness  of  their  banners  and  the 
splendour  of  their  emblematical  representations. 
Stowe  thus  mentions  the  affair  ;  and  if  we  may 
judge  of  the  appearance  of  the  other  professions 
by  the  display  made  by  the  fishmongers  on  this 
joyous  occasion,  the  whole  must  have  exhibited 
a  mass  of  barbaric  magnificence  not  easily  to  be 
surpassed  : — "  The  citizens  of  London  hearing  of 
the  great  victory  obtained  by  the  King  of  England 
against  the  Scottis,  made  great  and  solemn  re- 
joicings in  their  citie,  every  one  according  to  their 
craft,  especially  the  fishmongers,  which  with  solemn 
procession  passed  through  the  citie,  having,  amongst 
other  pageantes  and  shows,  foure  .sturgeons  gilted, 
carried  on  four  horses,  then  four  salmons  of  silver 
on  four  horses,  and  after  five  and  fortie  knights 
armed,  riding  on  horses  made  like  luces  of  the  sea, 
and  then  Saint  Magnus  with  a  thousand  horsemen. 
This  they  did  on  St.  Magnus'  day,  in  honour  of  the 
King's  great  victory  and  safe  return." 

Before  closing  this  chapter,  it  may  not  be  amiss 
to  take  a  retrospect  view  of  this  most  interesting 
campaign.  At  the  commencement  of  it,  Scotland, 
by  the  wisdom  and  energy  of  her  intrepid  Guardian, 
had  again  taken  her  place  among  the  independent 
nations  of  Europe.  His  noble  achievements  had 
not  only  become  a  theme  for  the  Troubadours  of 
France,  but  also  the  subject  of  conversation  and 
applause  at  all  the  courts  on  the  Continent.  To 
Edward,  who  had  not  only  distinguished  himself 
by  his  warlike  exploits  in  Syria,  but  had  also,  in 
a  tournament  held  at  Calais,  baffled  and  disgraced 
the  most  renowned  of  the  chivalry  of  France,  the 

*  Stowe. 

t  Observations  on  the  Wardrobe  Account  of  28  Edward  I. 
p.  Ix.  The  monastery  of  Cupar  was  also  plundered  on  this 
occasion.  By  the  inventory  of  Edward's  jewels  taken  in 
1300,  there  appear  eighteen  silver  cups,  and  one  silk  girdle 
richly  ornamented,  which  are  stated  to  have  been  taken 
from  the  monastery  of  Cupar.  This,  no  doubt,  would  form 
a  part  of  the  King's  share  of  the  booty. — Vide  Wardrobe 
Account,  p.  353. 


plaudits  bestowed  upon  a  rival  so  far  beneath  him 
in  rank,  was  peculiarly  mortifying,  and  excited 
in  him  the  most  inveterate  hostility  toward  the 
nation  thus  rescued  from  his  thraldom.  Wallace, 
though  making  every  effort  for  the  safety  of  his 
country,  found  no  abatement  of  that  feeling  of 
jealous  animosity  which  existed  in  the  minds  of 
a  great  majority  of  the  aristocracy.  It  was  in  vain 
he  endeavoured  to  ensure  their  confidence,  by 
refusing  all  participation  in  the  fruits  of  their 
victories, — thus  showing  that  self-aggrandisement 
formed  none  of  the  objects  of  his  ambition.  Still 
they  yielded  with  reluctance  that  obedience  which 
his  rank  as  Guardian  entitled  him  to  expect  ;  and 
their  language  in  private  continued  to  be,  "  We 
will  not  have  this  man  to  reign  over  us." 

Cumyn,  whose  conduct  had  hitherto  been  sus- 
picious, had  strengthened  his  interest  at  the  Eng- 
lish court,  by  means  of  a  marriage  which  he 
contracted  with  the  sister  of  Adomer  de  Vallance  *, 
a  cousin,  and  one  of  the  principal  favourites  of 
Edward  ;  and  the  Steward,  brother  to  the  knight 
of  Bonkill,  had  made  his  peace  with  the  invader, 
and  taken  the  oath  of  allegiance.  In  consequence 
of  which,  according  to  the  policy  of  the  English 
monarch,  though  the  tenantry  of  the  Steward  were 
arrayed  against  him,  yet  the  banners  of  the  family 
floated  among  those  of  the  other  vassals  of  the 
English  crown,  while  the  knight  of  Bonkill  himself 
(who  had  but  recently  joined  the  standard  of  his 
country's  independence)  had  as  yet  given  no  proof 
of  the  sincerity  of  his  attachment  to  the  cause. 
Under  these  circumstances,  it  became  Wallace  to  be 
particularly  circumspect  in  his  movements,  having 
to  guard  against  the  chance  of  treachery  on  the 
one  hand,  and  a  powerful  adversary  on  the  other  ; 
while  his  country's  safety,  and  his  own  well-earned 
laurels,  depended  alike  on  the  prudence  of  his  con- 
duct. We  have  already  hinted  at  the  great  impro- 
bability of  his  appearing  before  so  formidable  an 
enemy,  without  having  formed  a  regular  plan  of 
operation,  and  made  provision  for  the  contingencies 
that  might  occur.  That  he  had  arranged  such 
a  plan,  and  was  prevented,  by  the  jealousy  of  his 
colleagues,  from  putting  it  into  execution,  appears 
sufficiently  obvious,  even  from  the  meagre  details 
of  which  we  are  possessed.  What  this  plan  was, 
cannot  now  be  fully  ascertained  ;  but  if  we  may 
judge  from  the  circumstances  on  record,  we  may  in- 
fer that  it  was  not  his  intention  to  risk  a  general 
engagement  with  the  enemy  at  Falkirk,  but  merely 
to  retire  as  they  advanced,  and  to  lead  them  as  far 
as  possible  into  the  barren  districts  of  the  North, 
where  their  numerous  cavalry  would  be  rendered 
in  a  great  measure  unavailing.  But  the  conduct 
of  Cumyn,  and  the  profitless  display  of  valour  on 
the  part  of  Stewart,  brought  him  unavoidably  into 
contact  with  the  enemy  ;  respect  for  his  own  repu- 
tation prevented  him  from  retiring,  while  part  of 
his  countrymen  were  so  seriously  engaged  ;  and 
by  remaining,  he  not  only  covered  the  retreat  of 
the  remains  of  Stewart's  division,  but  also,  by  his 
commanding  attitude,  prevented  the  enemy  from 
pursuing  the  fugitives  with  that  destructive  celerity 
which  their  numerous  cavalry  would  have  enabled 
them  to  do,  had  he  acted  otherwise.  We  have 
been  induced  to  make  these  remarks,  as  Wallace 
is  too  rashly  blamed  for  "  remaining  a  passive 

*  See  Appendix,  P. 


CHAP.  XVI.] 


HE  RETIRES  TO  DUMBARTON- 


spectator  of  the  destruction  of  Stewart."  This, 
according  to  the  generality  of  writers,  is  the  only 
stain  upon  his  character.  However,  from  a  careful 
review  of  all  the  circumstances  of  the  case,  we  can 
find  no  foundation  whatever  for  the  chai-ge  ;  on 
the  contrary,  taking  into  consideration  the  pecu- 
liarly embarrassing  situation  in  which  he  was 
placed,  we  conceive  that,  during  the  whole  of  his 
brilliant  career,  the  wisdom,  talents,  and  patriotism 
of  Wallace,  never  shone  forth  with  more  resplendent 
lustre  than  at  the  battle  of  Falkirk. 


CHAPTER  XVI. 

STATE  OF  SCOTLAND  AFTER  THE  RETURN  OF  EDWARD 

VARIOUS     EXPLOITS    OF     WALLACE BALIOL     DELI- 
VERED    OVER    TO    THE    POPE THE    SCOTS    BESIEGE 

STIRLING   CASTLE EDWARD   RAISES    AN   ARMY    FOR 

ITS    RELIEF — THE     ENGLISH     BARONS     REFUSE     TO 

ACCOMPANY  HIM SURRENDER  OF   STIRLING   CASTLE 

— CONDUCT  OF  CUMYN. 

ON  retiring  with  his  army,  as  stated  in  the  last 
chapter,  Edward  left  behind  him  a  considerable 
force  to  protect  that  part  of  Scotland  which  lay 
contiguous  to  England,  and  which  he  seemed  deter- 
mined, if  possible,  to  annex  to  his  own  dominions. 
Although  his  invasion  had  been  productive  of  very 
disastrous  consequences  to  the  Scots,  they  did  not 
suffer  so  much  on  this,  as  they  had  done  on  former 
occasions.  The  judicious  orders  issued  by  the 
Guardian,  for  driving  the  cattle — which  formed  the 
principal  part  of  their  wealth — to  inaccessible  parts 
of  the  country,  contributed  not  only  to  their  safety, 
but  also  to  the  disappointment  and  distress  of  the 
enemy.  On  the  retreat,  therefore,  of  the  grand 
army  of  Edward,  the  inhabitants  were  far  from 
being  that  wretched  and  dispirited  race,  which 
they  had  appeared  after  the  battle  of  Dunbar. 
Several  of  the  chieftains,  it  is  true,  had  repeated 
their  oaths  of  fidelity  to  the  invader,  but  the  defec- 
tion from  the  cause  of  liberty  was  by  no  means 
general.  The  principal  places  of  strength,  with 
the  exception  of  Stirling,  were  in  the  hands  of  the 
Scots ;  and  the  impregnable  fortress  of  Dumbarton  * 

*  The  strength  and  importance  of  Dumbarton  castle  is 
thus  described  by  an  English  spy  who  visited  Scotland  during 
the  regency  of  the  Duke  of  Albany,  and  afterwards  in  the 
reign  of  James  I.  It  would  appear,  that  in  those  days  the 
rock  was  completely  surrounded  by  water  at  every  influx  of 
the  tide. 

passe  on  forthwarde  to  Dumbertayne, 

A  castell  stronge  and  harde  for  to  obteine. 

In  whiche  castell  S.  Patryke  was  borne, 
That  afterwarde  in  Irelande  dyd  wynne, 
About  the  whyche  floweth,  euen  and  morne, 
The  westerne  seas  without  noyse  or  dynne, 
Twyse  in  xxiiii.  houres  without  any  fayle, 
That  no  man  may  that  stronge  castell  assayle. 

Vpon  a  rocke  so  hye  the  same  dothe  stande, 

That  yf  the  walles  were  beaten  to  the  roche, 

Yet  were  it  full  harde  to  clymbe  with  foot  or  hande, 

And  so  to  wynne,  yf  any  to  them  approche, 

So  strong  it  is  to  get  without  reproche ; 

That  without  honger  and  cruell  famyshemente, 

Yt  cannot  bee  taken  to  my  iudgemente. 

John  Hardyng's  Chronicle,  p.  426. 


had  beon  given,  by  Wallace,  in  consequence  of 
his  services  in  the  cause  of  his  country,  in  charge 
to  Sir  John  Stewart  of  Rusky,  better  known  by 
the  name  of  Menteith.  This  man  had  been  pre- 
sent with  Wallace  at  the  burning  of  the  barns  of 
Ayr,  as  well  as  in  many  other  situations  of  danger 
and  difficulty.  According  to  Henry,  when  the 
Guardian  bestowed  this  change  upon  him,  he  sti- 
pulated for  the  erection  of  a  &mall  house  for  him- 
self within  the  portress,  in  the  building  of  which 
considerable  prog\>ss  had  been  made,  when. the 
English  army  ent&.^sd  Scotland.  Some  writers 
allege,  that  the  reaso^.  which  induced  Wallace  to 
make  choice  of  such  actuation,  wa^  the  great 
friendship  which  existed  between  him  and  Men- 
teith, to  whose  society,  they  say,  he  w:as  much 
attached,  and  which,  by  thiy  means,  he  would 
have  a  better  opportunity  of  enjoying.  With  this 
opinion,  however,  we  cannot  agree.  That  Men- 
teith ^  was  high  in  the  confidence  of  Wallace,  is 
sufficiently  evident  from  his  appointing  him  to  so 
important  a  trust — for,  besides  the  governorship 
of  the  castle,  his  situation  naturally  gave  him  the 
command  of  a  considerable  part  of  the  district  of 
Lennox — yet  we  conceive  that  Wallace  had  other 
motives  for  selecting  such  a  place  of  retirement, 
than  the  mere  pleasure  of  enjoying  the  society  of  a 
friend,  however  valued  that  friend  might  have 
been.  The  hostility  which  he 'had  excited  in  the 
breast  of  Edward  by  his  conduct  in  Scotland,  as 
well  as  by  his  invasion  of  England,  gave  him  every 
reason  to  dread  the  revenge  of  that  haughty  and 
crafty  potentate  ;  while  the  vacillating  character 
of  a  great  proportion  of  the  nobility — joined  to  that 
inextinguishable  jealousy  which  existed  against 
him  in  the  minds  of  some  of  the  most  powerful 
families — made  it  both  desirable  and  prudent  to 
look  out  for  a  place  where,  in  the  decline  of  life,  he 
might  be  secure  from  the  attempts  of  his  country's 
enemies,  as  well  as  the  machinations  of  his  own. 
The  more  immediate  cause,  however,  may  have 
been  the  safety  of  his  surviving  relations.  The 
circumstance  of  so  many  of  them  having  already 
suffered  on  his  account,  would,  no  doubt,  make  him 
consider  it  as  a  duty  incumbent  on  him  to  provide 
for  those  that  remained.  His  uncle,  the  parson 
of  Dunipace,  he  had  but  recently  relieved  from  a 
dungeon,  into  which  the  English  had  thrown  him  ; 
and  his  mother  had  frequently  been  obliged  to  fly 
from  the  fortilace  of  Elderslie,  in  order  to  preserve 
herself  from  falling  into  the  hands  of  the  enemy. 
These  we  presume  to  have  been  the  motives  which 
induced  him  to  stipulate  for  this  little  sanctuary, 
and  not  an  overweening  affection  for  the  society  of 
Menteith.  His  selection  of  him,  however,  for  this 
purpose,  shows  the  entire  confidence  he  had  in  his 
fidelity. 

With  regard  to  the  building  itself  *,  we  have  it 
on  record,  that  the  workmen  on  one  occasion  had 
to  desist  from  their  operations,  in  consequence  of 

*  On  the  summit  of  Dumbarton  rock  is  to  be  seen  the 
ruins,  of  a.building,  known  by  the  name  of  Wallace's  house. 
Judging  by  what  remains,  it  appears  to  have  been  of  very 
limited  extent,  and  though  well  calculated  for  security, 
would  afford  but  scanty  accommodation  to  the  inmates.  Its 
form  is  circular,  and  the  site  commands  an  extensive  view ; 
it,  however,  could  make  but  a  precarious  resistance  to  an 
enemy  possessed  of  the  lower  fortification.  From  the  fol- 
lowing lines  in  Barbour,  it  appears  very  probable  that  this 
was  the  place  in  which  Lord  William  Soulis  was  detained 
F  2 


LIFE  OF  SIR  WILLIAM  WALLACE. 


[CHAP.  xvi. 


the  English  having  taken  possession  of  the  town  : 
they  were,  however,  soon  dislodged  by  Wallace, 
who  surprised  them  at  midnight,  and  drove  them 
out  with  great  slaughter.  This  affair  is  supposed 
to  have  taken  place  after  the  battle  of  Falkirk  *. 

Aware  that  the  appro-ach  of  winter  would  render 
the  conveyance  of  military  stores  almost  imprac- 
ticable, after  his  rety.rn  to  England,  Edward  lost 
no  time  in  despatching  to  the  castles  of  Stirling, 
Dumfries,  Lochmaben,  and  the  other  fortresses  in 
his  possession,  th-ose  necessaT'^'.  of  which  they 
were  most  likely  to  be  in  wr/^  f.  But  the  active 
and  persevering  character  '  the  enemy  he  had  to 
contend  with,  made  him/  Apprehensive  that  they 
would  avai/i  themselves  of  his  absence,  and  the 
inclemency  of  the  season,  to  recover  the  strengths 
they  ha/il  lost  in  the  last  campaign  ;  and  in  this  he 
was  riot  mistaken,  for  winter  had  scarcely  com- 
menced, before  Wallace  and  the  Scottish  regents 


a  state  prisoner  for  life,  in  consequence  of  his  conspiring 
against  Robej  t  Bruce  : — 

The  lord  the  Sowllis  has  grantyt  thar 
The  deid  in  to  plane  parleament, 
Tharefor  sone  eftre  he  was  sent 
Till  his  pennance  to  Dunbertane  ; 
And  deid  thar  in  a  tour  off  stane. 

The  Bruce,  Buke  Threttene,  406—410. 

*  Henry  states,  that  after  Wallace  had  driven  the  English 
out  of  Dumbarton,  which  he  accomplished  by  an  ingenious 
stratagem  put  in  execution  at  night,  he  proceeded  towards 
the  castle  of  Roseneath,  which  was  occupied  by  the  enemy, 
and  having  learned  that  a  marriage  was  to  take  place  among 
them  on  the  ensuing  day,  he  posted  his  men  in  ambush  on 
the  road  between  the  castle  and  the  church,  situated  on 
the  "Garlouch"  where  the  ceremony  was  to  be  performed. 
The  cavalcade  approached,  accompanied  by  most  of  the 
soldiers  of  the  garrison.  The  Scots,  at  the  signal  of  their 
chief,  burst  from  their  concealment,  and  having  with  little 
difficulty  overpowered  and  put  their  astonished  adversaries 
to  the  sword,  they  took  possession  of  the  fortress,  which  they 
found  amply  supplied  with  provisions  of  all  kinds,  intended, 
no  doubt,  for  the  joyous  occasion. 

The  above  anecdote  induces  the  writer  again  to  remark 
on  the  accuracy  of  Henry's  topography.  If  his  work  be  not 
a  faithful  translation  from  the  narrative  of  an  eye-witness, 
his  knowledge  of  the  localities  of  the  country  is  truly  won- 
derful. 

t  For  the  gratification  of  the  reader  who  may  feel  curious 
respecting  the  nature  of  the  supplies  required  for  the  sup- 
port and  defence  of  an  English  garrison  in  the  13th  century, 
we  have  made  the  following  extract  from  the  Wardrobe 
Account  of  the  munitions,  sent  on  this  occasion  to  Stirling : 
viz.  1000  stockfish,  610  ling,  4  lasts  herrings,  104  cheeses, 
6000  onions,  30  cwt.  tallow,  1  barrel  honey,  1 1  barrels  pitch, 
20  Ib.  wax,  20  Ib.  cummin,  2  Ib.  crocus,  6  Ib.  round  pepper, 
10  bundles  steel  or  iron,  4  large  plates  with  handles, 
100  dishes  ditto,  100  cups,  100  salt-cellars,  2  large  balista;, 
(de  vicio)  18  balistce,  (ad  unum  pedem)  18  doz.  bow-strings, 
50  bows,  2  furnace-stones,  22  cwt.  hemp,  200  goose-wings 
for  darts  and  arrows,  3  horse  hides  untanned,  6  bullocks  do. 
ditto  for  the  bottom  of  the  engines,  twine,  thread,  needles, 
1  doz.  parchment,  2  Ib.  inkpowder,  18  pieces  cloth,  for  cloth- 
ing the  men,  1  piece  blue  cloth,  being  clothing  for  John 
Sampson,  constable  of  the  castle,  2  chaplains  and  1  clerk, 
1000  ells  linen,  30  fur-skins  for  great-coats  for  the  servants 
of  the  King's  household,  stationed  in  said  garrison,  4  lamb 
skins  for  hoods  for  the  use  of  said  constable,  chaplains,  and 
1  clerk,  240  pair  shoes,  and  500  ells  canvas1. 


1  The  above  goods  were  sent  by  John  the  son  of  Walter, 
master  of  the  vessel  called  the  Godale  of  Beverley. 


laid  siege   to,  and  recaptured,  several  places   of 
importance. 

During  1299,  while  hostilities  were  still  going  on, 
Baliol  appears  to  have  become  an  object  of  nego- 
ciation  between  the  Pope  and  the  English  court, 
although  the  Pontiff  had  solemnly  and  repeatedly 
declared  his  fixed  determination  never  to  inter- 
fere in  the  affairs  of  Scotland  ;  assuring  Edward 
of  his  conviction  "  that  the  Scots  were  a  false  and 
treacherous  people,"  and  that  he  believed  they  had 
a  design  against  his  life.  Still  his  liege-lord  held 
the  King  of  Scotland  in  unmitigated  captivity*, 
till,  at  the  urgent  entreaty  of  the  Pope,  he  was 
delivered  over  to  the  Papal  Nuncio,  with  liberty  to 
dispose  of  him  and  his  English  possessions  as  the 
Pontiff  thought  proper.  It  is  possible  that  the 
renunciation  of  the  guardianship  on  the  part  of 
Wallace,  conduced  as  much  as  any  thing  else  to 
Baliol's  release  ;  and  it  is  likely  that  the  crafty 
usurper  conceived  the  measure  might  distract  the 
regency,  by  exciting  anew  the  jealous  competition 
among  the  former  claimants  of  the  crown.  If  this 
were  his  intention  he  must  have  felt  grievously 
disappointed  on  learning  that  the  regents,  awed, 
no  doubt,  by  the  watchfulness  and  influence  of  the 
late  Guardian,  continued  to  act  in  concert,  and  had 
even  laid  siege  to  the  strong  castle  of  Stirling, 
which  he  had  been  at  such  pains  to  repair  and 
pro  vision  f.  The  vigour  with  which  the  operations 
against  this  fortress  were  carried  on,  soon  com- 

*  It  is  very  probable  that  Edward  had  evidence  in  his 
possession  of  the  commission  of  regency  he  had  granted 
to  Wallace.  The  English  monarch  had  too  many  secret 
emissaries  in  Scotland,  to  remain  long  ignorant  of  a  matter 
of  such  importance.  What  Baliol  might  say  to  the  contrary 
would  therefore  meet  with  little  credit ;  and  his  apparent 
duplicity,  no  doubt,  prompted  the  following  remark,  which, 
according  to  Walsingham,  Edward  made  use  of,  on  deliver- 
ing him  to  the  Nuncio.  "  I  send  him  to  the  Pope  as  a  per- 
jured man,  and  a  seducer  of  the  people." 

t  Independent  of  all  the  difficulties  which  Wallace  had 
to  encounter  in  the  Low  country,  the  turbulent  state  of  the 
Highlands  prevented  him  from  receiving  any  assistance  of 
consequence  from  that  quarter.  The  chieftains  there 
seemed  to  consider  their  interests  as  very  little  connected 
with  the  safety  or  independence  of  the  Lowlanders ;  and  they 
carried  on  their  feuds  with  as  much  inveteracy,  as  if  no 
foreign  enemy  had  been  in  the  country.  We  find,  that 
"about  the  year  1299,  there  was  an  insurrection  made 
against  the  Earl  of  Ross,  by  some  of  the  people  of  that  pro- 
vince, inhabiting  the  mountains  called  Clan-Iver-Clan-Tall- 
wigh,  and  Clan-Leaive.  The  Earl  of  Ross  made  such  dili- 
gence, that  he  apprehended  their  captain,  and  imprisoned 
him  at  Dingwall :  which  so  incensed  the  Highlanders,  that 
they  pursued  the  Earl  of  Ross's  second  son,  at  Balnegowen, 
took  him,  and  carried  him  along  prisoner  with  them,  think- 
ing thereby  to  get  their  captain  relieved.  The  Monroes  and 
the  Dingwalls,  with  some  others  of  the  Earl  of  Ross  his 
dependers,  gathered  their  forces,  and  pursued  the  High- 
landers with  all  diligence ;  so,  overtaking  them  at  Beallogh- 
ne-broig,  between  Ferrindonell  and  Lochbrime,  there  ensued 
a  cruel  battle,  well  foughten  on  either  side.  The  Clan-Iver- 
Clan-Tall-wigh  and  Clan-Leaive,  were  almost  utterly  ex- 
tinguished. The  Monroes  had  a  sorrowful  victory,  with  a 
great  loss  of  their  men ;  and  carried  back  again  the  Earl  of 
Ross  his  son.  The  Laird  of  Kildun  was  there  slain  with 
seven  score  of  the  surname  of  Dingwall.  Divers  of  the 
Monroes  were  slain  in  the  conflict;  and  among  the  rest, 
there  were  killed  eleven  of  the  house  of  Foulis,  that  were  to 
succeed  one  another ;  so  that  the  succession  of  Foulis  fell 
unto  a  child  then  lying  in  his  cradle.  For  which  service  the 
Earl  of  Ross  gave  divers  lands  to  the  Monroes  and  Ding- 
walls."—  Conflicts  of  the  Clans. 


CHAP.  XVII.] 


EDWARD  AGAIN  INVADES  SCOTLAND. 


69 


pelled  the  besieged  to  despatch  messengers  to 
Edward  to  acquaint  him  with  their  situation  ;  and 
fully  aware  of  the  importance  of  the  place,  and 
determined  to  relieve  it,  the  latter  assembled  his 
army  at  Berwick  early  in  November.  His  barons, 
however,  he  found  intractable.  Certain  charters 
had  not  been  confirmed,  and  certain  lands  in  Scot- 
land had  been  gifted  away  to  strangers  without 
their  consent,  and  contrary  to  his  engagements  ;  in 
consequence  of  which  they  resolutely  refused  to 
proceed  beyond  Berwick,  alleging,  among  other 
causes,  the  impolicy  of  undertaking  a  campaign 
beset  with  so  many  dangers,  at  such  an  advanced 
season  of  the  year.  Edward  and  his  barons  were 
alike  obstinate,  and  the  latter  retired  in  dudgeon  ; 
while  he,  in  the  same  humour,  marched  forward 
with  the  remains  of  his  army  to  the  relief  of  Stir- 
ling, He  had  not,  however,  proceeded  far,  before 
he  became  acquainted  with  the  numbers  and  formid- 
able position  occupied  by  the  Scots.  Thus  cir- 
cumstanced, he  retraced  his  steps,  and  allowed  the 
garrison  to  negociate  a  surrender  *  ;  in  conse- 
quence of  which,  the  castle  was  shortly  after  given 
up  to  Lord  Soulis,  one  of  the  Regents,  who  placed 
it  under  the  charge  of  Sir  William  Olifant,  a  brave 
knight,  who  proved  himself  in  every  respect  de- 
serving of  the  trust  reposed  in  him. 

John  Cumyn,  the  other  Regent,  is  said  to  have 
also  gained  advantages  over  the  enemy,  and  to 
have,  in  other  respects,  conducted  himself  so  as 
in  a  great  measure  to  efface  the  remembrance  of 
his  former  offences.  Indeed,  so  well  pleased  were 
the  generality  of  his  countrymen  with  his  proceed- 
ings on  the  commencement  of  the  regency,  that 
we  find  some  of  the  old  historians  applying  to  him 
the  epithet  of  the  "  Crude  Scottisman"  From  this 

osed    that    John 


circumstance,    some    have 


Cumyn,  the  Regent  here  alluded  to,  was  not  the 
same  who  behaved  with  such  treachery  at  the 
battle  of  Falkirk.  In  this  opinion  they  at  first 
sight  appear  to  be  countenanced  by  Wyntown,  who 
styles  him"Jhon  Comyn,  that  was  Jhon  Comyn's 
swn;"  but,  it  must  be  recollected  that  there  were 
three  Cumyns  of  the  name  of  John,  father,  son, 
and  grandson. 

The  gleam  of  popularity  which  at  this  time 
shone  out  upon  Cumyn,  is  not  to  be  wondered  at. 
Placed  in  a  situation  desirable,  on  account  of  the 
prospect  it  opened  up  to  his  ambition  —  and  which 
he  could  only  retain  by  a  line  of  policy  in  unison 
with  the  spirit  of  liberty  which  his  predecessor 
had  infused  into  the  people  —  he  not  only  exerted 
himself  against  the  common  enemy,  but  used  every 
effort  in  his  power  to  gain  the  affections  of  his 
countrymen.  His  large  possessions  and  great 
wealth,  which,  it  is  said,  were  never  equalled  by 
those  of  any  family  in  Scotland,  enabled  him  to 
relieve  the  people  from  various  imposts  necessary 
for  the  support  of  the  government  ;  while  the 
applications  which  the  Regency  made  to  France, 

»  In  the  Wardrobe  Account,  28th  Edward  I.,  there  is  an 
entry  of  6s.  8d.  paid  to  Ralph  de  Kyrkby,  the  messenger  who 
brought  to  the  King  the  conditions  and  surrender  of  Stir- 
ling. The  following  notice  respecting  this  intended  expe- 
dition appears  in  the  same  document.  "To  a  monk  of 
Durham,  to  carry  St.  Cuthbert's  banner  into  Scotland,  when 
the  King  intended  to  go  in  person  to  raise  the  siege  of  Stir- 
ling Castle,  20  days,  at  Is.  per  day."  One  of  the  vicars  of 
Beverly  College  had  8d.  per  day  for  carrying  St.  John's  ban- 
ner, and  Id.  per  day  to  carry  it  back. 


for  troops  to  assist  them  in  the  defence  of  their 
independence,  were  answered  by  supplies  of  grain 
and  wine,  which,  being  a  boon,  were  sold  out  to 
the  people  at  half  their  current  value. 

This  procedure  would  no  doubt  ensure  him  the 
;ood  opinion  of  that  class  of  his  countrymen,  who 
ould  not  see  the  high  price,  which,  in  a  national 
point  of  view,  was  paid  for  the  comforts  thus  pro- 
cured them.  The  more  thinking  party  however, 
saw  through  the  policy  of  France,  in  thus  attempt- 
ing to  cajole  the  S^ots  with  a  few  cargoes  of  wine, 
instead  of  fulfilling  the  >erms  of  the  treaty,  offen- 
sive and  defensive,  tiN^t  existed  between  them. 
From  the  dissatisfaction  ^vruch  this  conduct,  on  the 
part  of  their  allies,  occasioned  among  the  Scottish 
nobility,  it  was  determined  to  send  commissioners 
to  France,  to  demand  that  ass:' stance  which  they 
were  bound  to  afford  ;  and,  if  unsuccessful,  they 
were  instructed  to  proceed  to  Rome,  and  lay  their 
grievances  at  the  feet  of  the  Apostolic  Father,  and 
to  solicit  his  interference  to  restrain  the  English 
monarch  from  renewing  his  aggressions  upon  their 
country. 


CHAPTER  XVII. 

EDWARD  AGAIN  INVADES  SCOTLAND — SIEGE  OF  CAR- 
LAVEROCK — MISCELLANEOUS  OCCURRENCES  DURING 
THE  SIEGE. 

THE  accounts  which  Edward  was  daily  receiving 
of  the  progress  of  the  Scots,  determined  him  to 
renew  hostilities,  as  soon  as  circumstances  would 
permit.  Having  regained  the  good  will  of  his 
barons,  by  a  gracious  compliance  with  their  de- 
mands, by  writs  tested,  on  29th  December  1299,  he 
summoned  all  who  owed  him  military  service  in 
England  and  elsewhere,  to  attend  at  Carlisle  on  the 
feast  of  the  nativity  of  John  the  Baptist. 

1300  "  On  the  day  appointed,"  (1st  July,)  says 
an  eye-witness  *,  "  the  whole  host  was  ready,  and 
the  good  King,  with  his  household,  then  set  forward 
against  the  Scots,  not  in  coats  and  surcoats,  but  on 
powerful  and  costly  chargers,  and,  that  they  might 
not  be  taken  by  surprise,  well  and  securely  armed. 

"  There  were  many  rich  caparisons  embroidered 
on  silks  and  satins  ;  many  a  beautiful  pennon  fixed 
to  a  lance  ;  and  many  a  banner  displayed. 

"  And  afar  off  was  the  noise  heard  of  the  neigh- 
ing of  horses  ;  mountains  and  valleys  were  every 
where  covered  with  sumpter-horses  and  waggons 
with  provisions,  and  sacks  of  tents  and  pavilions. 

"  And  the  days  were  long  and  fine.  They  pro- 
ceeded by  easy  journeys,  arranged  in  four  squa- 
drons." 

The  first  squadron  was  led  by  Henry  de  Lacy, 
Earl  of  Lincoln  *!". 

The  second  was  under  John,  Earl  of  Warren 
and  Surrey. 

*  Walter  of  Exeter,  an  historical  bard,  who  accompanied 
the  expedition,  and  of  whose  interesting  work  on  the  siege 
of  Carlaverock  Castle,  written  in  old  Norman  French,  an 
admirable  translation  has  been  given  to  the  public,  with 
notes  and  valuable  biographical  sketches,  by  Nicholas  Har- 
ris Nicolas,  Esq.,  a  name  highly  appreciated  by  all  who 
have  any  taste  for  the  pleasures  arising  from  antiquarian 
research. 

t  See  Appendix,  Q. 


70 


LIFE  OF  SIR  WILLIAM  WALLACE. 


[CHAP.  xvii. 


King  Edward  conducted  the  third  squadron  him- 
self, and,  says  the  fore-mentioned  author,  "  brought 
up  the  rear  so  closely  and  ahly,  that  none  of  the 
others  were  left  behind.  In  his  banner  were  three 
leopards  courant  of  fine  gold,  set  on  red  ;  fierce, 
haughty,  and  cruel ;  thus  placed,  to  signify,  that, 
like  them,  the  King  is  dreadful,  fierce,  and  proud 
to  his  enemies,  for  his  bite  is  slight  to  none  who 
inflame  his  anger  ;  not  but  his  kindness  is  soon 
rekindled  towards  such  as  seek  his  friendship  or 
submit  to  his  power."  This  part  of  his  character, 
the  Scots  would  not  call  i11  question. 

The  fourth  squadron  ^s'  led  by  "  Prince  Ed- 
ward, a  youth  of  sev^feen  years,  and  bearing 
arms  for  the  first  time.  He  was  a  well-propor- 
tioned and  handsome  person,  of  a  courteous  dispo- 
sition, and  intelligent ;  and  desirous  of  finding  an 
occasion  to  display  his  prowess.  He  managed  his 
steed  wonderfully  well,  and  bore1  with  a  blue  label 
the  arms  of  the  good  King  his  father."  John  de 
St.  John,  an  experienced  warrior,  was  in  close 
attendance  upon  the  Prince,  ready  to  instruct  him 
in  what  his  duty  required. 

Eighty-seven  of  the  most  illustrious  vassals  of 
the  CroVn  of  England,  with  their  retainers,  were 
in  this  array,  including  knights  of  Bretagne,  Lor- 
raine, and  renegades  of  Scotland,  among  whom  we 
find  Alexander  de  Baliol,  brother  to  the  King  of 
Scots,  Patrick,  Earl  of  Dunbar,  and  his  son,  Sir 
Simon  Frazer,  Henry  de  Graham,  and  Richard 
Siward.  This  formidable  and  splendid  assemblage 
of  feudal  power,  which  completely  filled  the  road 
from  Newcastle,  halted  about  nine  miles  south  of 
Dumfries,  for  the  purpose  of  besieging  the  Castle 
of  Carlaverock,  a  stronghold  belonging  to  Herbert 
Maxwell,  chief  of  a  powerful  border  clan  of  that 
name,  and  who  had  refused  to  surrender  to  a  sum- 
mons which  Edward  had  sent  forward.  The  siege 
of  this  place  has  been  passed  over,  or  very  slightly 
noticed,  by  the  historians  of  both  countries.  Lang- 
toft  merely  says — 

"  A  pouere  hamlete  toke, 
The  Castelle  Karelauerok,"— 

passing  over,  in  this  brief  manner,  a  siege  which 
not  only  engaged  the  attention  of  the  King,  but 
also  interrupted  the  progress  of  his  whole  army. 

The  account  which  is  given  by  Walter  of  Exeter, 
is  not  only  valuable  from  its  being  the  only  well- 
authenticated  description  extant,  by  an  eye-witness 
of  the  leaguer  of  any  of  the  Scottish  fastnesses 
during  this  period,  but  also  from  its  being  ex- 
tremely interesting,  by  the  minuteness  of  its  de- 
tails, and  the  graphic  manner  in  which  the  author 
has  pourtrayed  the  appearance  and  demeanour  of 
the  combatants.  It  would  be  doing  the  reader 
injustice  to  present  it  to  him  otherwise  than  in  the 
nervous,  elegant,  and  appropriate  language  of  the 
accomplished  translator. 

"  Carlaverock  was  so  strong  a  castle,  that  it  did 
not  fear  a  siege,  therefore  the  King  came  himself, 
because  it  would  not  consent  to  surrender.  But 
it  was  always  furnished  for  its  defence,  whenever 
it  was  required,  with  men,  engines,  and  provisions. 
Its  shape  was  like  that  of  a  shield  ;  for  it  had  only 
three  sides  all  round,  with  a  tower  in  each  angle  ; 
but  one  of  them  was  a  double  one,  so  high,  so  long, 
and  so  large,  that  under  it  was  the  gate,  with  a 
draw-bridge,  well  made  and  strong,  and  a  suffi- 


ciency of  other  defences.  It  had  good  walls,  and 
good  ditches  filled  to  the  edge  with  water  ;  and  I 
believe  there  never  was  seen  a  castle  more  beauti- 
fully situated  ;  for  at  once  could  be  seen  the  Irish 
sea  towards  the  west,  and  to  the  north  a  fine 
country,  surrounded  by  an  arm  of  the  sea,  so  that 
no  creature  born  could  approach  it  on  two  sides, 
without  putting  himself  in  danger  of  the  sea. 

"Towards  the  south  it  was  not  easy,  because 
there  were  numerous  dangerous  denies  of  wood, 
and  marshes,  and  ditches,  where  the  sea  is  on  each 
side  of  it,  and  where  the  river  reaches  it  ;  and 
therefore  it  was  necessary  for  the  host  to  approach 
it  towards  the  east,  where  the  hill  slopes. 

"  And  in  that  place  by  the  King's  commands, 
his  battalions  were  formed  into  three,  as  they  were 
to  be  quartered  ;  then  were  the  banners  arranged, 
when  one  might  observe  many  a  warrior  exercising 
his  horse  :  and  there  appeared  three  thousand 
brave  men  at  arms  ;  then  might  be  seen  gold  and 
silver,  and  the  noblest  and  best  of  all  rich  colours, 
so  as  entirely  to  illuminate  the  valley ;  conse- 
quently, those  of  the  castle,  on  seeing  us  arrive, 
might,  as  I  well  believe,  deem  that  they  were  in 
greater  peril  than  they  could  ever  before  remem- 
ber. And  as  soon  as  we  were  thus  drawn  up,  we 
were  quartered  by  the  Marshall,  and  then  might 
be  seen  houses  built  without  carpenters  or  masons, 
of  many  different  fashions,  and  many  a  cord 
stretched,  with  white  and  coloured  cloth,  with  many 
pins,  driven  into  the  ground,  many  a  large  tree  cut 
down  to  make  huts  ;  and  leaves,  herbs,  and  flowers 
gathered  in  the  woods,  which  were  strewed  within  ; 
and  then  our  people  took  up  their  quarters. 

"  Soon  afterwards,  it  fortunately  happened,  that 
the  navy  arrived  with  the  engines  and  provisions ;  * 

*  For  the  sake  of  illustration,  we  submit  the  following 
items,  taken  from  the  wardrobe  account  of  Edward  I.  for 
the  year  1300,  being  part  of  the  expenses  incurred  in  the 
siege  of  Carlaverock  : — 
Extract  from  Wardrobe  Account,  Edward  I.,  1299-1300. 

Account  of  Ade  de  Glasham,  Carpenter,  (p.  267.) 
For  hire  of  7  carriages,  for  conveying  a  certain 
engine,  belonging  ;to  the  Castle  of  Lochmaben, 
from  thence  to  the  Castle  of  Carlaverock,  for 
the  use  of  the  King's  army,  employed  in  the 
siege  of  that  castle,  viz. 

5  carriages  for  7  days,    from\    fc  ^    & 

2sHaEsfor4days'from)  «"5£ £-1 1  e 

4  days  of  a  smith  and  his  assistant,  employed 
in  the  Castle  of  Lochmaben  repairing  said 
engine,  at  6d.  a  day — wages  of  assist- 
ant, 4d 034 

Coals  furnished  for  said  repairs  .        010 

Hire  of  one  artilleryman  for  one  day, 
making  a  band  or  strap  for  said  engine 
at  Carlaverock          .        .  .        004 

.      048 

Paid  for  delivering  said  engine  at  Skynburness, 
and  putting  it  on  board  a  vessel  for  Loch- 
maben 040 


Paid  at  Dumfries,  2d  Nov.    £.110    2 


Account  of  Stephen  Banyng,  Shipmaster,  (p.  272.) 
For  freight  of  a  certain  engine,  from  Skynburness 
to  Carlaverock— master's  wages  for  2  days,  from 
July  10,  at  6d.  a  day— 10  seamen  at  3d.  a  day     £.060 


CHAP.  XVII.] 


SIEGE  OF  CARLAVEROCK. 


and  then  the  footmen  began  to  march  against  the 
castle  ;  then  might  be  seen  stones,  arrows,  and 
quarreaux,  to  fly  among  them  ;  but  so  effectually 
did  those  within  exchange  their  tokens  with  those 
without,  that  in  one  short  hour  there  were  many 
persons  wounded  and  maimed,  and  I  know  not  how 
many  killed. 

"  When  the  men-at-arms  saw  that  the  footmen 
had  sustained  such  losses  who  had  begun  the 
attack,  many  ran  there,  many  leaped  here,  and 
many  used  such  haste  to  go,  that  they  did  not  deign 
to  speak  to  any  one.  Then  might  there  be  seen 
such  kind  of  stones  thrown  as  if  they  would  beat 
hats  and  helmets  to  powder,  and  break  shields  and 
targets  in  pieces  ;  for  to  kill  and  wound  was  the 
game  at  which  they  played.  Great  shouts  arose 
among  them,  when  they  perceived  that  any  mis- 
chief occurred. 

"  There,  first  of  all,  I  saw  the  good  Baron  Ber- 
tram de  Montbouchier,  on  whose  shining  silver 
shield  were  three  red  pitchers,  with  besants,  in  a 
black  border. 

"  With  him  Gerard  de  Gondronville,  an  active 
and  handsome  bachelor.  He  had  a  shield  neither 
more  nor  less  than  vaire.  These  were  not  resting 
idle,  for  they  threw  up  many  a  stone,  and  suffered 
many  a  heavy  blow. 

"  The  first  body  was  composed  of  Bretons,  and 
the  second  were  of  Lorrain,  of  which  none  found 
the  other  tardy  ;  so  that  they  afforded  encourage- 
ment and  emulation  to  others  to  resemble  them. 
Then  came  to  assail  the  castle,  Fitz-Marmaduke, 
with  a  banner  and  a  great  and  full  troop  of  good 
and  select  bachelors. 

"  Robert  de  Willoughby  I  saw  bore  gold  fretty 
azure. 


Account  of  Richard  de  Geyton,  Master  of  the  Nicholas  de 
Geyton,  (p.  273.) 

For  freight  of  20  bullocks  (carcos'  bourn)  to  Car- 
laverock,  for  the  use  of  the  garrison  of  Dum- 
fries Castle — wages  of  self  and  5  seamen  for 
8  days,  at  the  above  rate  .  .  .  .  £.  0  14  0 

Pilotage  between  Kirkcudbright  and  Carlaverock, 

for  that  time  ...  020 


Account  of  William  Boterel,  Master  of  the  Grace  of  God  of 
Ross,  (p.  274.) 

For  freight  of  5  tuns  of  wine  (dolia)  from  Kirk- 
cudbright to  Carlaverock — wages  of  self  and  7 
seamen  for  10  days,  from  19th  to  29th  August, 
as  above 126 

IN.B. — The  engagement  with  30  vessels, 
during  this  expedition  to  Scotland,  appears 
to  have  been  at  the  rate  of  6d.  a  day  for  the 
master,  and  3d.  for  the  seamen,  from 
23d  July  till  26th  September,  1300.— Ad- 
miral of  the  fleet,  2s.  a  day. — Captains  of 
ships,  from  the  ports  of  Sandwich  and 
Dover,  Is. — Chaplain  of  the  fleet,  to  con- 
fess sailors,  6d.  a  day,  p.  275-8.] 

Paid  Robert  de  Wodehons,  viz.  (p.  259.) 
Paid  Peter  de  Preston  and  his  9  companions, 
mounted  on  horses,  with  full  harness,  and 
charges  of  660  bowmen,  from  Lancashire  to 
Carlisle,  and  from  Carlisle  to  Carlaverock,  to 
join  the  king  on  8th  July,  2  days — horsemen 
at  Is.— bowmen  2d.  a  day  .  .  .  .  £.  12  11  0 


"Robert  de  Hamsart  I  saw  arrive,  fully  pre- 
pared, with  five  followers,  holding  a  red  shield  by 
the  straps,  containing  three  silver  stars. 

"  Henry  de  Graham  had  his  arms  red  as  blood, 
with  a  white  saltire  and  chief,  on  which  he  had 
three  red  escalop  shells. 

"  Thomas  de  Richmont,  who  a  second  time  col- 
lected some,  lances,  had  red  armour,  with  a  chief 
and  two  gemells  of  gold.  These  did  not  act  like 
discreet  people,  nor  as  persons  enlightened  by 
understanding  ;  but  as  if  they  had  been  inflamed 
and  blinded  with  p  ~ide  and  despair,  for  they  made 
their  way  right  for\v  >rds  to  the  very  brink  of  the 
ditch. 

"  And  those  of  Richmont  passed  at  this  moment 
quite  to  the  bridge,  and  demanded  entry  ;  they 
were  answered  with  ponderous  stones  and  cornues. 
Willoughby  in  his  advances  received  a  stone  on 
the  middle  of  his  breast,  which  ought  to  have 
been  protected  by  his  shield,  if  he  had  deigned  to 
use  it. 

"  Fitz-Marmaduke  had  undertaken  to  endure  as 
much  in  that  affair  as  the  others  could  bear,  for  he 
was  like  a  post  ;  but  his  banner  received  many 
stains,  and  many  a  rent  difficult  to  mend. 

"  Hamsart  bore  himself  so  nobly,  that  from  his 
shield  fragments  might  often  be  seen  to  fly  in  the 
air;  for  he,  and  those  of  Richmont,  drove  the 
stones  upwards,  as  if  it  were  rotten,  whilst  tho^e 
within  defended  themselves  by  loading  their  lieadV 
and  necks  with  the  weight  of  heavy  blows. 

"  Those  led  by  Graham  did  not  escape,  for  there 
were  not  above  two  who  returned  unhurt,  or 
brought  back  their  shields  entire. 

"  Then  you  might  hear  the  tumult  begin.  With 
them  were  intermixed  a  great  body  of  the  King's 
followers,  all  of  whose  names,  if  I  were  to  repeat, 
and  recount  their  brave  actions,  the  labour  would 
be  too  heavy,  so  many  were  there,  and  so  well  did 
they  behave.  Nor  would  this  suffice,  without  those 
of  the  retinue  of  the  King's  son,  great  numbers  of 
whom  came  there  in  noble  array  ;  for  many  a 
shield,  newly  painted,  and  splendidly  adorned, 
many  a  helmet,  and  many  a  burnished  hat,  many 
a  rich  gambezon,  garnished  with  silk,  tow  and 
cotton,  were  there  to  be  seen,  of  divers  forms  and 
fashions. 

"  There  I  saw  Ralph  de  Gorges,  a  newly  dubbed 
knight,  fall  more  than  once  to  the  ground  from 
stones  and  the  crowd,  for  he  was  of  so  haughty  a 
spirit  that  he  would  not  deign  to  retire.  He  had 
all  his  harness  and  attire  mascally  of  gold  azure. 

"  Those  who  were  on  the  wall,  Robert  de  Tony 
severely  harassed  ;  for  he  had  in  his  company  the 
good  Richard  de  Rokeley,  who  so  well  plied  those 
within,  that  he  frequently  obliged  them  to  retreat. 
He^  had  his  shield  painted  mascally  of  red  and 
ermine. 

"  Adam  de  la  Forde  mined  the  walls  as  well  as 
he  could,  for  the  stones  flew  in  and  out  as  thick 
as  rain,  by  which  many  were  disabled.  He  bore, 
in  clear  blue,  three  gold  lioncels  rampant  crowned. 

"The  good  Baron  of  Wigtown  received  such 
blows,  that  it  was  the  astonishment  of  all  that  he 
was  not  stunned  ;  for,  without  excepting  any  lord 
present,  none  showed  a  more  resolute  or  unem- 
barrassed countenance.  He  bore,  within  a  bordure 
indented,  three  gold  stars  on  sable. 

"  Many  a  heavy  and  crushing  stone  did  he  of 
Kirkbride  receive,  but  he  placed  before  him  a 


72 


LIFE  OF  SIR  WILLIAM  WALLACE. 


[CHAP.  xvin. 


white  shield  with  a  green  cross  engrailed.  So 
stoutly  was  the  gate  of  the  castle  assailed  by  him, 
that  never  did  smith  with  his  hammer  strike  his 
iron  as  he  and  his  did  there.  Notwithstanding 
there  were  showered  upon  them  such  huge  stones, 
quarrels,  and  arrows,  that  with  wounds  and  bruises 
they  were  so  hurt  and  exhausted,  that  it  was  with 
great  difficulty  they  were  able  to  retire. 

"  But  as  soon  as  they  had  retreated,  he  of 
Clifford,  being  advised  of  it,  fmd  lik£  one  who  had 
no  intention  that  those  within  should  have  repose, 
sent  his  banner  there,  and  as  juany  as  could  pro- 
perly escort  it,  with  Bartholomew  de  Badlesmere, 
and  John  de  Cromwell,  as  chose  who  could  best 
perform  his  wishes ;  for  wnilst  their  breath  lasted, 
none  of  them  neglected  to  stoop  and  pick  up  the 
stones  to  throw  them,  and  to  attack. 

"  But  the  people  of  the  castle  would  not  permit 
them  to  remain  there  long.  Badlesmere,  who  all 
that  day  behaved  himself  well  and  bravely,  bore 
on  white,  with  a  blue  label  a  red  fess  between  two 
gemelles.  Cromwell,  the  brave  and  handsome,  who 
went  gliding  ^between  the  stones,  bore  on  blue,  a 
white  lioix  rampant,  double-tailed,  and  crowned 
with  gold  ;  but  think  not  that  he  brought  it  away, 
or  thaj/it  was  not  bruised,  so  much  was  it  battered 
and  defaced  by  stones  before  he  retreated. 

"/After  these  two,  La  Warde  and  John  de  Gray 
returned  there,  and  renewed  the  attack.  Those 
xwithin,  who  were  fully  expecting  it,  bent  their 
bows  and  cross-bows,  and  prepared  their  esprin- 
galls,  and  kept  themselves  quite  ready  both  to 
throw  and  to  hurl. 

"  Then  the  followers  of  my  Lord  of  Brittany 
recommenced  the  assault,  fierce  and  daring  as  lions 
of  the  mountains,  and  every  day  improving  in  both 
the  practice  and  use  of  arms.  Their  party  soon 
covered  the  entrance  of  the  castle,  for  none  could 
have  attacked  it  more  furiously  ;  not,  however,  that 
it  was  so  subdued,  that  those  who  came  after  them 
would  not  have  a  share  in  their  labours ;  but  they 
left  more  than  enough  for  them  also. 

"  After  these,  the  people  of  my  Lord  of  Hastings 
assembled  there,  where  I  saw  John  de  Cretin  ques 
in  danger  of  losing  a  horse.  When  upon  it,  one 
came  beneath  pricking  it  with  an  arrow  ;  but  he 
did  not  seem  to  be  dissembling,  he  used  such  haste 
to  strike  him.  On  his  white  shield  he  caused  to  be 
depicted  a  red  chevron,  with  three  mullets. 

"  He  who  bore  a  dancette  and  billets  of  gold  on 
blue,  John  Deincourt  by  name,  rushed  on  to  the 
assault,  and  there  extremely  well  performed  his 
duty. 

"  It  was  also  a  fine  sight  to  see  the  good  brothers 
of  Berkeley  receiving  numerous  blows ;  and  the 
brothers  Basset  likewise,  of  whom  the  eldest  bore 
thus, — ermine,  a  red  chief  indented,  charged  with 
three  gold  mullets  ;  the  other,  with  three  shells  ; 
found  the  passages  straitened.  Those  within  cbn- 
tinually  relieved  one  another  ;  for  always,  as  cine 
became  fatigued,  another  returned  fresh  and  stout ; 
and,  notwithstanding  such  assaults  were  made  upon 
them,  they  would  not  surrender,  but  so  defended 
themselves,  that  they  resisted  those  who  attacked, 
all  that  day  and  night,  and  the  next  day  until 
tierce.  But  their  courage  was  considerably  de- 
pressed during  the  attack,  ,by  the  brother  Robert, 
who  sent  numerous  stones  from  the  robinet,  with- 
out cessation,  from  the  dawn  of  the  preceding  day 
until  the  evening.  Moreover,  on  the  other  side,  he 


was  erecting  three  other  engines,  very  large,  of 
great  power,  and  very  destructive,  which  cut  down 
and  cleave  whatever  they  strike.  Fortified  town, 
citadel,  nor  barrier — nothing  is  protected  from 
their  strokes.  Yet  those  within  did  not  flinch, 
until  some  of  them  were  slain  ;  but  then  each  be- 
gan to  repent  of  his  obstinacy,  and  to  be  dismayed. 
The  pieces  fell  in  such  manner,  wherever  the  stones 
entered,  that  when  they  struck  either  of  them, 
neither  iron  cap  nor  wooden  target  could  save  him 
from  a  wound. 

"  And  when  they  saw  that  they  could  not  hold 
out  any  longer,  or  endure  more,  the  companions 
begged  for  peace,  and  put  out  a  pennon  ;  but  he 
that  displayed  it  was  shot  with  an  arrow,  by  some 
archer,  through  the  hand  into  the  face  ;  then  he 
begged  that  they  would  do  no  more  to  him,  for 
they  will  give  up  the  castle  to  the  King,  and  throw 
themselves  upon  his  mercy.  And  the  marshal  and 
constable,  who  almost  remained  on  the  spot,  at  that 
notice  forbad  the  assault,  and  these  surrendered 
the  castle  to  them." 

The  besieged,  who  had  thus  retarded  the  pro- 
gress of  this  mighty  host,  were  now  passed  in  re- 
view before  Edward,  and,  including  all  ranks,  were 
found  to  amount  to  "  sixty  men,"  "  who  were,"  says 
our  author,  "  beheld  with  much  astonishment." — 
"  They  were  all  kept  and  guarded,  till  the  King 
commanded  that  life  and  limb  should  be  given 
them,  and  ordered  to  each  of  them  a  new  gar- 
ment :"  "  But  this  account  of  the  treatment  of  the 
prisoners,"  says  Mr.  Nicolas,  "  differs  entirely 
from  that  in  the  Chronicle  of  Lanercost,  where  it 
is  said  that  many  of  them  were  hung." 

The  banner  of  Edward  now  waved  on  the  bat- 
tlement of  Carlaverock  Castle,  along  with  those  of 
St.  Edmond,  St.  George,  St.  Edward,  Sir  John 
Segrave,  the  Earl  of  Hereford,  and  that  of  Lord 
Clifford,  to  whom  Edward  had  given  it  in  charge. 
The  army  then  proceeded  on  their  march  *. 


CHAPTER  XVIII. 


WINCHELSEA,  ARCHBISHOP  OF  CANTERBURY,  READS  A 
BULL  FROM  THE  POPE,  IN  THE  ENGLISH  CAMP 
BEFORE  CARLAVEROCK — EDWARD'S  ANSWER — EARL 
WARREN  ADVANCES  TO  IRVINE --CRUELTY  OF  THE 
ENGLISH  AT  LESMAHAGO — EDWARD  AGREES  TO  A 

TRUCE WALLACE      VISITS     FRANCE — CAPTURES     A 

FRENCH    PIRATE — NOTICES   OF    LONGUEVILLE. 

WHILE  the  English  army  were  encamped  before 
Carlaverock,  Winchelsea,  Archbishop  of  Canter- 
bury, arrived  with  a  bull,  directed  to  Edward, 
from  the  Pope. 

The  application  which,  as  has  already  been 
stated,  the  Scottish  commissioners  were  instructed 
to  make  to  King  Philip  for  the  stipulated  assist- 
ance having  at  first  been  evaded,  and  afterwards 
finally  refused — the  embarrassing  situation  of  his 
own  affairs  affording  him  a  plausible  pretext  for 
withholding  the  aid  necessary  for  the  relief  of  his 
allies — the  Scots,  according  to  their  instructions, 
proceeded  to  lay  their  complaints  before  the  Court 
of  Rome.  Boniface  listened  with  complacency  to 

*  See  Appendix,  R. 


CHAP.  XVIII.] 


EDWARD'S  REPLY  TO  THE  PAPAL  BULL. 


73 


their  grievances,  and  readily  undertook  to  interpose 
his  authority  in  their  behalf.  For  this  purpose,  he 
addressed  to  Edward  a  letter  of  admonition,  ex- 
horting him  to  desist  from  any  further  attempts  to 
subvert  the  liberties  of  a  kingdom  over  which  he 
had  no  lawful  claim.  The  groundless  nature  of 
the  pretensions  he  had  set  up,  the  Pontiff  pro- 
ceeded, at  considerable  length,  to  explain — being, 
no  doubt,  enabled  to  do  so,  from  the  information 
furnished  him  by  the  commissioners.  Among  other 
matters,  he  reminded  him,  that  the  mere  circum- 
stance of  his  having  negociated  with  the  Scots,  for 
the  marriage  of  his  son  with  the  heiress  of  Scot- 
land, must  prove  fatal  to  any  plea  he  might  ad- 
vance in  favour  of  his  being  the  feudal  lord  of  that 
kingdom,  as  he  would  find  no  one  weak  enough  to 
believe  that  he  would  have  submitted  to  negociate, 
when  he  had  a  right  to  command.  "He  also," 
says  a  respectable  historian,  "mentioned  several 
striking  facts  which  fell  within  the  compass  of 
Edward's  own  knowledge,  particularly  that  Alex- 
ander, when  he  did  homage  to  the  King,  openly 
and  expressly  declared  in  his  presence,  that  he 
swore  fealty  not  for  his  crown,  but  for  the  lands  which 
he  held  in  England ;  and  the  Pope's  letter  might 
have  passed  for  a  reasonable  one,  had  he  not  sub- 
joined his  own  claim  to  be  liege  lord  of  Scotland,  a 
claim  which  had  not  once  been  heard  of,  but  which, 
with  a  singular  confidence,  he  asserted  to  be  full 
and  entire,  and  derived  from  the  most  remote  an- 
tiquity." This  letter  Boniface  concluded,  by  ex- 
horting him,  in  his  name,  to  set  at  liberty  all  those 
ecclesiastics  and  others  belonging  to  the  country 
whom  he  had  imprisoned,  and  to  remove  all  officers 
he  had  appointed  to  places  of  trust  in  the  kingdom, 
contrary  to  the  wishes  of  the  people  ;  directing 
him,  if  he  conceived  he  had  still  any  reasons  to 
allege  in  support  of  his  pretensions,  to  send  persons 
properly  authorized  to  Rome,  where  he,  the  Pope, 
would  hear  the  case,  and  within  six  months  give 
an  impartial  decision.  To  these  exhortations  the 
Archbishop  added  his  own,  urging,  among  other 
things,  the  propriety  of  his  yielding  obedience  to 
so  sacred  an  authority,  observing,  that  Jerusalem 
would  not  fail  to  protect  her  citizens,  and  to  che- 
rish, like  Mount  Zion,  those  who  trusted  in  the 
Lord.  At  the  conclusion  of  this  address,  which 
was  made  in  the  presence  of  Prince  Edward  and 
the  assembled  nobles,  the  King  became  furious, 
and  with  a  great  oath  exclaimed,  "  I  will  not  be 
silent  or  at  rest,  either  for  Mount  Zion  or  for  Jeru- 
salem, but,  as  long  as  there  is  breath  in  my  nos- 
trils, I  will  defend  what  all  the  world  knows  to  be 
my  right."  On  calmer  reflection,  however,  he  saw 
the  necessity  of  returning  a  milder  answer  to  the 
admonition  of  his  adviser,  in  which  he  promised  to 
consult  his  parliament,  and  send  messengers  to 
Rome  to  acquaint  his  Spiritual  Father  with  the 
result  of  their  deliberations. 

In  a  parliament  assembled  some  time  after  at 
Lincoln,  the  Pope's  bull  was  submitted  to  the  con- 
sideration of  the  English  Barons  ;  and  in  his  reply, 
Edward  attempted  to  prove  the  superiority  of  Eng- 
land by  historical  facts,  deduced  from  the  period 
of  Brutus  the  Trojan,  who,  he  said,  founded  the 
British  monarchy  in  the  age  of  Eli  and  Samuel. 
He  then  supports  his  position  by  all  the  events 
which  passed  in  the  island  before  the  arrival  of  the 
Romans  :  and,  after  laying  great  stress  on  the 
extensive  dominions  and  the  heroic  victories  of 


King  Arthur,  he  vouchsafes  at  last  to  descend  to 
the  time  of  Edward  the  Elder,  from  which  period 
he  has  chosen  to  begin  his  claim  of  superiority. 
He  asserts  it  as  a  fact  notorious,  and  confirmed  by 
the  r  lords  of  antiquity,  that  the  English  monarchs 
had  o  ^ten  conferred  the  kingdom  of  Scotland  on 
their  c  i  subjects — had  dethroned  those  vassal- 
kings  whei'  unfaithful  to  them,  and  had  substituted 
others  in  t'\eir  stead.  He  displays,  with  great 
pomp,  the  full  and  complete  homage  which  William 
had  done  to  Henry  II. — without  mentioning  the 
formal  abolition  Ox  that  extorted  deed  by  King 
Richard,  and  the  renunciation  of  all  future  claims 
of  the  same  nature.  Ye\  in  this  paper  he  begins 
with  a  solemn  appeal  to  the  Almighty,  the  searcher 
of  hearts,  for  his  own  firm  persuasion  of  the  justice 
of  his  claim  ;  and  no  less  thrn  a  hundred  and  four 
barons,  assembled  in  parliament  at  Lincoln,  con- 
curred in  maintaining  before  the  Pope,  under  their 
'seals,  the  validity  of  the  pretensions.  At  the  same 
time,  they  took  care  to  inform  Boniface,  that  al- 
though they  had  justified  their  causve  before  him, 
they  did  not  acknowledge  him  as  theL*  judge  :  the 
crown  of  England  was  free  and  sovereign  :  they 
had  sworn  to  maintain  all  its  prerogative^  ;  and 
would  never  permit  the  King  himself,  were*  he 
willing,  to  relinquish  its  independence.  <" 

Edward,  on  leaving  Carlaverock,  now  advanced 
into  Galloway,  and  took  several  castles  in  that  pro- 
vince. He  appears  to  have  been  at  Lochroieton^ 
on  the  17th  July,  and  at  Kirkcudbright  on  the 
22d  of  same  month.  On  29th  August  he  returned 
to  Carlaverock.-  He  was  at  Dumfries  on  the  24th 
October,  and  again  at  Carlaverock  on  the  1st 
November  *.  His  own  operations  appear,  on  this 
occasion,  to  have  been  in  a  great  measure  confined 
to  the  south  of  Scotland^.  Detachments  of  his 


*  See  account  of  the  King's  progress,  page  67  of  Remarks 
on  Wardrobe  Account  of  Edward  I. 

t  The  following  items,  which  appear  in  the  above  Account 
for  1300,  as  having  reference  to  this  campaign,  and  to  the 
manner  in  which  Edward  was  employed,  may  be  interesting 
to  some  of  our  readers. 

Donation  to  Henry  de  Cornwall,  wounded  by  the  Scots 
near  Columtach,  in  Galloway.  For  his  return  and  medicines, 
by  the  hands  of  William  de  Toulose,  who  lent  him  the  money, 
one  half  merk  (dimidium  marce). 

To  a  stable-boy,  hurt  by  one  of  the  King's  horses  at  Kirk- 
cudbright, five  shillings. 

Alms  and  Offerings  at  Scottish  Chapels. 

7th  July.— At  the  altar  of  St.  Nicholas,  7s.,  and  St.  Thomas 
the  Archbishop,  7s. — in  the  parisli  church  of  Applegarth. 

10th  July.— At  the  high  altar  of  the  Friars  Minors,  Dum- 
fries, 7s.  and  16th,  7s. 

12th  July.— Do.  of  his  own  chapel  at  Carlaverock,  at 
St.  Thomas,  7s. 

At  the  high  altar,  Kirkcudbright  priory,  and  in  his  chapel 
there,  July  19th,  7s. ;  20th,  7s. ;  22d,  7s.  ;  25th,  7s. ;  27th,  7s. 

29th  August. — At  his  own  chapel  Carlaverock,  7s. 

In  his  own  chapel  at  Dumfries,  October  24th,  for  good 
news  about  the  Scots,  7s. ;  28th,  7s. ;  November  1st,  7s. ; 
and  November  3d.  at  his  own  altar  at  Carlaverock ,  7s. 

14th  Oct. — At  his  own  chapel  (Holm),  for  the  report  he 
heard  of  the  success  of  the  men-at-arms  of  the  Castle  of 
Roxburgh,  7s. 

There  is  also,  in  the  same  year,  an  offering  at  the  high 
altar  of  the  Royal  Chapel  of  Westminster,  for  good  news 
against  the  Scots  ;  and  £5.  10s.  lOd.  for  190  masses  in  honour 
of  different  saints,  by  the  King's  chaplains,  both  in  England 
and  Scotland,  between  November  20th,  1299,  and  Novem- 
ber 19th,  1300. 


LIFE  OF  SIR  WILLIAM  WALLACE. 


TCHAP.  xviu. 


army,  however,  extended  themselves  in  different 
directions  ;  and  various  conflicts  took  place  be- 
tween them  and  the  Scottish  guerilla  parties  under 
Wallace.  A  strong  division  of  the  English  army, 
commanded  by  the  Earl  of  Warren,  advancer1  also 
as  far  as  Irvine,  and  came  in  contact  with  th  :>:  Scot- 
tish forces,  headed  by  the  Regents.  The  ;41d  was 
keenly  contested  for  some  time  ;  but ''the  Scots 
were  at  last  compelled  to  fall  back  Mfore  the  re- 
peated charges  of  their  more  numerous  opponents. 
Another  portion  of  the  Engl^h  army  laid  waste 
Clydesdale  ;  and  after  destroying  Bothwell,  ad- 
vanced to  Lesmahago— to/the  Abbey  church  of 
which,  a  number  of  the  inhabitants  had  fled  for 
safety.  This  sanctuary,  however,  according  to 
tradition,  did  not  avail  .them.  Their  merciless  in- 
vaders set  fire  to  the  afacred  edifice,  and  many  of 
the  Scots  perished  miserably  in  the  flames.  During 
the  perpetration  of/ this  tragic  act,  Wallace,  who 
followed  the  tract/ of  the  destroyers,  was  forced,  it 
is  said,  to  conceal  himself  in  a  cave,  four  miles  dis- 
tant from  the  s*ene  of  barbarity,  carefully  watching, 
by  his  Beppu,  the  motions  of  the  enemy.  This 
cave  stilt/goes  by  his  name,  and  is  pointed  out  by 
the  co/untry  people  as  an  object  of  curiosity  to 
stra:$gers. 

W/hile  this  warfare  was  carrying  on  by  his  de- 
tached squadrons,  Edward  was  concerting  mea- 
sles for  permanently  annexing  to  his  own  domi- 
nions the  district  he  had  overrun.  For  this  purpose, 
he  employed  numerous  bodies  of  his  own  subjects, 
in  repairing  and  fortifying  the  different  places  of 
strength  which  had  surrendered  to  his  arms  ;  and 
the  reluctance  of  the  Scots  to  assist  in  the  subju- 
gation of  their  country,  appears  evident  from  his 
being  compelled  to  bring  labourers,  at  a  consider- 
able expense,  from  the  northern  counties  of  Eng- 
land ». 

A  large  portion  of  the  provisions  required  for 

*  The  curious  reader  may  perhaps  take  some  interest  in 
the  following  notices  of  the  workmen  employed  about  these 
fortresses,  and  the  rate  of  wages  they  received  for  their 
labour.  They  are  taken  from  the  Wardrobe  Account.  The 
authenticity  of  the  document  is  unquestionable. 

Repairs  at  Lochmaben,  October,  1300. 

Octr.  24.  Hire  of  44  ditchers  (fossatores)  from  the 
neighbourhood  of  Lochmaben,  (in- 
cluding one  overseer  at  6  pennies  a 
day)  for  one  day  £0  8  0 

25.     Do.  of  34  do.  (including  one  overseer 

at  6  pennies  a  day)  for  3  days        .          0  19    0 
31.     Do.  of  50  do.  (including  3  overseers  at 

6  pennies  each  per  day)  for  4  days         117    4 

Nov.  2.  Do.  of  one  manager,  at  6  pennies  a  day, 
and  178  ditchers,  including  9  over- 
seers from  the  county  of  Northum- 
berland, for  3  days  .  .  .4150 
Paid  William  of  Lochmaben,  overseer, 
and  25  labourers  from  the  neigh- 
bourhood of  Lochmaben,  for  3  days 
(from  27th  of  Octr.)  .  .  .  0  13  6 

Nov.  2.  Hire  of  76  labourers  from  Cumberland, 
including  4  overseers  as  above,  by 
the  King's  order  (ad  mandatum  Regis) 
for  1  day  .  .  .  .0134 

Do.  of  4  men  inspecting  the  work  of 
said  ditchers,  from  23d  till  30th  Octo- 
ber, 8  days,  at  4  pennies  a  day  each  0  10  8 
Do.  of  7  women  helping  to  clean  the 
ditches  for  one  day  (Oct.  24)  at  1J 
pennies  .  .  .  .  0  0  10£ 


his  troops  he  seems  also  to  have  been  under  the 
necessity  of  bringing  from  Ireland.  Between 
Whitehaven  and  Carlaverock  we  find  William  de 
Torni,  master  of  a  vessel  belonging  to  the  Isle  of 
Man,  employed  in  carrying  flour  for  the  supply  of 
the  army.  In  the  Wardrobe  Account  there  is  also 
an  entry  *,  from  which  it  may  be  inferred,  that  the 
destruction  of  the  mills  formed  part  of  the  system 
which  the  Scots  resorted  to  for  the  annoyance  of 
their  enemies  f. 

As  the  campaign  had  hitherto  been  productive 
of  no  result  adequate  to  the  expense  incurred,  Ed- 
ward now  affected  to  listen  to  the  remonstrances  of 


Do.  for  9  women  (Oct.  27)  3  days  at  l£d.  0 
Do.  for  10  (Oct.  28)     >  _    h 

Do.  for  14  (Oct.  29)     $  as  aU°ve 

Do.  for  25  (Oct.  30)  0 

Extra  gratification  to    said  ditchers, 

being  King's  bounty 
Carriage  of  workmen's  tools  from  Nor- 
thumberland,   through    Carlisle    to 
Dumfries 

Hire  of  2  smiths  from  said  county,  from 
17th  Oct.  till  Nov.  1st,  16  days,  at  4 
pennies  a  day 


3  44 

3  4J 

3  IJ 

1     5  7 

0  10  0 

1  1  4 


£13     4    li 

Amount  paid  to  Henry  Braundeston,  for  Ade  de  St.  Ed- 
munds.— See  page  269  of  Wardrobe  Account. 
Hire  of  2  men  employed  in  Inglewood-forest,  making  char- 
coal for  the  smiths,  4  days,  2s. 

*  Paid  Simon  Kingesman,  master  of  the  Margaret  of 
Kipavene,  for  freight  of  30  quarters  of  wheat  from  Kirk- 
cudbright to  Dublin,  to  be  ground  there,  and  carriage  of  the 
same  to  Ayr,  for  the  use  of  the  King's  army  in  that  place- 
Wages  for  self  and  12  seamen,  from  2  till  15  August,  both 
included,  15  days  .  .  .£290 

To  the  same,  for  pilotage  of  said  vessel  .        068 

£2  15    8 

Paid  Wewmund  Gegge,  of  the  Savoy  of  Tynemouth,  freight 
of  143  quarters  of  wheat,   from   Kirkcudbright  to  White- 
haven,  to  be  ground,  and  carriage  of  the  same  to  Ayr,  for 
the  King's  army  in  that  place— Wages  for  self  and  9  seamen, 
5  till  14  August,  both  included,  10  days        .        .£176 
[N.B.   Wages  of  master  6d.    and  seamen  3d.  per  day, 
during  the  expedition  to  Scotland  in  1300.] 
Average  wages  per  day,  viz. 
Labourers      .     .     .     .    2d.        Carpenters      .     .     .     .    4d. 

Plasterers      ....     3d.        Smiths        4d. 

Miners 3d.        Boys,  or  Apprentices  .    2d. 

Masons 4d. 

Price  of  Oats  per  quarter. 

1300.  Jan.    At  Holderness  .        .        .2s.  2d.    p.  212 
July.   At  Newcastle-upon-Tyne          .     2s.  6d.    p.  113 

Price  of  Wheat  per  quarter. 
1300.  June.  At  Cawode,  near  York  .    4s.          p.  108 

Prices  in  Scotland  in  1285. 

Oats  4d.,  and  Bear  8d.  and  lOd.  per  boll.    Wheat,  16d.  and 
20d.1 

t  From  the  following  entry  in  the  Wardrobe  Account,  it 
would  appear,  that  in  this  expedition  the  English  were  pro- 
vided with  nets  for  fishing  in  the  rivers  and  lakes  of  Scot- 
land. "  Reginaldo  Janetori  pro  2  retk'empt,  per  ipsum  ad 
piscandum  in  repariis  el  stagnis  in  partibus  Scocie  ad  opus 
Regis  per  manus  proprias,  apud  Kirkudbright."  4s.  2d. 
Vide  Wardrobe  Account  for  the  year  1300.  p.  65. 


1  It  has  been  already  stated   (page  2)  that  the  money  of 
both  countries  was  of  equal  value  at  this  time. 


CHAP.  XVIII.] 


HE  VISITS  FRANCE. 


Philip  and  Boniface,  and  agreed  to  a  truce  with  the 
Scots  in  arms  against  him.  The  negociation  took 
place  at  Paris  between  the  English  envoys  and  the 
Scottish  commissioners  at  the  French  court,  and 
was  finally  ratified  by  Edward  at  Dumfries  on  the 
30th  October,  1300,  when  he  expressed  himself 
highly  offended  with  the  English  envoys  for  allow- 
ing BalioFs  name,  as  King  of  Scotland,  to  appear  in 
the  treaty.  This  truce  was  to  last  from  Hallowmas 
to  Whitsunday  *  ;  and  in  consequence  of  it,  all  the 
English  troops  except  those  in  garrison  were  with- 
drawn from  Scotland  and  disbanded.  Edward 
then  summoned  his  parliament  at  Lincoln,  and 
returned  the  answer  to  Boniface  to  which  we  have 
already  alluded. 

1301.  After  the  conclusion  of  the  treaty,  Wal- 
lace is  supposed  to  have  gone  on  a  visit  to  France, 
in  consequence  of  the  repeated  invitations  of  Philip, 
who  was  no  doubt  anxious  to  behold  a  man  whose 
name  had  become  familiar  at  every  court  in 
Europe,  and  whose  exertions  in  his  own  country 
had  so  often,  relieved  himself  from  the  hostile  visits 
of  the  King  of  England. 

On  his  way,  the  vessel  in  which  he  had  embarked 
along  with  a  few  select  friends,  is  said  to  have  been 
attacked  by  a  noted  pirate  of  the  name  of  Longue- 
ville,  at  that  time  the  terror  of  the  seas,  and  the 
Paul  Jones  of  his  day.  After  a  desperate  conflict, 
Wallace  and  his  party  succeeded  in  boarding  the 
enemy  ;  and  Longueville,  being  vanquished  in  a 
personal  combat  with  Wallace,  surrendered  at  dis- 
cretion. The  gallant  manner,  however,  in  which 
he  acted  during  the  fight,  gained  him  the  esteem 
of  our  hero,  who  subsequently  discovered  that  he 
was  a  French  nobleman,  and,  at  one  time,  high  in 
favour  at  court,  but  who  had  fallen  under  the  dis- 
pleasure of  the  King,  in  consequence  of  having 
killed  a  knight  in  the  royal  presence  ;  for  which 
offence  his  estates  were  forfeited,  and  himself 
banished  from  the  kingdom.  Smarting  under  these 
indignities,  he  had  commenced  a  system  of  piracy, 
for  which  he  was  outlawed,  and  every  avenue  to 
the  royal  clemency  shut  against  him.  Wallace,  on 
arriving  at  Paris,  found  himself  so  well  received 
by  the  French  monarch — who  no  doubt  expected 
his  assistance  against  the  English  in  Guienne — that 
he  ventured  to  solicit,  and,  after  some  difficulty, 
obtained  a  pardon  for  Longueville,  who  had  accom- 
panied him  to  Paris  in  disguise. 

Various  stories  are  told  of  the  adventures  of 
Wallace  in  France ;  but  as  the  histories  of  that 
country  are  in  general  silent  regarding  them,  most 
of  our  authors  have  considered  them  fabulous  ;  and 
some  even  carry  their  incredulity  so  far  as  to  doubt 
of  his  ever  having  been  there.  But  as  he  appears 
evidently,  on  one  or  more  occasions,  to  have  with- 
drawn himself  from  Scotland,  and  as  those  writers 
who  doubt  of  his  being  in  France  have  not  ac- 
counted for  the  chasms  that  his  absence  naturally 
makes  in  his  history,  nor  appear  to  have  anything 
to  urge  against  his  visits  to  that  country  but  their 
doubts;  we  cannot  allow  unsupported  misgivings  to 
stand  in  opposition  to  the  recorded  testimony  of 
ancient  writers,  who  ought  to  have  known  more  of 
transactions  near  their  own  days  than  authors  who 
wrote  many  ages  after  them — particularly  as  the 
circumstance  in  question  could  serve  no  political  or 
party  purpose  at  the  time  ;  and  of  course,  could 

*  Wyntown. 


afford  no  temptation  for  mis-statement.  We 
may  also  remark,  that  the  adventure  with  Longue- 
ville is  corroborated  by  traditions  still  existing 
in  the  country,  as  well  as  by  the  fact  of  a  family 
in  Scotland,  not  long  extinct,  having  derived  their 
pedigree  from  that  brave  man  ;  who,  according  to 
the  law  of  arms  in  those  days,  thought  himself 
bound  to  follow  the  fortunes  of  his  conqueror. 
Longueville  is  said  to  have  accompanied  Wallace 
to  Scotland,  where  he  had  lands  assigned  him  ;  and 
the  following  notice  in  the  Statistical  Account  of 
the  parish  of  Kinfauns,  goes  a  considerable  way  to 
establish  the  truth  of  what  is  here  related  : — "  In 
the  castle  of  Kinfauns  is  kept  a  large  old  sword,  pro- 
bably made  about  five  hundred  years  ago,  and  to 
be  used  by  both  hands.  It  is  shaped  like  a  broad- 
sword, and  is  five  feet  nine  inches  long,  two  and 
a  half  inches  broad  at  the  hilt,  and  of  a  proportion- 
ate thickness,  with  a  round  knob  at  the  upper  end, 
near  eight  inches  in  circumference.  This  terrible 
weapon  bears  the  name  of  Charteris's  Sword,  and 
probably  belonged  to  Sir  Thomas  Charteris, 
commonly  called  Thomas  de  Longueville,  once 
proprietor  of  the  estate  of  Kinfauns.  Sir  Tho- 
mas Charteris,  alias  Longueville,  was  a  native 
of  France,  and  of  an  ancient  family  in  that  coun- 
try. If  credit  can  be  given  to  accounts  of  such 
remote  dates,  when  he  was  at  the  court  of  Philip 
le  Bel,  in  the  end  of  the  thirteenth  century,  he  had 
a  dispute  with,  and  killed  a  French  nobleman,  in 
the  King's  presence.  He  escaped,  but  was  refused 
pardon. 

"  Having  for  several  years  infested  the  seas  as  a 
pirate,  known  by  the  name  of  the  Red  Reiver, 
from  the  colour  of  the  flags  he  carried  on  his  ship, 
in  May,  1301  or  1302,  (by  Adamson's  chronology,) 
Sir  William  Wallace,  in  his  way  to  France,  en- 
countered and  took  him  prisoner.  At  Wallace's 
intercession,  the  French  King  conferred  on  him  a 
pardon,  and  the  honour  of  knighthood.  He  accom- 
panied Wallace  on  his  return  to  Scotland,  and  was 
ever  after  his  faithful  friend,  and  aiding  in  his 
exploits.  Upon  that  hero's  being  betrayed  and 
carried  to  England,  Sir  Thomas  Charteris  retired 
to  Lochmaben,  where  he  remained  till  Robert 
Bruce  began  to  assert  his  right  to  the  crown  of 
Scotland.  He  joined  Bruce,  and  was,  if  we  may 
believe  Adamson,  who  refers  to  Barbour  *,  the  first 
who  followed  that  King  into  the  water,  at  the 
taking  of  Perth,  January  8,  1313. 

"  Bruce  rewarded  his  bravery  by  giving  him 

lands  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Perth,  which  appear 

to  be  those  of  Kinfauns,  and  which  continued  in 

the  family  of  Charteris  for  many  years.     It  is  to 

*  "  That  tyme  wes  in  his  cumpany 

A  knycht  off  France,  wycht  and  hardy  ; 

And  quhen  he  in  the  watyr  swa 

Saw  the  king  pass,  and  with  him  ta 

Hys  leddyr  wnabasytly, 

He  saynyt  him  for  the  ferly, 

And  said ;  'A  Lord !  quhatt  sail  we  say 

Off  our  lordis  off  Fraunce,  that  thai 

With  gud  morsellis  fayrcis  thair  pawnchis, 

And  will  bot  ete,  and  drynk,  and  dawnsis ; 

Quhen  sic  a  knycht,  and  sa  worthy 

As  this,  throw  his  chewalry, 

Into  sic  perill  has  him  set, 

To  wyn  a  wrechyt  hamillet ! ; 

With  that  word  to  the  dik  he  ran  ; 

And  our  eftre  the  king  he  wan." 

The  Bruce,  Buke  Sext,  p.  177-8. 


LIFE  OF  SIR  WILLIAM  WALLACE. 


[CHAP.  xix. 


this  ancient  knight,  and  to  the  antique  sword 
above-mentioned,  that  Adamson  refers  in  these 
lines  (Book  VI.)  of  his  '  Muses  Threnodie  : ' 

'  Kinfauns,  which  famous  Longoveil 

Sometime  did  hold ;  whose  auncient  sword  of  steele 
Remaines  unto  this  day,  and  of  that  land 
Is  chiefest  evident.' — p.  158. 

"  About  forty  years  ago,  upon  opening  the  bury- 
ing vault  under  the  aisle  of  the  church  of  Kinfauns, 
erected  by  this  family,  there  was  found  a  head- 
piece, or  kind  of  helmet,  made  of  several  folds  of 
linen,  or  some  strong  stuff,  painted  over  with  broad 
stripes  of  blue  and  white,  which  seems  to  have 
been  part  of  the  fictitious  armour  wherein  the  body 
of  Sir  Thomas  Longueville,  or  Charteris,  had  been 
disposed  *. 

"  Some  persons  of  the  surname  of  Charteris," 
says  the  editor  of  the  Perth  edition  of  Wallace, 
"lairds  of  Kinfauns,  and  of  Cuthilgourdy,  were 
provosts  of  Perth,  and  would  make  a  distinguished 
figure  in  the  heroic  annals  of  Perth,  if  the  old 
writs  of  that  city  were  properly  displayed." 

According  to  the  same  authority  there  were 
families  of  the  name  of  Charteris  in  Scotland,  long 
before  the  time  assigned  to  Thomas  de  Longue- 
ville.  Andrew  de  Charteris,  who  swore  fealty  to 
Edward  in  1296,  is  said  to  have  been  the  ancestor 
of  the  noble  family  of  Wemyss. 


CHAPTER  XIX. 

EDWARD  AGAIN  INVADES  SCOTLAND — SIR  SIMON  FRA- 
ZER  DESERTS  THE  ENGLISH,  AND  JOINS  HIS  COUN- 
TRYMEN— WALLACE  RETURNS  TO  SCOTLAND — BATTLE 
OF  ROSLIN. 

THE  truce  which  circumstances  had  extorted  from 
Edward,  was  no  sooner  expired,  than  the  campaign 
was  opened  by  a  fresh  invasion  of  Scotland.  The 
English  army  again  advanced  as  far  as  Linlithgow, 
where,  fixing  their  head-quarters,  they  commenced 
building  a  fortress  for  the  same  object  as  had  in- 
duced them  to  rear  similar  structures  in  the  south. 
The  treaty  of  peace  had  not  yet  been  concluded 
with  the  King  of  France ;  and  Edward  anxiously 
endeavoured  to  detach  him  from  the  interests  of 
the  Scots.  In  this  he  was  successful ;  for,  by 
giving  up  his  allies,  the  Flemings,  to  the  chastise- 
ment of  Philip,  and  sacrificing  a  lucrative  branch 
of  trade,  in  order  to  gratify  his  enmity  against  the 
Scots,  he  obtained  the  King  of  France's  consent  to 
a  separate  peace,  stipulating  only  for  a  truce  with 
Scotland,  to  endure  till  St.  Andrew's  day,  1302, — 
after  which  period,  Edward  was  left  at  liberty  to 
prosecute  his  views  against  that  country. 

In  the  mean  time,  the  cause  of  independence 
acquired  a  valuable  accession  in  the  person  of 
Sir  Simon  Frazer,  who  at  last — awakened  to  the 

*  This  circumstance  is  thus  corroborated  by  a  note  at- 
tached to  the  Perth  edition  of  Wallace.  The  editor,  it 
would  seem,  had  been  present  on  the  occasion  : 

"  About  thirty  years  ago,  when  the  burying  vault  of  the 
parish  church  of  Kinfauns  happened  to  be  opened,  I  was 
showed  a  helmet  made  of  thick  leather,  or  of  some  such 
stuff,  painted  over  with  broad  stripes  of  blue  and  white, 
which  I  was  told  was  part  of  the  fictitious  armour  in  which 
the  body  of  Thomas  of  Longueville  had  been  deposited. 
Henry  says,  he  was  of  large  stature,  and  the  helmet,  indeed, 
•was  a  very  large  one." — P.  24  of  Notes  in  3rd  volume. 


injuries  of  his  country,  and  a  just  sense  of  his  own 
unnatural  conduct — deserted  the  standard  of  Ed- 
ward, and  enrolled  himself  among  the  asserters  of 
the  liberty  of  Scotland  *.  The  talents  and  bravery 
of  this  leader  more  than  counterbalanced  the  loss 
which  the  patriots  had  sustained  in  the  defection 
of  the  Bishop  of  Glasgow  ;  who,  on  the  7th  Oc- 
tober, 1300,  at  Holmcoltrum,  had  renewed  his 
former  fealty  to  Edward,  swearing  upon  the  con- 
secrated host,  and  upon  the  Groyz  G-neytz^  and 
Black  Rood  of  Scotland  ;  in  consequence,  as  is 
supposed,  of  remonstrance  from  Boniface,  who 
now  thought  proper  to  espouse  the  interest  of 
Edward. 

On  hearing  of  the  situation  of  Scotland,  Wallace 
withdrew  from  the  French  court,  and  returned 
home.  What  services  he  was  enabled  to  render  his 
country  during  his  absence,  do  not  appear  in  any 
of  our  records. 

1302.  After  the  expiry  of  the  truce,  Edward 
sent  John  de  Segrave  with  an  army  of  20,000 
men  into  Scotland,  who,  having  advanced  to  the 
neighbourhood  of  Roslin,  divided  his  troops  into 
three  divisions,  for  the  purpose  of  procuring  forage. 
In  the  mean  time,  John  Cumyn  and  Simon  Frazer, 
having  collected  a  body  of  eight  thousand  Scots, 
suddenly  fell  upon  the  first  division,  which  they 
defeated  with  great  slaughter.  WTiile  engaged  in 
collecting  the  spoil,  the  second  division  came  in 
sight,  on  which  the  Scots,  elated  with  the  success 
they  had  already  obtained,  stood  resolutely  to  their 
arms,  charged,  and,  after  a  desperate  conflict, 
again  drove  their  enemies  from  the  field.  After 
this  double  victory,  the  Scots,  exhausted  with  the 
fatigues  of  the  day,  were  preparing  to  refresh 
themselves,  when  their  scouts  brought  notice  that 
the  third  division  of  their  enemies  was  at  hand. 
Their  leaders  flew  from  rank  to  rank,  beseeching 
them  to  make  one  effort  more  to  preserve  the 
glory  they  had  acquired  ;  and  having  equipped  the 
followers  of  the  camp  in  the  arms  of  their  slain 
enemies,  they  again  commenced  the  bloody  strife, 
with  that  enthusiasm  which  the  remembrance  of 
their  former  victories  inspired.  The  fury  of  the 
Scottish  charge  decided  the  third  battle  :  the  Eng- 
lish were  once  more  thrown  into  confusion,  and 
fled  in  the  greatest  terror,  leaving  behind  them  all 
their  camp-equipage  a  prey  to  the  conquerors. 
The  advantages  resulting  from  this  day's  successes 
were  not  thrown  away  :  the  Scots  every  where 
flocked  to  the  assistance  of  their  countrymen  ;  and 
the  fortresses  which  Edward  possessed  in  the  south 
of  Scotland,  were  quickly  recovered,  and  garri- 
soned by  their  lawful  masters. 

Respecting  the  events  of  this  day  of  triumph 
for  the  Scottish  arms,  the  historians  of  the  two 
countries  are  not  exactly  agreed.  According  to 
Langtoft,  Sir  John  de  Segrave,  with  his  son  and 

*  See  Appendix,  S. 

t  The  Croyz  Gneytz  was  held  in  great  veneration,  in  con- 
sequence of  its  being  supposed  to  contain  part  of  the  wood 
of  the  real  cross.  The  Black  Rood  of  Scotland  was  one  of 
the  national  monuments  carried  off  by  Edward.  Its  sanctity 
was  considered  equal  to  that  of  the  black  stones  of  lona; 
and  an  oath  made  upon  it,  gave  the  same  stability  to  a  con- 
tract. It  was  the  favourite  crucifix  of  Queen  Margaret. 
The  cross  was  of  gold,  about  the  length  of  a  palm — the 
figure  of  ebony,  studded  and  inlaid  with  gold.  A  piece  of  the 
true  cross  was  also  supposed  to  be  enclosed  in  it. 

Aldred,  p.  349,  apud  Twisden.—Hailes,  vol.  i.  p.  41. 


CHAP.  XX.] 


HIS  SECOND  VISIT  TO  THE  FRENCH  COURT. 


77 


brother,  were  surprised  in  their  beds  by  the  Scots, 
who  captured  sixteen  knights,  among  whom  were 
Sir  Thomas  Neville  and  Sir  Ralf  de  Cofferer,  the 
treasurer  of  Edward,  who,  on  interceding  with  Sir 
Simon  Frazer  for  his  life,  was  sternly  reminded  by 
him  of  the  defalcations  he  had  committed  in  his 
office,  by  defrauding  himself  and  others  of  their 
wages.  Having  upbraided  him  with  his  unpriestly 
conduct,  he  struck  off  his  hands,  as  being  polluted 
with  the  wages  of  iniquity,  and  afterwards  severed 
his  head  from  his  body,  by  a  blow  with  his  sword. 


CHAPTER  XX. 

SECOND  VISIT  OF  WALLACE  TO  THE  FRENCH  COURT — 
ENCOUNTERS  AN  ENGLISH  PIRATE — THE  ENGLISH 
AGAIN  ENTER  SCOTLAND — SUBMISSION  OF  THE  NO- 
BLES— WALLACE  RETURNS — CONFLICTS  WITH  THE 
ENGLISH — EDWARD  DESTROYS  AND  CARRIES  OFF 
THE  RECORDS  OF  THE  MONASTERIES — MARCHES 
THROUGH  THE  COUNTRY — WALLACE  FOLLOWS  THE 
INVADERS. 

THERE  is  no  certain  account  of  Wallace  having 
been  present  at  the  battle  of  Roslin  : — if  he  was,  it 
must  have  been  only  in  a  private  capacity,  he  not 
being  mentioned  by  any  author  as  holding  a  com- 
mand on  that  occasion.  According  to  some,  he 
was  absent  from  the  country  at  the  time  ;  but 
this,  however,  seems  to  be  contradicted  by  the 
Scotichronicon,  where  it  is  said,  that,  after  the  bat- 
tle of  Roslin,  he  went  on  board  of  a  merchant  ves- 
sel, and,  with  a  few  companions,  again  sailed  for 
France.  Henry,  whose  strong  partiality  would 
not  have  omitted  so  excellent  an  opportunity  for 
aggrandizing  his  hero,  had  there  been  any  autho- 
rity hi  the  narrative  of  Blair  for  so  doing,  passes 
over  the  circumstance  in  silence.  This  conduct  in 
an  author  so  strongly  biassed  in  favour  of  the  sub- 
ject of  his  biography,  is  not  only  a  proof  of  the 
absence  of  Wallace  from  the  field  of  Roslin,  but  a 
strong  argument  in  favour  of  the  general  accuracy 
of  his  own  details.  The  laurels,  therefore,  that 
were  gathered  at  Roslin,  will  fall  to  be  divided  be- 
tween Sir  Simon  Frazer  and  the  lord  of  Badenoch. 
That  Wallace  returned  a  second  time  to  the 
court  of  France,  is  asserted  in  the  most  positive 
manner  by  the  Minstrel,  and  is  in  part  corroborated 
by  the  Scotichronicon.  The  particular  periods  of 
his  history,  however,  which  those  visits  occupied,  it 
is  rather  difficult  to  ascertain.  That  the  first  oc- 
curred after  the  battle  of  Falkirk  is  without  doubt ; 
and  the  second  immediately  before,  or  soon  after 
the  affair  of  Roslin,  is  almost  equally  certain.  As, 
in  the  first  voyage,  Wallace  is  said  to  have  fallen 
in  with  and  captured  a  French  pirate  ;  in  the  se- 
cond, he  is  represented  as  having  a  similar  ren- 
counter with  an  Englishman  of  the  same  profes- 
sion, who  carried  on  his  depredations  principally 
against  the  Scottish  vessels.  Had  the  Minstrel's 
work  been  one  of  pure  fancy,  this  sameness  of  in- 
cident, we  presume,  would  not  have  occurred  ; — 
for  the  judgment  of  the  poet  would  no  doubt  have 
suggested  the  propriety  of  a  change  of  adventure. 
The  English  pirate,  who  is  called  John  of  Lyn,  is 
first  seen  by  the  Scots,  making  his  way  out  of  the 
Humber,  displaying  a  red  sail,  and  a  flag  at  his 


mast-head  bearing  three  leopards  courant,  the 
well-known  insignia  of  Edward.  The  Scottish  mer- 
chants, who  knew  his  ferocious  disposition,  were 
appalled  at  first  ;  but  encouraged  by  Wallace  and 
his  companions,  they  prepared  themselves  for  ac- 
tion, by  stuffing  sheep-skins  with  wool,  which  ap- 
pears to  have  been  their  cargo  ;  and  thus  making 
a  kind  of  defensive  armour,  to  protect  them  against 
their  better  equipped  assailants.  On  their  re- 
fusing to  surrender,  the  battle  commenced  by  a 
heavy  discharge  from  bows  and  cross-bows  on  the 
part  of  the  English  ;  and  the  Scots,  who  were  not 
so  well  supplied  with  missiles,  kept  themselves  as 
much  as  possible  out  of  the  way  of  the  shot,  till  it 
was  nearly  expended  ; — when,  laying  their  vessel 
alongside  of  the  enemy,  Wallace  and  his  compa- 
nions threw  themselves  on  board  the  pirate,  and 
attacked  the  crew  with  the  greatest  fury.  The 
commander,  seeing  the  desperation  of  the  Scots, 
and  the  havoc  they  were  making  amongst  his  men, 
would  gladly  have  made  off ;  but  the  sword  of  Wal- 
lace was  not  to  be  evaded.  The  two  leaders,  there- 
fore, engaged,  and  after  a  short  rencounter,  John 
of  Lyn  was  cut  down  by  his  opponent,  and  his  men 
submitted  to  the  conqueror.  In  this  conflict  none 
distinguished  themselves  more  than  Longueville, 
and  John  Blair,  the  chaplain  of  Wallace — the  lat- 
ter of  whom,  with  three  successive  arrows,  shot 
three  of  the  enemy,  and  otherwise  conducted  him- 
self with  the  greatest  heroism.  As  it  would  not 
have  been  becoming  in  Blair  to  have  narrated  such 
deeds  of  himself,  we  are  told  by  Henry,  that  the 
account  of  them  was  inserted  in  the  memoir  of 
Wallace  by  Thomas  Gray,  who  acted  as  steersman 
on  the  occasion.  In  this  there  is  consistency,  as 
we  are  elsewhere  informed,  that  Gray  occasionally 
assisted  in  writing  the  achievements  of  the  cham- 
pion of  the  Scots  *. 

On  arriving  "  in  the  Sloice-hawyn,"  says  Henry, 
Wallace  made  a  division  of  the  spoil  among  his 
followers,  and,  presenting  the  merchants  with  the 
ship,  took  his  departure  for  Paris. 

The  reception  he  met  with  from  Philip  is  re- 
ported to  have  been  highly  flattering  ;  and  our  hero 
soon  became  involved  in  a  number  of  adventures, 
all  sufficiently  romantic  ;  but  as  the  French  histo- 

*  In  Dr.  Jamieson's  edition  of  Blind  Harry,  this  circum- 
stance is  thus  printed : — 

"  Bot  maister  Blayr  spak  nothing  offhimsell, 
In  deid  off  armes  quhat  awentur  he  fell. 
Schir  Thomas  Gray  was  than  preyst  to  Wallace, 
Put  in  the  buk  how  than  hapnyt  this  cace 
At  Blayr  was  in,  [and]  mony  worthi  deid, 
Offquhilk  him  selffhad  no  plesance  to  reid." 
B.  x. 


In  the  Perth  edition  of  Wallace,  the  words  in  the  third 
line  stand  thus  : — "/  Thomas  Gray,  yanpreistto  Wallace" 
&c.  On  this  reading,  the  Perth  editor,  with  propriety, 
founds  a  very  strong  argument  in  favour  of  the  existence  of 
Blair's  work,  and  of  the  fidelity  of  Henry's  translation.  The 
difference  in  the  two  editions  appeared  so  very  important, 
as  to  induce  a  friend  of  the  writer  to  refer  to  the  original 
manuscript  in  the  Advocates'  Library,  when  it  was  found 
that  the  rendering  of  the  Perth  editor  was  strictly  conform- 
able to  the  original  text,  "thus  affording,"  as  the  above- 
mentioned  friend  observes,  "a  triumphant  argument  in 
Henry's  favour  ;  for  it  seems  to  represent  him  as  in  the  very 
act  of  versifying  his  '  auctor.' "  What  authority  Dr.  Jamie- 
son  has  for  the  version  he  has  given,  must  remain  with 
himself  to  explain. 


LIFE  OF  SIR  WILLIAM  WALLACE. 


[CHAP.  xx. 


rians  appear,  from  their  silence,  to  have  been  ig- 
norant of  them,  we  must  refer  the  curious  reader 
to  the  pages  of  the  Minstrel.  We  shall  only  re- 
mark, that  it  has  been  asserted  by  various  writers, 
that  the  name  of  Wallace  was  frequently  found  in 
the  songs  of  the  ancient  Troubadours.  This,  how- 
ever, may  have  arisen  as  much  from  the  fame  he 
had  acquired  in  his  own  country,  as  from  any 
chivalrous  exploits  he  had  performed  in  France. 
But  in  whatever  manner  he  was  employed  in  the 
service  of  Philip,  the  proceedings  of  Edward  soon 
recalled  him  to  his  native  land. 

The  mortification  which  the  reverses  at  Roslin 
occasioned  the  King  of  England,  was  greatly  in- 
creased by  the  praises  that  were  every  where  be- 
stowed upon  the  gallantry  of  the  Scots  :  and  the 
noise  which  their  triple  victory  made  at  the  differ- 
ent courts  of  Europe,  excited  a  deeper  and  more 
determined  inveteracy  in  his  mind.  It  is  probable, 
that,  but  for  the  discomfiture  at  Roslin,  the  reso- 
lution which  he  had  so  long  displayed,  of  reducing 
Scotland  to  subjection,  might  have  gradually  given 
way  before  the  reflections  occasioned  by  the  im- 
mense losses  which  he  had  sustained  in  his  various 
expeditions  * ;  and  perhaps  he  would  have  con- 
tented himself  with  retaining  possession  of  that 
part  of  Scotland  which  bounded  his  own  kingdom. 
The  defeat,  however,  of  his  lieutenant,  and  the 
subsequent  proceedings  of  the  victors,  awakened 
afresh  all  the  rancorous  hostility  of  his  ambitious 
and  unprincipled  mind  ;  and  he  resolved,  by  one 
mighty  effort,  to  overwhelm  the  Scots,  and  efface 
their  name  from  the  number  of  the  nations.  In 
order  to  accomplish  this  project,  all  the  ultramarine 
vassals  of  his  crown  were  summoned  to  his  standard. 
In  his  own  kingdom  of  England,  large  levies  of 
men  and  horses  were  raised,  and  the  din  of  pre- 
paration was  heard  from  one  extremity  of  the  land 
to  the  other.  A  powerful  fleet  was  also  equipped, 
to  attend  the  motions  of  the  land  army,  and  prevent 
the  chance  of  scarcity  from  interfering  with  that 
work  of  destruction  he  had  in  contemplation. 

1303.  Wallace  heard  with  sorrow,  of  the  mighty 
preparations  that  were  making  for  the  annihilation 
of  his  country's  independence  j  and  he  resolved 
again  to  join  his  old  associates,  and  brave  along 
with  them  the  fury  of  the  storm  that  was  about  to 
burst  upon  their  heads.  To  his  friends,  who  lis- 
tened with  increasing  apprehension  to  the  progress 
of  the  coining  war,  the  hope  of  his  return  came 
like  a  sunbeam  through  the  tempest  that  was  black- 
ening around  them.  Before,  however,  the  French 
monarch  would  permit  his  departure,  the  countless 
host  of  the  invader  had  crossed  the  Tweed,  and 
spread  its  desolating  squadrons  over  the  adjacent 
country  f  ;  and  those  places  which  manifested  the 

»  See  Appendix,  T. 

t  The  havoc  made,  and  the  oppressions  sustained  by  the 
inhabitants.are  thus  described  by  Barbour,  p.  9,  vol.  i.  of  The 
Bruce. 

"  Fra  Weik  anent  Orkenay, 
To  Mullyrs  nwk  in  Gallaway ; 
And  stuffy  t  all  with  Ingliss  men. 
Schyrreffys  and  bailyheys  maid  he  then ; 
And  alkyn  othir  officeris, 
That  for  to  gowern  land  afferis, 
He  maid  off  Ingliss  nation ; 
That  worthyt  than  sa  rych  fellone, 
And  sa  wykkyt  and  cowatouss, 
And  swa  hawtane  and  dispitouss, 


slightest  disposition  to  defend  their  liberties,  were 
consigned  to  indiscriminate  carnage.  Among  the 
few  which  made  any  resistance,  the  castle  of 
Brechin  appeared  eminently  conspicuous.  Under 
the  command  of  the  governor,  Sir  Thomas  Maule, 
this  garrison  maintained  a  most  heroic  defence,  and 
did  not  give  in  till  the  death  of  their  commander 
obliged  them  to  surrender. 

Wherever  the  army  of  Edward  now  appeared, 
the  chieftains  were  found  anxiously  waiting  to  ten- 
der their  submission,  and  again  repeat  their  oaths 
of  allegiance.  Some  of  the  principal  nobility,  in 
order  to  claim  the  merit  of  an  early  repentance, 
even  met  the  invader  on  the  borders,  and  thus 
procured  more  advantageous  terms  than  they  other- 
wise would  have  obtained.  Among  those  who 
thus  started  for  the  goal  of  slavery,  few  shared 
more  largely  in  the  wages  of  iniquity  than  Sir 
John  Menteith.  Having  met  Sir  Aymer  de  Val- 
lance  at  Annan,  he  found  means  to  acquire  so  much 
of  his  confidence,  as  to  induce  that  favourite  of 
Edward  to  obtain  for  him,  not  only  a  confirmation 
of  the  governorship  of  Dumbarton  castle,  but  also 
an  extension  of  his  authority,  over  the  whole  of  the 
district  of  Lennox. 

While  affairs  were  in  this  situation,  accounts 
were  brought  to  the  English  camp,  that  the  bugle 
of  Wallace  had  been  heard  at  midnight  among  the 
woods  on  the  banks  of  the  Tay  ;  and  a  body  of 
troops,-  under  the  command  of  Sir  John  Butler, 
were  despatched  in  pursuit  of  him.  This  officer, 
two  of  whose  relations  had  already  fallen  by  the 
hand  of  Wallace,  set  forward  with  alacrity  to 
execute  the  service  assigned  to  him.  But,  after 
ranging  the  country  in  all  directions,  he  was 
at  last  obliged  to  return  without  having  once 
seen  the  object  of  whom  he  was  in  search,  al- 
though the  reports  brought  him  by  his  scouts, 
as  well  as  the  evasive  answers  of  the  inhabitants, 
convinced  him  of  the  certainty  of  Wallace  being 
in  the  country. 

In  the  early  part  of  our  narrative,  we  alluded  to 
the  admirable  discipline  which  Wallace  had  intro- 
duced among  his  countrymen,  and  the  facility  with 
which,  by  the  sound  of  his  horn,  he  could  rally 
them  around  him  in  cases  of  emergency.  From 
the  frequency  with  which  these  calls  bad  been 
made,  there  was  scarcely  a  district  in  Scotland 


That  Scottis  men  mycht  do  na  thing 
That  euir  mycht  pleyss  to  thar  liking. 
Thar  wyffis  wuld  thai  oft  forly, 
And  thar  dochtrys  dispitusly : 
And  gyff  ony  of  thaim  thair  at  war  wrath, 
Thai  watyt  hym  wele  with  gret  scaith ; 
For  thai  suld  fynd  some  enchesone 
To  put  hym  to  destructione. 
And  gyff  that  ony  man  thaim  by  . 
Had  ony  thing  that  wes  worthy, 
As  horss,  or  hund,  or  othir  thing, 
That  war  pleasand  to  thar  liking ; 
With  rycht  or  wrang  it  wald  have  thai. 
And  gyff  ony  wald  them  withsay ; 
Thai  suld  swa  do,  that  thai  suld  tyne 
Othir  land  or  lyff,  or  leyff  in  pyne. 
For  thai  dempt  thaim  eftir  thair  will, 
Takand  na  kep  to  rycht  na  skill. 
A !  quhat  thai  dempt  thaim  felonly  ! 
For  gud  knychtis  that  war  worthy, 
For  litill  enchesoune,  or  than  nane, 
Thai  hangyt  be  the  nekbane." 


CHAP.  XX.] 


HIS  RETURN  TO  SCOTLAND. 


where  his  war-note  was  not  understood  and  obeyed 
with  alacrity.  Though  this  was  the  case,  we  do 
not  mean  to  say,  that  all  who  attended  its  summons 
were  animated  by  pure  and  disinterested  patriotism. 
To  the  ears  of  many,  it  probably  sounded  only  as 
an  invitation  to  divide  the  property  of  their  more 
wealthy  enemies  ;  whom — under  so  daring  and 
fortunate  a  leader — they  never  doubted  of  being 
able  to  conquer  ;  and  it  is  likely  that  they  would 
have  obeyed  the  call  with  the  same  promptitude, 
had  it  summoned  them  to  a  foray  against  some 
neighbouring  clan  :  but  the  generosity  with  which 
he  divided  his  own  share  of  the  booty  among  those 
who  had  suffered  most,  or  had  borne  themselves 
with  the  greatest  gallantry  in  the  conflict,  gained 
him  a  complete  ascendancy  over  the  discordant 
materials  of  which  his  little  armies  were  frequently 
composed  ;  and  rendered  him  more  formidable  to 
an  invader,  than  all  the  jarring  aristocracy  put 
together.  It  is  therefore  not  surprising  that  the 
report  of  his  return  should  have  caused  alarm 
among  the  English. 

On  the  night  referred  to,  Wallace  had  landed  in 
Scotland,  accompanied  by  Sir  Thomas  de  Longue- 
ville,  John  Blair,  Thomas  Gray,  and  a  few  other 
friends  who  had  attended  him  in  France  ;  and 
being  near  one  of  his  old  places  of  resort,  he  wished 
to  gain  some  knowledge  of  the  state  of  the  country, 
to  enable  him  to  regulate  his  further  proceedings  ; 
for  this  purpose  he  raised  his  bugle,  and  before  the 
reverberations  had  died  away  among  the  wood- 
lands, a  rustling  was  heard  among  the  underwood, 
and  presently  an  unarmed  Scot  stood  before  him. 
From  this  ready  adherent,  who  had  been  watching 
the  landing  of  the  party,  Wallace  learned  the  si- 
tuation of  the  kingdom,  the  slaughters  committed 
by  Edward,  the  submission  of  the  regency,  and  the 
terror  that  pervaded  the  nobility.  Finding,  from 
the  number  of  the  English  that  were  in  the  neigh- 
bourhood, the  necessity  of  betaking  himself  to  some 
place  of  concealment,  he  and  his  party  were  con- 
ducted by  their  informer  to  a  farm-house  in  a  se- 
cluded part  of  the  country,  occupied  by  a  relation 
•of  Wallace,  of  the  name  of  Crawfurd.  Here  he 
was  joyfully  received,  and  a  hiding-place  artfully 
constructed  in  the  barn,  for  him  and  his  compa- 
nions, where  they  lurked  during  the  search  made 
for  them  by  Butler. 

In  this  retreat  they  might  have  remained,  till 
some  favourable  occurrence  had  enabled  them  to 
appear  more  openly ;  but  it  seems  the  unusual 
quantity  of  provisions  which  Crawfurd  was  obliged 
to  purchase  for  the  maintenance  of  his  guests, 
awakened  the  suspicions  of  the  English  at  Dundee  ; 
and  on  his  return,  having  mentioned  the  examina- 
tion he  was  subjected  to,  Wallace  and  his  party 
thought  it  prudent  to  retire  to  a  neighbouring 
thicket,  and  wait  the  result.  They  had  not  long 
adopted  this  precaution,  before  a  body  of  the 
English  made  their  appearance  ;  and  having  sur- 
rounded the  dwelling  of  Crawfurd,  they  discovered, 
in  the  course  of  search,  the  lair  of  the  fugitives. 

The  wife  of  Crawfurd  having  refused  to  answer 
their  inquiries  regarding  the  route  of  her  visitors, 
they  were  proceeding,  by  violent  measures,  to 
compel  her  to  disclose  the  place  of  their  retreat, 
when  Wallace,  ascertaining  the  danger  to  which 
she  was  exposed,  advanced  from  the  thicket,  and 
sounded  a  bold  defiance  to  the  enemy.  The  situa- 
tion he  had  chosen  was  such  as  could  only  be 


assailed  from  three  narrow  and  rugged  paths. 
These  he  proposed  to  guard,  by  dividing  his  little 
party,  which  consisted  only  of  about  twenty  men, 
into  three  divisions  ; — with  the  smallest  of  these 
he  undertook  to  defend  the  path  that  was  most 
exposed  to  the  enemy's  attacks.  Butler  was  not 
long  in  commencing  the  assault,  which  he  did  by  a 
simultaneous  movement  on  all  those  little  parties 
of  the  Scots.  The  resistance,  however,  which 
he  met  with,  aided  by  the  rugged  nature  of  the 
ascent,  rendered  all  the  ardour  of  his  troops  un- 
availing. As  the  evening  advanced,  he  called 
them  off;  and  having  beat  a  chamade,he  attempted 
to  persuade  Wallace  to  surrender,  by  representing 
the  folly  of  continuing  a  resistance  which  must 
at  last  terminate  in  the  ruin  of  himself  and  his 
friends.  Our  hero  replied,  by  advising  him  to 
stand  to  his  arms  ;  for  in  place  of  surrendering,  he 
intended,  before  morning,  to  become  the  assailant ; 
and  he  gave  him  this  warning,  in  return  for  the 
care  which  he  had  shown  for  himself  and  his  com- 
panions. Irritated  by  this  coolness,  Butler  deter- 
mined to  take  every  precaution  to  prevent  his 
escape  ;  and  for  this  purpose  he  kept  his  men  under 
arms  all  night.  Wallace,  however,  was  as  good 
as  his  word  ;  for  at  daybreak,  under  cover  of  a 
thick  mist,  he  descended  at  the  head  of  his  little 
band,  and,  before  the  enemy  was  aware  of  his 
approach,  toroke  into  that  quarter  where  Butler  had 
his  station.  The  surprise  occasioned  by  his  sudden 
appearance,  threw  the  English  into  confusion, 
which  their  uncertainty  as  to  the  number  of  their 
assailants  greatly  increased ;  and  availing  him- 
self of  the  disorder  into  which  they  were  thrown, 
Wallace  pressed  forward,  and  came  in  contact  \^ith 
Butler,  who,  after  a  slight  resistance,  fell  beneath 
his  arm.  The  Scots  having  forced  their  way 
through  the  enemy,  Wallace  now  discovered  that 
their  faithful  host  Crawfurd  had  been  left  behind. 
Returning,  therefore,  to  the  charge,  he  was  for- 
tunately in  time  to  save  him  from  the  spear  of  an 
English  soldier,  whom  he  slew  ;  and  grasping  his 
wounded  friend  in  one  of  his  arms,  he  carried  him 
off  in  triumph  to  his  companions.  Favoured,  by 
the  denseness  of  the  fog,  the  gallant  little  band 
were  soon  lost  to  their  pursuers.  Though  thus 
relieved  from  their  perilous  situation,  they  are  said 
to  have  suffered  the  greatest  privations  in  the  wild 
and  unfrequented  solitudes  to  which  they  were 
now  obliged  to  retire.  However,  their  indefati- 
gable chief,  always  fertile  in  expedients,  found 
means  to  preserve  them  from  actual  starvation, 
till  Edward  withdrew  his  troops,  for  the  purpose  of 
resuming  his  march  of  subjugation  throughout  the 
kingdom. 

The  time  which  the  English  monarch  spent  in 
the  southern  part  of  Scotland,  it  appears  had  not 
altogether  been  employed  in  the  chastisement  of 
those  who  were  most  active  in  the  late  insurrec- 
tion. With  a  policy  worthy  of  himself,  he  endea- 
voured to  obliterate  the  remembrance  of  national 
independence,  by  ransacking  the  monasteries,  and 
carrying  off,  and  committing  to  the  flames,  all  the 
ancient  records  they  contained  ;  so  that  the  Scots 
in  future  might  have  no  documents  to  produce 
which  could  falsify  his  claims  to  sovereignty  over 
them  *.  In  this  proceeding  he  might  have  been 

*  On  the  charge  which  has  been  made  against  Edward, 
for  destroying  the  records  and  monuments  of  Scotland,  Lord 


80 


LIFE  OF  SIR  WILLIAM  WALLACE. 


[CHAP.  xx. 


partly  influenced,  by  the  discussion  he  had  been 
engaged  in  with  Boniface.    Having,  to  his  spiritual 


Hailes  thus  expresses  himself: — "  While  the  English  were 
at  Scone,  they  carried  cff  some  of  the  charters  belonging  to 
the  abbey,  and  tore  the  seals  from  others.  This  is  the  only 
well-vouched  example  which  I  have  found  of  any  outrage 
on  private  property  committed  by  Edward's  army.  It  is 
mentioned  in  a  charter  of  Robert  I. ;  and  we  may  be  assured 
that  the  outrage  was  not  diminished  in  the  relating."  Had 
this  escaped  from  any  other  pen  than  that  of  a  lawyer,  it 
might  have  been  considered  as  proceeding  from  ignorance ; 
but  being  from  a  Judge  on  the  Bench,  we  are  at  a  loss  what 
term  to  apply  to  it.  The  charter  of  Robert  I.  (Chart.  Scone, 
26.)  was  given  in  order  to  confirm  former  grants,  and  thus 
replace  those  which  either  had  been  carried  off,  or  had  their 
seals  torn  from  them.  To  have  inserted  a  narrative  of  all 
spoliations  of  a  similar  nature,  which  Edward  and  his  army 
had  committed  in  Scotland,  would  have  been  irrelevant; 
and  we  conceive  that  the  expense  of  engrossing  into  a  private 
charter  what  belonged  to  the  annals  of  the  country,  would 
not  have  been  relished  by  the  brethren  of  Scone.  Had  a 
case  of  expenses,  incurred,  in  a  manner  so  uncalled  for, 
come  under  his  Lordship's  review,  we  presume  he  would 
have  sustained  the  objections  of  the  defender.  All  that 
could  appear  with  propriety  in  the  charter,  was  an  account 
of  the  destruction  of  those  prior  grants,  which  rendered  a 
new  charter  necessary ;  and  this  document,  if  it  proves  any 
thing,  proves  the  wanton  and  destructive  malice  of  the 
invaders,  when  they  would  not  permit  even  private  pro- 
perty, the  destruction  of  which  could  be  of  no  service  to 
themselves,  to  escape  their  violence.  It  would  be  of  no 
avail,  where  Lord  Hailes  is  concerned,  to  quote  Scottish 
authorities  in  support  of  the  charge  against  Edward,  as  a 
destroyer  of  public  records ;  we  shall  therefore  give  the  fol- 
lowing extract,  from  the  works  of  a  learned,  intelligent,  and 
candid  Englishman — an  evidence  which,  we  presume,  few 
of  his  Lordship's  admirers  will  object  to  :— "  King  Eugene 
VII.,  about  the  beginning  of  the  eighth  century,  is  said  to 
have  ordered  the  depositing  of  all  records,  and  books  relating 
to  the  history  of  Scotland,  at  Icolm-kill;  where  he  caused 
their  old  library  (much  neglected  and  decayed)  to  be  pulled 
down  and  rebuilt  in  a  very  splendid  manner,  for  this  sole 
use  and  purpose.  How  long  they  continued  there,  and  how 
well  that  excellent  King's  design  was  answered,  I  know 
not ;  but  it  is  now  too  sad  a  truth,  that  most  of  these  vene- 
rable remains  of  antiquity  are  quite  perished ;  and  it  is 
generally  agreed,  that  they  were  destroyed  on  three  remark- 
able occasions.  The  first  of  these  was,  when  our  King 
Edward  the  First,  having  claimed  the  sovereignty  of  Scot- 
land, made  a  most  miserable  havock  of  the  histories  and  laws 
of  that  kingdom;  hoping  that,  in  a  short  time,  nothing 
should  be  found  in  all  that  country,  but  what  carried  an 
English  name  and  face.  To  this  end,  he  forbad,  on  severe 
penalties,  the  keeping  of  any  such  books  or  records ;  and 
proceeded  so  far  as  even  to  abolish  the  very  name  of 
Claudius  Caesar  in  his  famous  round  temple,  which  he 
ordered  to  be  called,  as  it  is  to  this  day,  Arthur's  Hoff, 
pulling  away  the  stone  which  preserved  the  memory  of  that 
great  emperor  and  his  conquests.  That  a  great  deal  of  this 
story  is  true,  appears  from  the  scarcity  of  Scotch  records  in 
our  State-archives  in  England.  Amongst  the  foreign  treaties 
in  the  Exchequer,  there  are  about  70  original  instruments, 
bagged  up,  and  inscribed,  '  Scotia  ante  Unionem :'  And  in 
the  Tower,  about  100  Rolls,  relating  to  the  affairs  of  that 
kingdom,  under  the  title  of  Scotia.  The  former  of  these 
begin  at  the  reign  of  Edward  the  First,  and  end  with  that  of 
Queen  Elizabeth  ;  and  the  latter  commences  as  before,  but 
falls  no  lower  than  the  reign  of  Edward  the  Fourth,  the  rest 
being  to  be  looked  for  in  the  Chapel  of  the  Rolls.  But  these 
are  all  the  produce  of  our  own  country;  and,  instead  of 
enriching  us  with  the  spoils  of  our  neighbours,  seem  rather 
to  prove,  that  King  Edward  had  an  equal  spite  at  the  ancient 
records  of  both  kingdoms — so  little  is  there  of  apology  to  be 
made  for  so  notorious  a  destroyer  of  the  public  registers, 


father,  so  solemnly  asserted  the  justice  of  his  claim, 
it  was  but  natural  that  he  should  wish  to  possess 
or  destroy  every  evidence  which  might  establish 
his  asseverations  ;  and  this  object  being,  as  he  con- 
ceived, so  far  accomplished,  he  proceeded  with  his 
army,  by  slow  marches,  towards  the  North,  exer- 
cising the  same  Gothic  barbarity  as  he  went  along, 
and  demolishing  those  fortresses  which  made  any 
show  of  resistance. 

According  to  Henry,  a  number  of  the  old  asso- 
ciates of  Wallace,  before  his  return  from  France, 
had  fled  for  shelter  to  the  islands  and  other  places 
for  security.  Seton,  Lauder,  and  Lundy  retired  to 
the  Bass.  Malcolm,  Earl  of  Lennox,  and  Sir  Niel 
Campbell,  had  sought  concealment  along  with 
Bishop  Sinclair  in  Bute  *  ;  and  these  last  men- 
tioned worthies,  on  hearing  of  the  arrival  of  Wal- 
lace, despatched  a  messenger  to  find  him  out,  and 
explain  the  difficulties  of  their  situation,  and  their 
readiness  to  join  him  as  soon  as  he  approached 
their  present  places  of  refuge.  They  had  not  to 
wait  long,  before  our  hero  issued  forth  with  his 
little  band,  and  collected  those  who  were  still 
inclined  to  struggle  for  the  liberties  of  Scotland. 
At  the  head  of  such  he  followed  the  invading  army, 
and  appearing  now  in  front,  and  now  in  rear,  made 
frequent  and  impressive  attacks  upon  them  as  they 
struggled  through  the  deep  and  rugged  defiles  of 
the  country.  But  all  his  efforts  could  not  retard 
the  march  of  the  invaders.  They  advanced  to  the 
extremity  of  the  kingdom,  unmolested  by  any  save 
the  hardy  followers  of  our  hero,  who,  however,  as 
they  had  attended  the  motions  of  their  foes  in  their 
laborious  progress  through  the  rough  and  moun- 
tainous regions  of  the  North,  now  waited  their 
return,  and  resumed  the  same  harassing  system  of 
warfare.  Often,  from  an  eminence,  Edward  could 

together  with  the  private  monuments,  evidences,  and  con- 
veyances of  lands !  I  do  not  doubt  but  the  reason  of  such 
barbarity  has  been  justly  enough  assigned,  by  those  who 
represent  him  as  '  having  a  jealous  eye  over  any  thing  that 
might  encourage  his  new  vassals  to  rebel,  endeavouring  to 
root  out  all  memorials  of  the  nobility,  and  to  embase  their 
spirits,  by  concealing  from  them  their  descent  and  qualities-.' 
I  have  seen  a  manuscript  list  of  such  records  as  were  carried 
off  by  his  order.  It  begins,  Ista  monumenta  subscripta  capta 
fuerunt  in  thesaurario  de  Edinburg  in  presentia  Abbatum  de 
Dunfermelyn  8?  de  S.  Cruce  de  Edinburg,  &j  Johannis  de 
Lythegranes,  Guil-de  Lincoln,  fy  Thos.  de  Fisseburn  8?  Guil-de 
Dumfreys,  custodis  rotulorum  regni  Scotice  ;  et  deposita  sunt 
apud  Berwick  per  prcsceptum  Edwardi  regis  Anglies  fy  supe- 
rioris  domini  Scotia;.  Videlicet,  &c.  After  the  recital  of 
them,  the  catalogue  ends  :  In  quorum  omnium  testimonium 
tarn  predictus  dominus  rex  Edwardus  Angliae  Sf  superior 
dominus  Scotia  quam  predictus  dominus  Joh:  de  Balliolo 
rex  Scolice,  huic  scripto,  in  modum  chirographi  confecto, 
si ff  ilia  sua  alternatim  fecerunt  apponi.  dat.  apud  Novum  Cas- 
trum  super  Tynam  30  die  mentis  Decembris  anno  dom.  1292, 
8j  regni  predicti  domini  Edwardi  regis  Angliee  fy  superioris 
domini  Scotice,  2lmo.  The  second  great  loss  of  the  Scotch 
records  happened  upon  the  mighty  turn  of  the  Reformation ; 
when  the  monks,  flying  to  Rome,  carried  with  them  the 
register-books,  and  other  ancient  treasure  of  their  respective 
monasteries.  The  third,  and  killing  blow,  was  given  them 
by  Oliver  Cromwell,  who  brought  most  of  the  poor  remains 
that  were  left  into  England ;  and  they  likewise  were  mostly 
lost  in  their  return  by  sea."  See  Nicolson's  Scottish  Historical 
Library,  p.  71,  72,  4to  edition. 

*  It  is  possible  that  these  noblemen  may  have  been  some 
way  or  other  connected  with  the  depot  of  silver,  alluded  to 
at  page  32,  as  having  been  found  at  Ascog  in  Bute. 


THAP.  XXI.] 


HE  REJECTS  EDWARD'S  OVERTURE. 


81 


distinguish  the  lofty  plume  of  the  Scottish  leader,  as 
he  dashed  forward  to  charge  some  isolated  corps 
of  the  English  army  ;  and  while  he  beheld  the 
enthusiasm  with  which  his  conduct  inspired  his 
followers,  and  saw  the  disorder  of  his  own  soldiers, 
hurrying  to  gain  the  protection  of  the  main  body, 
his  heart  misgave  him  as  to  the  stability  of  his 
conquest,  while  Scotland  contained  a  man  whose 
appearance  alone  was  capable  of  inspiring  his 
friends  with  so  much  confidence,  and  his  enemies 
with  so  much  dread. 


CHAPTER  XXI. 

EDWARD'S  POLICY  RESPECTING  THE  SETTLEMENT  OF 
SCOTLAND — ENDEAVOURS  TO  GAIN  WALLACE  TO  HIS 
INTEREST — SIEGE  OF  STIRLING IT  SURRENDERS 

CONDUCT    OF    EDWARD    TOWARDS  THE  PRISONERS 

HALIBURTON  UNDERTAKES  TO  BETRAY  WALLACE. 

EDWARD  having  returned  from  the  bleak  regions 
of  the  North,  took  up  his  quarters  in  Dunferm- 
line  *,  judging  that  his  presence  in  the  country, 
during  the  winter,  would  contribute  much  towards 
establishing  his  authority,  as  he  had  formerly 
observed,  that  the  places  he  had  conquered  from 
the  Scots  in  summer,  were  generally  retaken  when 
the  severe  weather  set  in.  He  accordingly  took 
every  precaution  for  the  comfort  of  his  troops  ; 
large  supplies  of  provisions  being  ordered,  both  by 
sea  and  land,  that  his  army  might  not  be  placed  in 
such  difficulties  as  had  formerly  compelled  him  to 
retreat  into  England. 

In  order,  also,  to  secure  his  present  conquest, 
he  began  to  assimilate  the  state  of  the  country 
as  much  as  possible  to  that  of  his  other  domi- 
nions ;  and,  for  this  purpose,  he  abrogated  all 
the  old  laws  and  customs — substituting  those  of 
England  in  their  stead  f.  In  the  prosecution  of 
this  object,  he  announced  a  parliament  at  St. 
Andrew's,  which  was  attended  by  all  Scotsmen  of 
any  note,  except  Sir  William  Wallace,  Sir  Simon 
Frazer,and  Sir  William  Oliphant,  governor  of  Stir- 
ling Castle,  the  latter  of  whom  refused  either  to 
appear  or  surrender  the  trust,  which  had  been  com- 
mitted to  him  by  Lord  Soulis,  who  happened  then 
to  be  in  France.  Of  this  fortress,  which  was  now 
the  only  one  that  held  out  against  him,  Edward  de- 
termined to  gain  possession  as  soon  as  the  season 
would  permit.  As  to  Wallace,  it  is  said,  that,  at 


*  If  we  may  credit  Langtoft,  Comyn,  Frazer,  and  Wallace 
were  lurking  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Dunfermline  at  the 
time,  and  supported  themselves  by  plunder.  His  words  are, 

"  The  lord  of  Badenauh,  Freselle  &  Waleis 
Lyued  at  theues  lauh  euer  robband  alle  weis. 
Thei  had  no  sustenance,  the  werre  to  mayntene, 
Bot  skulked  opon  chance,  &  robbed  ay  betuene." 

t  "  He  brint  all  the  Chronicles  of  Scotland,  with  all  maner 
of  bukis,  als  weill  of  devyne  seruyce  as  of  othir  materis,  to 
that  fyne  that  the  memorye  of  Scottis  suld  peris.  He  gart 
the  Scottis  wryte  bukis  efter  the  vse  of  Sarum,  and  constranit 
thaym  to  say  efter  that  vse." — Boeth. 

"  Salysbery  oyss  our  clerkis  than  has  tane." 

Wallace,  B.  x.  1006. 


this  time,  among  other  great  offers,  he  tendered 
him  the  crown  of  Scotland,  provided  he  would 
accept  of  it  in  fee  of  the  crown  of  England  ;  to 
which,  with  his  usual  dignity,  Wallace  replied, 
that  as  he  had  been  born  a  free  man,  he  was  deter- 
mined to  die  one  ;  and  that  he  preferred  rather 
to  be  the  subject  of  his  lawful  sovereign,  than  the 
crowned  slave  of  one  who  had  no  right  to  his 
allegiance  *.  That  Edward  was  sincere  in  this 
offer,  is  a  matter  of  considerable  doubt  ; — he  had 
already  cajoled  others  by  similar  proposals,  and  he 
might  naturally  conceive,  that  although  Wallace 
should  not  be  caught  by  the  bait,  the  offer  would 
have  the  effect  of  exciting  the  suspicions  of  his 
countrymen,  and  thereby  weakening  his  influence 
among  them.  But  whatever  his  motives  may  have 
been,  Wallace  sternly  rejected  all  compromise,  and 
remained  the  only  Scotsman  who  never  acknow- 
ledged his  authority.  On  the  present  occasion,  Sir 
Simon  Frazer  followed  his  example,  for  which  the 
tyrant  passed  sentence  of  banishment  and  outlawry 
against  him.  This  gallant  gentleman,  who  now 
adhered  to  the  fortunes  of  Wallace,  had  given 
great  offence  to  Edward,  by  the  conspicuous  part 
he  had  acted  at  the  battle  of  Roslin,  as  it  was 
generally  believed  to  have  been  owing  principally 
to  him  that  the  English  sustained  the  mortifying 
defeat. 

1304.  Early  in  the  spring  Edward  discovered, 
that,  through  the  exertions  of  Wallace  and  Frazer, 
a  body  of  troops  had  been  got  together ;  in  order  to 
disperse  which,  before  it  became  too  formidable, 
he  took  the  field,  and  proceeded  towards  Stirling, 
in  the  neighbourhood  of  which  it  had  assembled. 
The  force  under  the  patriots,  however,  when  com- 
pared with  the  enemy,  was  so  very  insignificant, 
that  they  prudently  retreated  to  their  former  places 
of  refuge.  On  the  21st  April  the  siege  of  Stirling 
commenced,  and  continued  without  intermission 
till  the  24th  July  ;  thus  occupying  Edward  and 
his  army  for  three  months  and  three  days,  during 
which  time  every  artifice  was  put  in  practice,  and 
every  piece  of  mechanism  then  known  was  directed 
against  the  besieged. 

The  stubbornness  of  the  garrison,  however, 
seemed  to  increase  as  the  means  of  annoyance  mul- 
tiplied around  them  ;  and  the  anxiety  of  Edward 
to  gain  this  last  strong  hold  of  the  liberties  of  Scot- 
land was  displayed,  by  his  close  and  unremitting 


*  Fordun  relates,  that  when  this  offer  was  made  to  Wal- 
lace, and  on  his  being  pressed  by  his  friends  to  comply,  he 
thus  expressed  himself : — "O!  desolated  Scotland,  too  cre- 
dulous of  fair  speeches,  and  not  aware  of  the  calamities 
which  are  coming  upon  you  \  If  you  were  to  judge  as  I  do, 
you  would  not  easily  put  your  neck  under  a  foreign  yoke. 
When  I  was  a  boy,  the  priest,  my  uncle,  carefully  inculcated 
upon  me  this  proverb,  which  I  then  learned,  and  have  ever 
since  kept  in  my  mind  :— 

'  Dico  tibi  verum,  Libertas  optima  rerum ; 
Nunquam  servili  sub  nexu  vivito,  fili.' 

'  I  tell  you  a  truth,— Liberty  is  the  best  of  things,  my 
son,  never  live  under  any  slavish  bond.' 

"  Therefore,  I  shortly  declare,  that  if  all  others,  the  natives 
of  Scotland,  should  obey  the  King  of  England,  or  were  to 
part  with  the  liberty  which  belongs  to  them,  I  and  those 
who  may  be  willing  to  adhere  to  me  in  this  point,  will  stand 
for  the  liberty  of  the  kingdom ;  and  by  God's  assistance,  will 
only  obey  the  King,  viz.  John  Baliol,  or  his  Lieutenant." 
G 


LIFE  OF  SIR  WILLIAM  WALLACE. 


[CHAP.  xxi. 


attendance  on  the  details  of  the  siege.  Though 
now  advanced  in  years,  he  is  represented  as  ex- 
posing himself  with  all  the  imprudent  gallantry  of 
a  youthful  warrior  ;  and  on  one  or  two  occasions 
he  had  nearly  fallen  a  victim  to  his  temerity. 
While  riding  near  the  walls,  a  stone,  from  one  of 
the  engines  at  work  on  the  rampart,  struck  the 
ground  before  him  with  so  much  violence,  that  his 
horse  backed,  and  fell  under  him  ;  and  at  another 
time,  a  javelin,  thrown  by  a  soldier  on  the  wall, 
struck  him  on  the  breast,  and  stuck  between  the 
plates  of  his  armour.  The  point  of  the  missile, 
however,  had  not  pierced  the  skin.  Pulling  it  out 
with  his  hand,  he  shook  it  in  defiance,  and  loudly 
proclaimed  that  he  would  hang  the  villain  who  had 
hit  him.  In  the  mean  time,  the  engines  belong- 
ing to  the  castle  were  so  well  managed,  and  the 
enormous  stones  which  they  threw,  so  skilfully 
directed,  that  great  numbers  of  the  besiegers  were 
destroyed. 

Edward  now  saw,  that,  without  still  greater 
efforts,  the  place  was  not  likely  soon  to  capitulate. 
He  therefore  wrote  to  London,  and  other  towns  in 
England,  ordering  the  most  powerful  engines  to  be 
sent  him,  with  supplies  of  javelins,  quarrells,  and 
other  missiles  ;  and  the  lead  was  torn  from  the  roof 
of  the  Cathedral  of  St.  Andrew's  to  furnish  mate- 
rials for  the  siege.  Thirteen  engines  of  the  largest 
size  were  at  last  brought  to  bear  upon  the  castle, 
one  of  which,  called  by  Langtoft  "  the  Ludgare  *,  or 
Lurdare  of  Strivelyn,"  was  of  the  most  formidable 
description.  This  "  hidous  engyn,"  when  put  in 
operation,  made  tremendous  breaches  in  the  walls, 
which  the  besieged  in  vain  attempted  to  repair  ; 
and  after  many  destructive  sallies,  and  "  fulle  and 
hard  affrays,"  and  a  siege  unparalleled  in  the  his- 
tory of  the  war — their  provisions  exhausted,  and 
their  walls  torn  to  pieces — Sir  William  Oliphant 
and  his  brave  little  garrison  were  forced  to  sur- 
render at  discretion.  Every  possible  indignity 
which  a  tyrannical  mind  destitute  of  generosity, 
and  exasperated  by  opposition,  could  inflict,  was 
now  heaped  upon  the  gallant  defenders.  They 
were  compelled  to  go  in  procession  to  the  tent 
of  Edward,  and — denuded  of  every  garment  save 
their  shirts,  their  heads  and  feet  uncovered — on 
their  bended  knees,  with  uplifted  hands,  had  thus 
to  implore  his  clemency  ;  upon  which  their  'mag- 
nanimous conqueror  condescended  to  spare  their 
lives,  and  sent  them  to  expiate  their  offences  in 
the  dungeons  of  England.  The  garrison,  according 
to  Langtoft,  consisted  of  Sir  William  Oliphant, 
Sir  William  Duplin,  twenty  gentlemen  of  inferior 
degree,  a  preaching  friar,  a  monk,  and  thirteen 
"  maydens  and  ladies."  The  common  soldiers  are 
said  to  have  amounted  to  140,  whose  names,  it  is 
to  be  regretted,  have  not  been  preserved.  The 
following  are  all  that  remain  on  record  : — 

Domini  Willielmus  Olyfard. 
"Willielmus  de  Dupplyn, 

milites. 

Fergus  de  Ardrossan. 
Robinus  de  Ardrossan, 

frater  ejus. 

Willielmus  de  Ramseya. 
Hugo  de  Ramseya. 
Radulfus  de  Haleburton. 


Domini   Thomas    de  Knell- 

hulle. 

Thomas  Lellay. 
Patricius  de  Polleworche. 
Hugo  Olyfard. 
Walterius  Olyfard. 
Willielmus  Gyffard. 
Alanus  de  Vypont. 
Andreas  Wychard. 


*  This  is  evidently  a  corruption  of  Loup  de  guerre. 


Domini  Godefridus  le  Botiller.    Frater       Willielmus       de 

Johannes  le  Naper.  Keth,    ordinis    Sancti 

Willielmus  le  Scherere.  Dominici     Prsedicato- 

Hugo  le  Botiller.  rum. 

Johannes  de  Kulgas.  Frater  Petrus   de   Ederes- 

Willielmus  de  Anart.  ton  de  domo  de   Kel- 

Robertus  de  Ranfru.  sou,      ordinis      Sancti 

Walterus  Taylleu.  Benedicti. 
Simon  Larmerer. 


The  proceedings  of  Edward  at  length  gave 
umbrage  to  Cumyn  and  Bruce.  These  chieftains, 
after  Baliol,  had  the  nearest  pretensions  to  the 
crown,  and  they  had  both  been  amused  by  Edward 
with  hopes  of  the  kingdom.  In  the  destruction, 
however,  of  the  fortresses,  and  the  alterations  he 
had  made  in  the  constitution  of  the  country,  they 
saw  little  that  tended  towards  the  fulfilment  of  the 
promises  he  had  made  them.  Cumyn,  therefore, 
having  found  an  opportunity,  broke  the  matter  to 
Bruce,  by  lamenting  the  state  to  which  their  coun- 
try was  reduced  by  the  power  or  policy  of  Edward, 
who  endeavoured  to  sow  discord  among  those 
whose  interest  it  was  to  be  friends  ;  and  by  taking 
advantage  of  the  animosities  he  thus  excited,  fur- 
thered his  own  ambitious  and  tyrannical  designs. 

These  remarks  begat  the  confidence  of  his  rival, 
who  communicated  without  reserve  the  promises 
that  had  been  held  out  to  him  by  Edward  ;  which 
drew  from  Cumyn  a  proposal  for  the  delivery  of 
their  country,  in  which  he  offered  to  give  Bruce 
his  estates,  on  condition  that  he  relinquished  his 
claim,  and  assisted  him  to  gain  the  crown  ;  or 
to  accept  of  Bruce's  estates  on  the  same  terms. 
Bruce,  who  considered  his  claim  to  be  better 
founded  than  that  of  Cumyn,  agreed  to  make  over 
his  estates  on  attaining  to  the  kingdom  through 
the  assistance  of  Cumyn  ;  and  a  private  bond  was 
entered  into  between  them  for  this  purpose  *.  In 


*  The  existence  of  the  bond  or  covenant  between  Bruce 
and  Cumyn,  though  subjected  to  the  doubts  of  Lord  Hailes, 
is  recorded  by  all  our  respectable  authorities.  The  objec- 
tions of  his  Lordship  arose  from  the  difficulty  the  parties 
would  have  experienced  in  effecting  the  contract.  "It  must 
be  held  extraordinary,"  says  our  learned  annalist,  "  that  the 
two  conspirators  met  together,  should  have  committed  such 
a  secret  to  writing,  as  if  it  had  been  a  legal  covenant  to  have 
force  in  a  court  of  justice ;  but  more  extraordinary  still,  that 
they  should  have  done  this  at  the  imminent  hazard  of 
intrusting  their  lives  and  fortunes  to  the  fidelity  of  a  third 
party ;  for  I  presume,  it  will  be  admitted,  that  two  Scottish 
barons,  in  that  age.  could  not  have  framed  such  an  inden- 
ture without  assistance."  His  Lordship,  in  his  2eal  to 
diminish  the  authority  of  preceding  historians,  often  forgets 
the  manners  and  customs  of  the  age  respecting  which  he 
writes,  and  assimilates  them  too  closely  to  those  of  his  own 
times.  Were  it  not  for  this,  he  would  have  seen  neither 
difficulty  nor  danger  in  two  barons  of  such  extensive  terri- 
torial possessions  and  feudal  influence,  procuring  a  person 
properly  qualified,  and  whose  secrecy,  had  it  been  doubted, 
they  would  have  had  no  hesitation  in  effectually  securing, 
either  by  imprisonment  or  otherwise.  Even  if  their  power 
did  not  extend  to  this,  as  the  bond  was  not  left  in  the  pos- 
session of  the  drawer,  where  was  the  danger  ?  Would  any 
person  whose  education  enabled  him  to  frame  such  an  instru- 
ment, have  been  so  extremely  foolish  as  attempt  to  charge 
two  of  the  most  powerful  noblemen  of  the  kingdom  with 
treason,  without  the  least  shadow  of  proof  to  support  the 
accusation  ?  Bonds  of  manrent  were  never  intended  to  be 
brought  into  a  court  of  law,  and  all  his  Lordship's  expe- 


CHAP.  XXI. ] 


HALIBURTON  UNDERTAKES  TO  BETRAY  HIM. 


order  to  cover  their  intentions,  Bruce  agreed  to 
accompany  Edward  to  London,  and  leave  his 
brother,  Edward  Bruce,  to  attend  to  his  interest  in 
Scotland. 

The  English  monarch  having  now,  as  he  thought, 
completely  depressed  the  spirit  of  the  Scots,  and 
brought  them  effectually  under  his  yoke,  began  to 
make  preparations  for  his  return  to  England  ;  and 
with  this  view,  he  appointed  Adomer  de  Vallence 
regent  or  viceroy  of  the  kingdom,  filling  all  places 
of  trust  with  Englishmen,  or  such  creatures  among 
the  Scots  as  he  found  suitable  to  his  purpose. 
Having  made  these,  and  such  other  arrangements 
as  his  policy  suggested,  he  returned  home  in 
triumph,  firmly  persuaded  that  he  had  finally  re- 
duced the  kingdom  of  Scotland  to  the  condition  of 
a  province  of  England. 


rience  would  not  have  furnished  him  with  a  single  instance 
of  an  attempt  to  enforce  the  fulfilment  of  such  a  contract  by 
legal  means.  Bonds  of  this  kind  were  entered  into  for  the 
purpose  of  strengthening  the  feudal  connections  of  the  par- 
ties ;  and  infidelity  under  such  compacts  carried  its  punish- 
ment along  with  it,  by  the  want  of  confidence  it  created 
among  the  other  feudal  proprietors.  That  such  bondsmen 
were  looked  upon  with  extreme  jealousy  by  the  Legislature, 
is  sufficiently  evident  from  the  conduct  of  James  II.  towards 
Lord  Douglas;  "a  court  of  justice,"  therefore,  was  not  the 
place  to  get  their  penalties  recognized. 

The  transaction  is  thus  related  by  Wyntown,  with  whom 
Barbour  agrees  in  every  particular,  and  by  which  it  will  be 
seen,  that  "the  two  conspirators"  did  not  "meet  together," 
as  his  Lordship  asserts,  but  were  riding  together  to  Stirling; 
and  the  instrument  was  drawn  and  sealed  the  same  night  in 
that  place : — 

"  Quhen  all  this  sawe  the  Brws  Robert, 
That  bare  the  Crowne  swne  eftyrwart, 
Gret  pytte  of  the  folk  he  had, 
Set  few  wordis  tharof  he  mad. 
A-pon  a  tyme  Schyr  Jhon  Cwmyn, 
To  gydder  rydand  fra  Strevylyn, 
Said  til  hym,  '  Schyr,  will  yhe  noucht  se, 
How  that  governyd  is  this  cuntre  ? 
Thai  sla  cure  Folk  but  enchesown, 
And  haldis  this  Land  agayne  resown; 
And  yhe  thar-of  full  Lord  suld  be. 
For-thi  gyve  ye  will  trow  to  me, 
Yhe  sail  gere  mak  yhow  thare-of  Kyng , 
And  I  sail  be  in  yhoure  helpyng, 
Wyth-thi  yhe  gyve  me  all  the  Land, 
That  yhe  hawe  now  in-til  yhoure  hand, 
And  gyve  that  yhe  will  noucht  do  swa, 
Na  swilk  a  State  a-pon  yhowe  ta, 
All  hale  my  Landis  sail  yhowris  be; 
And  lat  me  ta  the  State  on  me, 
And  bryng  this  Land  owt  of  Thryllage. 
For  thare  is  nother  man  n&  page 
In  all  this  Land  na  thayne  sal  be 
Fayne  to  mak  thaime  selfyn  fre.' 

"  The  Lord  the  Brws  hard  his  karpyng, 
And  wend  he  spak  hot  faythful  thyng : 
And  for  it  lykyd  til  his  will, 
He  gave  swne  his  Consent  thare-til, 
And  sayd,  '  Syne  yhe  will,  it  be  swa, 
I  will  blythly  a-pon  me  ta 
The  State ;  for  I  wate,  I  have  Rycht : 
And  Rycht  oft  makis  the  febil  wycht.' 
"  Thus  ther  twa  Lordis  accordyt  are. 
That  ilke  nycht  than  wryttyne  ware 
Thare  Indentwris,  and  Aithis  made 
Til  hald  all,  that  thai  spokyn  had." 

V.  ii.  p.  123. 


Edward,  however,  had  scarcely  arrived  in  Lon- 
don, before  accounts  from  the  North  convinced  him 
of  the  uncertain  nature  of  his  conquest,  so  long  as 
Wallace  remained  at  large  in  the  country ;  and 
as  neither  threats  nor  promises  could  subdue  his 
inflexible  fidelity  to  the  liberties  of  his  native  land, 
large  rewards  were  offered  for  securing  his  person, 
dead  or  alive.  Influenced  by  the  great  promises 
held  out  to  him,  Ralph  de  Haliburton  *,  one  of 

*  It  is  with  regret  that  we  find  this  recreant's  name  in  the 
list  of  the  defenders  of  Stirling.  Emancipation  from  a  dun- 
geon, and  the  prospect  of  attaining  to  great  riches,  were  no 
doubt  powerful  motives.  Whether  the  following  relation  in 
Henry  has  any  subsequent  connection  with  this  individual, 
we  must  leave  our  readers  to  determine.  If  it  does,  he 
appears  to  have  received  from  the  hand  of  our  hero  the 
recompence  of  his  labours. 

The  small  party  of  adherents  which  still  clung  to  the 
fortunes  of  Wallace  and  the  cause  of  independence,  were 
reduced  to  the  greatest  distress  for  want  of  provisions.  Our 
hero  had  left  them,  in  order  to  look  out  for  a  place  where 
they  might  obtain  supplies  ;  and,  while  wandering  through 
the  wilds  of  Lorn,  overcome  by  hunger  and  fatigue,  he  threw 
himself  down  in  despair  at  the  entrance  of  a  forest,  when 
the  following  adventure  occurred  to  him  :— 

"  Out  off  thair  sycht,  in  till  a  forest  syd, 
He  sat  him  doun  wndyr  ane  ayk  to  bid ; 
His  bow  and  suerd  he  lenyt  till  a  tre, 
In  angwyss  greiff,  on  grouff  so  turned  he. 
His  petows  mynd  was  for  his  men  so  wrocht, 
That  off  him  seifflitill  as  then  he  roucht. 
1 0  wrech ! '  he  said,  '  that  neuir  couth  be  content 
Off  our  gret  mycht  that  the  gret  God  the  lent : 
Bot  thi  fers  mynd,  wylfull  and  wariable, 
With  gret  lordschip  thow  coud  nocht  so  byd  stable ; 
And  wylfull  witt,  for  to  mak  Scotland  fre  ; 
God  likis  nocht  that  I  haiff  tane  on  me. 
Fer  worthyar  of  byrth  than  I  was  born, 
Throuch  my  desyr  wyth  hungyr  ar  forlorn : 
I  ask  at  God  thaim  to  restor  agayn ; 
I  am  the  causs,  I  suld  haiff  all  the  pain.' 
Quhill  studeand  thus,  whill  flitand  with  him  sell, 
Quhill  at  the  last  apon  slepyng  he  fell. 
Thre  days  befor  thar  had  him  folowed  fyve, 
The  quhilk  was  bound,  or  ellis  to  loss  thair  lyff: 
The  erl  off  York  bad  thaim  so  gret  gardoun, 
At  thai  be  thy  ft  hecht  to  put  Wallace  doun. , 
Thre  off  thaim  was  all  born  men  offlngland, 
And  twa  was  Scottis,  that  tuk  this  deid  on  hand ; 
And  sum  men  said,  thar  thrid  brothir  betraissed 
Kyldrome  eft,  quhar  gret  sorow  was  raissed. 
A  child  thai  had,  quhilk  helpyit  to  her  mett 
In  wildernes  amang  thai  montans  grett. 
Thai  had  all  seyn  disseuyring  off  Wallace 
Fra  his  gud  men,  and  quhar  he  baid  on  cace ; 
Amang  thyk  wod  in  cowert  held  thaim  law, 
Quhill  thai  persawyt  he  couth  on  sleping  faw. 
And  than  thir  fyve  approchit  Wallace  neir ; 
Quhat  best  to  do,  at  othir  can  thai  speir. 
A  man  said  thus :  '  It  war  a  hie  renoun, 
And  we  mycht  qwyk  leid  him  to  Sanct  Jhonstoun, 
Lo,  how  he  lyis ;  we  may  our  grippis  waill ; 
Off  his  wapynnys  he  sal  get  nane  awaill. 
We  sail  him  bynd  in  contrar  off  hys  will, 
And  leid  him  thus  on  baksyd  off  yon  hill, 
So  that  his  men  sail  nothing  off  him  knaw.' 
The  tothir  thre  assentit  till  his  saw ; 
And  than  thir  fyve  thus  maid  thaim  to  Wallace, 
And  thocht  throw  force  to  bynd  him  in  that  place. 
Quhat,  trowit  thir  fyve  for  to  hald  Wallace  doun  1 
The  manlyast  man,  the  starkest  off  persoun, 
Leyffand  he  was ;  and  als  stud  in  sic  rycht, 
We  traist  weill,  God  his  dedis  had  in  sycht. 

G  2  Thai 


OJb'  SIR  WILLIAM  WALLACE. 


[CHAP.  xxn. 


thfc-  prisoners  whom  Edward  nad  carried  with  him 
into  England,  undertook  the  perfidious  office,  and 
for  that  purpose  was  allowed  to  return  to  Scot- 
land. Of  his  after  proceedings,  we  have,  however, 
but  a  very  imperfect  outline  ;  and  from  all  that  we 
can  collect,  his  exertions  in  his  villanous  mission 
appear  to  have  been  limited  to  one  or  two  at- 
tempts ;  in  the  last  of  which,  from  his  knowledge 
of  Wallace  and  his  retreats,  he  contrived  to  have 
him  beset  by  a  strong  body  of  cavalry,  in  a  situa- 
tion where  he  had  no  way  of  escape,  but  by  spring- 
ing his  horse  over  a  precipice.  This  he  effected  ; 
and  his  pursuers,  drawing  back  with  horror,  left 
him  to  pursue  his  retreat  on  foot,  his  gallant  steed 
having  perished  in  the  fearful  enterprise. 

After  this,  it  is  supposed  that  Haliburton, 
alarmed  for  the  consequence  of  his  conduct,  and 
dreading  the  vengeance  of  his  countrymen,  re- 
turned with  precipitation  to  England. 


CHAPTER  XXII. 

STATE  OF  THE  COUNTRY — BRUCE  INVITED  TO  TAKE  THE 
CROWN — CONDUCT    OF     CUMYN    TOWARDS     BRUCE — 

NOTICE    OF    CUMYN TRADITION     RESPECTING     THE 

CLAN    CUMYN — NOTICE    OF     KERLE — WALLACE     BE- 
TRAYED  BY    MENTEITH. 

THE  situation  of  Scotland,  after  the  departure  of 
Edward,  was  such  as  well  warranted  the  repre- 
sentation that  had  been  transmitted  to  England. 
Though  there  had  as  yet  been  no  open  insurrec- 
tion, still  there  was  that  in  the  bearing  of  the 
people,  which  betokened  any  thing  but  good  will 
towards  the  existing  state  of  things.  The  national 
sports  and  customs  of  the  English,  which  it  had 
been  attempted  to  introduce  among  them,  were 
shunned  and  disregarded  by  the  oppressed  and 
scowling  population  ;  while  those  chiefs  who  had 
formerly  shown  the  greatest  attachment  to  the 
cause  of  independence,  were  seldom  heard  of,  ex- 
cept when  discovered  holding  their  conferences  in 
those  sequestered  retreats,  where  they  considered 
themselves  secure  from  all,  save  the  wandering 
spies  employed  by  the  faithless  part  of  their  own 
countrymen. 


Thai  grippyt  him,  than  out  off  slepe  he  braid ; 

'  Quhat  menys  this  ?'  rycht  sodandly  he  said, 

About  he  turnyt,  and  wp  his  armys  thrang ; 

On  thai  traytouris  with  knychtlik  fer  he  danj. 

The  starkast  man  in  till  his  armys  hynt  he, 

And  all  his  harnys  he  dang  out  on  a  tree. 

A  sword  he  gat  son  efter  at  he  rayss, 

Campiounlik  amang  the  four  he  gais ; 

Euyr  a  man  he  gert  de  at  a  dynt. 

Quhen  twa  was  ded,  the  tothir  wald  nocht  stynt  ; 

Maid  thaim  to  fle ;  bot  than  it  was  na  but, 

Was  nane  leyffand  mycht  pass  fra  him  on  fut. 

He  folowed  fast,  and  sone  to  ded  thaim  brocht ; 

Than  to  the  chyld  sadly  agayn  he  socht, 

'  Quhat  did  thow  her?'    The. child  with  [ane]  paill  face, 

On  kneis  he  fell,  and  askyt  Wallace  grace. 

'  With  thaim  I  was,  and  knew  nothing  thair  thocht  ; 

In  to  seruice,  as  thai  me  bad,  I  wrocht.' 

'  Quhat  berys  thow  her  ? '    '  Bot  meit,  the  child  can  say.' 

Do,  turss  it  wp,  and  pass  with  me  away, 

Meit  in  this  tym  is  fer  bettyr  than  gold.' 


Wallace  now  saw  that  the  state  of  the  country 
required  a  different  remedy  from  that  which  had 
hitherto  been  applied.  Baliol,  whom  he  had 
acknowledged  as  his  righteous  sovereign,  though 
detained  a  prisoner  in  England,  had,  through  the 
menaces  of  Edward,  made  over  to  that  monarch 
his  right  to  the  crown  and  kingdom  of  Scotland. 
This  act,  in  the  opinion  of  Wallace,  released  him 
from  his  allegiance  to  one  who  had  all  along  acted 
a  part  unworthy  of  his  attachment  ;  for,  though 
he  admitted  his  right  to  resiyn  the  crown,  yet  he 
could  not  recognise  a  right  to  transfer  it  to  a 
stranger,  to  the  exclusion  of  the  lawful  heir  ;  and 
as  Edward,  the  son  of  Baliol,  was  also  the  prisoner 
and  tool  of  the  King  of  England,  he  naturally  fixed 
his  attention  on  Bruce,  as  the  person  best  fitted, 
from  his  birth  and  talents,  to  infuse  that  confidence 
in  the  people  which  necessarily  arises  from  the 
presence  of  a  person  invested  with  lawful  autho- 
rity. Having  found  no  difficulty  in  impressing  Sir 
Simon  Frazer,  and  those  other  chiefs  who  adhered 
to  him,  with  the  same  sentiments,  a  negociation 
was  entered  into  with  Edward  Bruce,  for  inviting 
his  brother  from  England  to  assume  the  crown  ; 
and  it  is  also  said,  that  a  special  herald*  from 
Wallace  and  his  confederates  found  his  way  to 
Bruce  in  disguise,  who  appointed  to  meet  with 
our  hero  on  a  certain  night  on  the  burrow-muir  of 
Glasgow. 

1305.  In  the  meantime,  Wallace  and  his  friends 
were  active  in  organizing  the  insurrection,  which 
was  to  burst  forth  as  soon  as  Bruce  appeared 
among  them,  and  who  was  at  the  same  time  to 
have  been  proclaimed  king.  How  far  Cumyn  was 
consulted  on  the  occasion,  by  Wallace  and  his  as- 
sociates, does  not  appear.  From  the  very  little 
intercourse  which  seems  to  have  subsisted  between 
them  since  the  fatal  battle  of  Falkirk,  it  is  highly 
probable  that  the  accession  of  our  patriot  and  his 
party,  to  the  proposal  for  placing  Bruce  on  the 
throne,  was  communicated  to  Cumyn  through  the 
medium  of  Edward  Bruce — the  fiery  temperament 
of  whose  mind  was  not  always  in  unison  with  those 
maxims  of  sound  policy  necessary  for  conducting 
affairs  of  such  moment.  Whether  Cumyn  had 
ever  been  sincere  in  the  agreement  entered  into 
with  the  Earl  of  Carrick,  or  whether  he  afterwards 
repented  of  the  bargain  he  had  made,  is  a  point 
not  easily  to  be  ascertained  ;  but  with  a  duplicity 
worthy  of  his  conduct  on  a  former  occasion,  he  is 
said  to  have  despatched  the  bond  between  himself 
and  Bruce  to  Edward  ;  urging,  at  the  same  time, 
the  arrestment  of  his  rival,  as  necessary  to  prevent 
the  disturbance  that  was  on  the  eve  of  breaking 
out  in  Scotland. 

It  might  be  considered  by  our  readers  an  omis- 
sion, were  we  to  bring  our  labours  to  a  close,  with- 
out embodying  in  our  pages  a  more  particular  ac- 
count of  this  subtle  and  talented  baron,  than  what 
has  hitherto  appeared  in  the  course  of  the  narra- 
tive. To  obviate  this  objection,  perhaps  the  fol- 
lowing brief  outline,  in  addition  to  what  has  already 
been  stated,  may  suffice. 

John  Cumyn,  or  as  he  is  called  by  the  Gael, 
Ian  Ruadh  Mhac  Ian  Ruadh  Chiumein  (Red  John, 
the  son  of  Red  John  Gumming),  was  Lord  of  Bade- 
noch,  Lochaber,  and  other  extensive  districts,  and 

*  According  to  Henry,  Gilbert  Grymsby,  or,  as  he  is  called 
by  the  Scots,  Jop,  was  employed  in  this  mission. 


CHAP.  XXII.] 


TRADITION  OF  THE  CLAN  CUMYN. 


85 


the  head  of  the  most  potent  clan  that  ever  existed 
in  Scotland.  His  power  was  more  formidable  than 
any  of  his  fellow-competitors  for  the  crown.  Up- 
wards of  sixty  belted  knights  and  their  vassals 
were  bound  to  follow  his  banner  ;  and  the  influence 
of  the  family  was  such,  that  during  the  minority  of 
Alexander  III.,  after  driving  from  Scotland  a 
strong  faction,  formed  and  supported  by  the  in- 
terest of  England,  the  Cumyns  and  their  adherents 
negociated  a  treaty  with  Llewellyn,  a  prince  of 
Wales.  In  this  instrument,  John,  the  father  of  the 
subject  of  the  present  notice,  appears  as  Justiciary 
of  Galloway.  This  document  is  preserved  in  Ry- 
mer's  Fcedera,  vol.  i.  p.  653.  Those,  however,  who 
may  not  have  access  to  that  work,  may  have  their 
curiosity  gratified,  by  referring  to  Tytler's  History 
of  Scotland,  vol.  i.  p.  424. 

It  is  uncertain  at  what  time  John  Cumyn  suc- 
ceeded to  his  father.  He  appears,  however,  in 
1289,  as  joint  agent  along  with  James  the  Steward, 
in  the  letter  of  the  community  of  Scotland,  directed 
to  Edward  I.,  from  Brigham.  According  to  Henry, 
he  was  married  to  a  cousin  of  the  King  of  England  ; 
and  this,  from  all  authorities,  seems  to  have  been 
the  case,  for  he  espoused  Joan,  the  sister  of  Aymer 
de  Vallence,  whose  father,  William  de  Vallence, 
Earl  of  Pembroke,  was  uterine  brother  to  Henry  III. 
With  this  powerful  connexion,  he  no  doubt  ex- 
pected a  different  decision  in  the  submission  re- 
specting the  throne  of  Scotland.  This  disappoint- 
ment, in  all  probability,  made  him  afterwards  more 
ready  to  join  the  insurrection  under  Wallace  ;  and  if 
it  had  not  been  for  the  odium  which  he  afterwards 
drew  upon  himself  by  his  conduct  at  the  battle  of 
Falkirk,  he  might  have  figured  in  the  annals  of  his 
country  with  a  fair  and  honourable  reputation. 
While  regent  of  Scotland,  his  behaviour  was  not 
only  unexceptionable,  but  often  praiseworthy.  This 
however  may  have  been  partly  owing  to  the  strict 
surveillance  which  Wallace  still  exercised  in  the 
affairs  of  the  country,  or  partly  from  a  wish  to  con- 
ciliate his  countrymen,  in  the  event  of  a  favourable 
opportunity  occurring  for  his  obtaining  the  crown, 
— an  object  of  ambition  of  which  it  is  pretty  evi- 
dent he  never  lost  sight. 

The  treachery  towards  Bruce,  which  has  been 
charged  against  him  by  all  authorities  except  Lord 
Hailes,  also  tended  to  deepen  the  stain  on  his  cha- 
racter. This  charge,  whether  true  or  false,  we 
have  no  means  of  ascertaining.  A  number  of  the 
objections  stated  by  his  Lordship  against  it  are, 
however,  of  considerable  weight.  That  a  bond 
existed  between  them  of  the  tenor  already  de- 
scribed, there  is  little  doubt ;  and  that  the  terms 
of  this  bond  became  afterwards  matter  of  dispute, 
there  is  some  reason  to  believe,  as  the  fulfilment  of 
it  would  have  been  dangerous  to  both.  For  had 
Bruce  been  placed  on  the  throne  by  the  assistance 
of  Cumyn,  and  the  latter  had  received  the  estates 
of  Bruce,  according  to  agreement,  he  would  have 
been  a  subject  far  too  powerful  for  the  crown  ;  and 
vice  versa  in  the  case  of  Bruce.  The  quarrel, 
therefore,  which  subsequently  took  place  in  the 
chapel  of  Dumfries,  and  which  ended  in  the  death 
of  Cuinyn  (the  particulars  of  which  are  known  to 
every  reader),  might  have  arisen  in  an  altercation 
respecting  the  difficulties  involved  in  the  comple- 
tion of  the  bond,  without  either  party  having  been 
guilty  of  a  breach  of  faith.  It  was  no  doubt  the 
policy  of  Bruce  and  his  confederates,  that  the 


stain  of  treachery  should  be  affixed  on  the  name  of 
Cumyn,  as  it  afforded  the  only  plausible  excuse 
for  committing  a  murder  in  a  place  of  such  reputed 
sanctity.  Indeed  the  circumstance  of  the  latter 
having  requested  an  interview  within  the  precincts 
of  a  church,  showed  nothing  like  a  premeditated 
intention  to  quarrel ;  but  since  the  deed  was  com- 
mitted, it  seemed  necessary  to  the  future  safety 
and  views  of  Bruce  and  his  faction,  that  with  the 
influence  the  character  of  the  Cumyns  should  be 
diminished.  That  they  assisted  in  this  last  object 
themselves,  is  but  too  apparent ;  otherwise  it  would 
be  difficult  to  account  for  that  odium  which  after- 
wards became  attached  to  them.  For  while  the 
Scots,  in  the  Low  country,  cried  out  against  the 
"  fause  Cumyn's  Kyn,"  their  vassals  in  Badenoch 
and  Lochaber  re-echoed  the  charge,  till  the  very 
name  became  cognominal  with  deceit  ;  so  much 
so,  that  the  following  proverb  is  at  this  day  re- 
membered in  those  parts  of  the  Highlands  to 
which  their  influence  extended  : 

"  Fhad's  a  bhios  crann  an  c6ille, 
Bi'dh  foill  an  Cuimeineach." 

"  While  there  are  trees  in  a  wood,  there  will  be  deceit  in 
a  Cumyn." 

We  will  not  however  assert,  that  the  enmity  of 
the  Gael  arose  from  the  conduct  of  the  Cumyns  in 
the  Low  country  ;  for  if  we  may  credit  tradition 
still  current  in  the  West  Highlands,  this  once 
powerful  and  oppressive  family  gave  sufficient 
cause,  in  their  own  territorial  bounds,  for  the  an- 
tipathy of  their  neighbours  and  vassals.  The 
atrocities  which  they  committed  in  their  castles  of 
Inverlochy,  Badenoch,  and  other  strongholds  which 
they  polluted  with  their  crimes,  at  last  roused  the 
slumbering  vengeance  of  the  people  ;  and  tradition, 
in  her  vague  manner,  dates  the  downfal  of  this 
potent  clan,  from  the  time  of  "  Cumyn's  flight  from 
Onnich."  At  what  period  this  occurred,  cannot 
now  be  exactly  ascertained  ;  but  with  the  particu- 
lars of  the  story  we  shall  close  this  imperfect 
notice  : — 

The  Cumyns,  it  seems,  in  the  plenitude  of  their 
power,  paid  little  attention,  when  it  suited  their 
wishes,  to  the  abrogation  of  the  infamous  law  of 
Evenus,  and  the  "  mercheta  mulierum  "  was  gene- 
rally spurned,  when  the  charms  of  the  bride  hap- 
pened to  please  the  eye  of  the  chief.  It  would 
seem  that  three  marriages  were  about  to  take  place 
at  Onnich,  a  little  town  on  the  borders  of  Lochaber. 
The  women  were  beautiful,  and  the  men  spirited 
and  brave.  The  half-merit  had  been  tendered  at 
the  gates  of  Inverlochy,  by  the  bridegrooms  and 
their  friends,  and  the  refusal  of  it  by  the  chief  gave 
them  reason  to  apprehend  the  fate  that  was  in- 
tended for  them.  The  case  excited  deep  interest. 
The  day  of  marriage  approached,  and  brought 
along  with  it  the  Lord  of  Badenoch  and  his  two 
sons,  with  their  usual  retinue.  The  half-merk  was 
again  tendered,  and  refused.  The  men  drew  their 
swords,  determined  to  guard  the  purity  of  their 
fair  ones.  A  conflict  ensued  ;  friends  gathered  to 
the  assistance  of  the  injured  ;  the  two  sons  of 
Cumyn  were  killed  ;  while  he,  with  the  remains 
of  his  myrmidons,  betook  himself  to  flight.  The 
country  arose  and  made  after  him,  till  the  affair 
swelled  to  a  general  insurrection.  All  his  train 
were  sacrificed  to  the  fury  of  the  pursuers,  many, 


8G 


LIFE  OF  SIR  WILLIAM  WALLACE. 


[CHAP.  XXIT. 


no  doubt,  having  more  serious  grievances  to  re- 
venge. The  flight  continued  till  their  obnoxious 
chief  reached  a  hill  near  the  present  site  of  Fort 
Augustus  ; — where,  overcome  with  fatigue,  he  was 
seen  to  sit  down  apparently  to  rest  himself.  On 
coming  up  to  him,  however,  they  found  that  the 
wretched  man  had  already  paid  the  forfeit  of  his 
crimes.  He  was  carried  down  and  buried  on  the 
spot  where  the  fort  now  stands,  which  is  still  known 
to  old  Highlanders  by  the  name  of  "  Gill  Chiumein," 
or  the  burial-place  of  Cumyn ;  and  the  hill  on 
which  he  died  retains  to  this  day  the  appellation  of 
"  Suidh  Chiumein"  or  Cumyn's  Seat.  Very  few  of 
the  clan  are  now  to  be  found  in  these  districts. 

To  return  to  our  narrative  :  Wallace,  who,  as 
he  conceived,  among  other  friends,  had  secured 
the  co-operation  of  Sir  John  Menteith  to  the  mea- 
sures then  in  agitation,  for  the  purpose,  it  is  sup- 
posed, of  giving  as  early  notice  as  possible  of  the 
arrival  of  Bruce,  had  retained  near  his  person  a 
young  man  related  to  Menteith  *,  who  was  to" have 
been  despatched  with  the  news  to  Dumbarton,  as 
soon  as  their  future  monarch  should  arrive,  when 
that  important  fortress  was  to  have  declared  in  his 
favour. 

Confiding  in  the  arrangements  thus  made,  Wal- 
lace, as  the  time  appointed  by  Bruce  drew  near, 
collected  his  followers  round  Glasgow,  and  dis- 
posed of  them  in  such  a  manner,  as  to  be  able  to 
bring  them  together  on  the  shortest  notice  f.  For 
the  better  concealment  of  his  design,  he  retired  to 
a  small  lonely  house  at  Robroyston,  about  three 
miles  north-west  of  Glasgow.  Here  he  waited 
with  impatience  for  the  night  on  which  Bruce  had 
appointed  to  meet  him,  little  dreaming  of  the  dan- 
ger to  which  his  intended  sovereign  was  exposed, 
through  the  conduct  of  Cumyn,  nor  of  the  treachery 
that  was  hatching  against  himself. 

The  means  which  were  employed  to  accomplish 
the  destruction  of  Bruce,  would  have  been  of  very 
little  avail  towards  securing  the  objects  intended, 
so  long  as  his  brother  and  our  hero — who  had  now 
identified  himself  with  the  interest  of  the  Brucian 
party — remained  to  head  the  insurrection  that  was 
expected  to  break  out ;  and  as  all  the  magnificent 
promises  of  Edward  had  been  unable  to  subdue  the 
stern  virtue  of  the  patriot,  his  emissaries  now  be- 
thought themselves  of  assailing  the  fidelity  of  those 
friends  in  whom  he  seemed  chiefly  to  confide.  Un- 
fortunately for  the  cause  of  liberty,  their  allure- 
ments were  but  too  successful  ;  and  the  honour  of 
his  early  friend,  Sir  John  Menteith,  gave  way  to 
the  arts  of  the  tempter. 

On  the  night  of  the  5th  of  August,  1305,  Sir 
William,  and  his  faithful  friend,  Kerle  J,  accom- 

*  This  young  man  is  said  by  Henry  to  have  been  a  son  of 
Menteith's  sister.  Langtoft  calls  him  a  servant,  and  says 
his  name  was  Jock  Short. 

t  From  Robroyston  Wallace  could  easily  make  his  way  to 
the  Clyde ;  cross  the  river  and  keep  his  appointment  with 
Bruce,  who  was  to  have  approached  from  the  south,  without 
coming  in  sight  of  any  of  the  English  stationed  at  Glasgow. 
The  burrow-muir  was  situated  on  the  south  side  of  the 
Clyde. 

J  The  circumstance  of  this  person  being  the  last  friend 
whom  our  hero  w-as  destined  to  behold,  would,  independent 
of  his  own  personal  merits,  have  rendered  him  an  object  of 
curiosity  to  a  great  proportion  of  our  readers.  The  following 
account  is  taken  from  the  notes  of  the  editor  of  the  Perth 
edition  of  Blind  Harrie  ;  and,  as  any  thing  which  the  writer 

_         f 


panied  by  the  youth  before-mentioned,  had  betaken 
themselves  to  their  lonely  retreat  at  Robroyston  *  ; 
to  which  place  their  steps  had  been  watched  by  a 
spy,  who,  as  soon  as  he  had  observed  them  enter, 
returned  to  his  employers. 

At  the  dead  hour  of  midnight,  while  the  two 
friends  lay  fast  asleep,  the  youth,  whose  turn  it  was 
to  watch,  cautiously  removed  the  bugle  from  the 
neck  of  Wallace,  and  conveyed  it,  along  with  his 
arms,  through  an  aperture  in  the  wall  ;  then  slowly 
opening  the  door,  two  men-at-arms  silently  entered, 
and,  seizing  upon  Kerle,  hurried  him  from  the 
apartment,  and  instantly  put  him  to  death.  Wal- 
lace, awakened  by  the  noise,  started  to  his  feet, 
and,  missing  his  weapons,  became  sensible  of  his 
danger,  but  grasping  a  large  piece  of  oak,  which 
had  been  used  for  a  seat,  he  struck  two  of  his  as- 
sailants dead  on  the  spot,  and  drove  the  rest  head- 
long before  him.  Seeing  the  fury  to  which  he  was 
roused,  and  the  difficulty  they  would  have  in  taking 
him  alive,  Menteith  now  advanced  to  the  aperture, 
and  represented  to  him  the  folly  of  resistance,  as 
the  English,  he  said,  having  heard  of  his  place  of 
resort,  and  of  the  plans  he  had  in  contemplation, 

has  yet  met  with,  rather  tends  to  confirm  than  invalidate  the 
statement,  he  shall  submit  it  to  the  reader  in  the  words  of 
the  learned  and  intelligent  author : — 

"  William  Ker,  commonly  called  Kerlie,  or  Ker  Little, 
was  ancestor  of  the  Kers  of  Kersland.  He,  as  well  as  many 
others,  was  compelled  to  swear  the  unlawful  oath  of  fealty  to 
Edward,  August  5,  1296. 

"  He  joined  Wallace  at  the  castle  of  the  Earl  of  Lennox, 
September  1296,  and  went  with  him  immediately  on  his 
first  northern  expedition.  He  and  Stephen  of  Ireland  were 
the  only  two  of  Wallace's  men  who  survived  the  battle 
along  the  north  side  of  the  River  Erne,  November  1296. 

"  He  was  the  constant  friend  and  companion  of  Wallace 
on  all  occasions,  and  is  sometimes  called  his  steward.  In 
1805,  when  Wallace  was  taken  prisoner  at  Robrastoun,  a 
solitary  village  near  Glasgow,  William  Ker  only  was  with 
him.  They  were  found  both  asleep,  and  Ker  was  killed  in 
the  scuffle. 

"  Henry  says,  that  William  Ker  had  large  inheritance  in 
the  district  of  Carrick,  in  Air-shire.  That  his  ancestor  was 
brought  from  Ireland  by  King  David  I.,  and  defeated,  with 
the  assistance  of  seven  hundred  Scots,  nine  thousand  Nor- 
wegians who  had  landed  at  Dunmoir.  Some  of  the  Nor- 
wegians were  drowned  in  Doun,  and  others  slain  upon  the 
land.  King  David  gave  him  the  lands  of  Dunmoir  in  re- 
ward of  his  bravery.  *, 

"  It  may  be  remarked,  that  Dun  Hill,  or,  as  it  is  com- 
monly called,  Norman  or  Northman  Law,  a  high  hill  on  the 
estate  of  Dunmure,  in  the  north-east  part  of  Fife,  and  parish 
of  Abdie,  has  on  the  top  of  it  the  remains  of  Danish  in- 
trenchments.  The  hill  on  the  north  side  declines  all  the 
way  to  the  river  or  Frith  of  Tay,  which  has  Dundee  at  the 
mouth  of  it.  The  constant  tradition  is,  that  the  Danes  or 
Norwegians  carried  the  spoil  of  the  country  to  the  top  of 
this  hill,  where  the  natives  could  have  no  access  to  them ; 
and.  after  having  collected  it  there,  carried  it  down  on  the 
other  side  to  their  ships  in  the  river." 

*  "  At  Robroy stone  Sir  William  Wallace  was  betrayed 
and  apprehended  by  Sir  John  Menteith,  a  favourite  of  Ed- 
ward I.  of  England.  After  he  was  overpowered,  and  before 
his  hands  were  bound,  it  is  said  he  threw  his  sword  into 
Robroyston  loch.  An  oaken  couple,  or  joist,  which  made 
part  of  the  barn  in  which  the  Scottish  hero  was  taken,  is 
still  to  be  seen  in  this  neighbourhood,  and  may  yet  last  for 
ages."— Stat.  Ace.  viii.  481,  482. 

The  latter  part  of  the  above  quotation  is  perfectly  correct. 
The  oaken  joist  was  to  be  seen  till  within  these  ten  years 
past ;  it  has  now  entirely  disappeared,  being  carried  off  by 
that  tribe  of  pseudo-antiquarians,  ycleped  Relic -fanciers. 


CHAP.  XXIII.] 


HIS  TRIAL  AND  EXECUTION. 


were  collected  in  too  large  a  force  to  be  withstood  ; 
that  if  he  would  accompany  him  a  prisoner  to 
Dumbarton,  he  would  undertake  for  the  safety  of 
his  person  ; — that  all  the  English  wished,  was  to 
secure  the  peace  of  the  country,  and  to  be  free 
from  his  molestation  ; — adding,  that  if  he  consented 
to  go  with  him,  he  should  live  in  his  own  house  in 
the  castle,  and  he,  Menteith,  alone  should  be  his 
keeper  ; — that  even  now,  he  would  willingly  sacri- 
fice his  life  in  his  defence  ;  but  that  his  attendants 
were  too  few,  and  too  ill-appointed,  to  have  any 
chance  of  success  in  contending  with  the  English. 
He  concluded  by  assuring  Wallace,  that  he  had 
followed  in  order  to  use  his  influence  with  his  ene- 
mies in  his  behalf,  and  that  they  had  listened  to 
him  on  condition  of  an  immediate  surrender  ;  but 
that  if  he  did  not  instantly  comply,  the  house  would 
soon  be  in  flames  about  him.  These,  and  other 
arguments,  were  urged  with  all  the  seeming  sin- 
cerity of  friendship  ;  and  our  patriot,  confiding  in 
early  recollections,  and  the  private  understanding 
that  subsisted  between  them,  allowed  himself  to  be 
conducted  to  Dumbarton  Castle. 

On  the  morrow,  however,  no  Menteith  appeared 
to  exert  his  influence,  in  order  to  prevent  the  unfor- 
tunate hero  from  being  carried  from  the  fortress  ; 
and  strongly  fettered,  and  guarded  by  a  powerful 
escort,  under  the  command  of  Robert  de  Clifford 
and  Aymer  de  Vallence,  he  was  hurried  to  the 
South,  by  the  line  of  road  least  exposed  to  the 
chance  of  a  rescue. 


CHAPTER  XXIII. 

TRIAL,   EXECUTION,    AND    CHARACTER   OF    WALLACE. 

As  the  capture  of  Wallace  was  an  event  wholly 
unexpected  by  the  English,  the  news  of  it,  which 
spread  with  the  rapidity  of  lightning,  produced,  in 
every  part  of  the  kingdom,  a  deep  and  universal 
sensation.  Labour  of  every  kind  was  abandoned, 
and  people  of  all  ranks  flocked  to  those  points  of 
the  road  where  it  was  expected  the  illustrious  cap- 
tive would  passJ  At  Carlisle  the  escort  halted  for 
a  night  ;  and  the  tower  in  which  he  was  secured, 
long  afterwards  retained  his  name.  As  the  cortege 
approached  London,  the  crowds  became  more 
numerous  ;  and,  on  entering  the  capital,  his  con- 
ductors found  their  progress  retarded  by  the  mul- 
titudes that  were  collected  ; — while  every  elevation 
or  projection,  however  perilous,  from  which  he  could 
be  seen,  was  occupied  with,  or  clung  to,  by  anxious 
spectators,  eager  to  behold  a  man  who  had  filled 
England  with  terror,  and  the  fame  of  whose 
achievements  had  resounded  through  every  coun- 
try in  Europe.  After  much  exertion,  the  caval- 
cade at  length  reached  the  house  of  William 
Delect,  a  citizen  in  Fenchurch  Street,  where  their 
prisoner  was  lodged  for  the  night.  From  the  cir- 
cumstance of  his  having  been  taken  to  a  private 
house,  rather  than  to  a  place  of  greater  security, 
it  has  been  imagined  by  some,  that  Edward  in- 
tended to  make  a  last  effort  to  gain  Wallace  over 
to  his  interest.  This  conjecture,  however,  is  not 
sufficiently  supported  by  subsequent  proceedings, 
to  entitle  it  to  any  degree  of  credit  ;  and  we  are 
more  inclined  to  believe,  that  the  difficulty  which 
the  party  encountered  in  making  their  way  through 


the  dense  multitudes  who  had  blocked  up  the 
streets  and  lanes  leading  to  the  Tower,  may,  with 
greater  probability,  be  assigned  as  the  cause  for 
taking  him  to  the  house  of  Delect. 

The  thirst  for  revenge  existed  too  keenly  in  the 
ruthless  mind  of  Edward,  to  admit  of  much  delay 
in  the  sacrifice  of  his  victim.  Though  a  considera- 
tion for  the  opinion  of  the  more  enlightened  of  his 
subjects,  and  the  manner  in  which  his  conduct 
might  be  viewed  at  foreign  courts,  obliged  him  to 
have  recourse  at  least  to  the  formality  of  a  trial — 
the  indecent  haste  with  which  it  was  brought  on, 
made  the  mockery  of  judicial  procedure  but  too 
apparent.  The  day  after  his  arrival,  he  was  con- 
ducted on  horseback,  from  the  house  which  his 
brief  residence  had  made  the  scene  of  universal 
attraction,  to  take  his  trial  in  Westminster  Hall. 
His  progress  from  Fenchurch  Street,  according  to 
Stowe,  appears  to  have  been  a  sort  of  procession, 
Lord  John  de  Segrave,  the  fugitive  of  Roslin, 
acting  as  Grand  Marshal  of  England,  and  armed 
cap-a-pie,  rode  on  one  side,  while  Geoffrey  de  Hartle- 
pool,  Recorder  of  London,  equipped  in  a  similar 
manner,  rode  on  the  other.  The  Mayor,  Sheriffs, 
and  Aldermen  followed,  attended  by  a  number  of 
official  characters  on  horseback  and  on  foot, 
arranged  according  to  their  respective  grades  *. 

On  reaching  the  spot  where  the  solemn  farce  was 
to  be  performed,  he  was  placed  on  the  south  bench 
of  the  great  hall  ;  and,  in  consequence  of  an  absurd 
report  f,  which  had  been  circulated  in  England,  of 
his  having  said  that  he  deserved  to  wear  a  crown 
in  that  place,  a  crown  of  laurel  was  put  upon  his 
head.  The  noble  appearance  of  the  man,  joined 
to  his  calm  and  unruffled  demeanour,  entirely  dis- 
armed this  silly  attempt  at  ridicule  of  its  intended 
effect  $.' 

Sir  Peter  Malory,  the  King's  Justice,  then  rose, 
and  read  the  indictment,  wherein  the  prisoner  was 
charged  with  treason  against  the  King  of  England, 
burning  of  towns,  and  slaying  of  the  subjects  of 
his  Majesty.  To  the  first  of  these  counts  Wallace 
answered,  that,  as  he  had  never  been  the  subject  of 
the  King  of  England,  he  owed  him  no  allegiance, 
and  consequently  could  be  no  traitor.  As  to  the 

*  See  Appendix  U. 

t  This  report  may  have  originated  in  some  facetious 
remark,  which  probably  escaped  from  him  on  hearing  that 
one  William  Wallace  had,  by  the  voice  of  his  fellow-citizens, 
attained  to  the  honour  of  being  Lord  Mayor  of  London, 
when  the  success  of  the  Scots  compelled  Edward  to  grant 
an  extension  of  the  liberties  of  his  people.  His  election  is 
stated,  at  p.  14,  of  this  work,  to  have  taken  place  in  12%. 
This  mistake  the  author  begs  leave  to  correct;  the  election 
occurred  in  April  1298.  The  coincidence  is  rather  singular. 
See  Lambert's  Survey  of  London,  vol.  i.  p.  167. 

t  That  Edward  was  mean  enough  to  subject  Wallace  to  a 
piece  of  mockery  of  this  kind,  appears  evident,  from  the 
same  contemptible  artifice,  to  excite  derision,  being  again 
resorted  to  in  the  case  of  Sir  Simon  Frazer,  who  was  not  oniy 
habited  in  ;  n  unbecoming  and  ridiculous  garb,  but  also  had 
"  a  gerland  on  ys  heued  of  the  newe  guyse."  This  expres- 
sion is  taken  from  the  ancient  ballad  made  on  the  execution 
of  Frazer,  a  may  be  seen  in  the  account  we  have  given  of 
that  warrior  and  which  seemed  evidently  to  allude  to  the 
recent  exhibition  made  of  Wallace,  on  whose  person  "  the 
newe  guyse"  was  no  doubt  first  introduced;— and,  as  Sir 
Simon  was  executed  only  about  twelve  months  afterwards, 
the  phrase  would  be  perfectly  applicable,  as  the  circumstance 
must  have  been  fresh  in  the  minds  of  the  people. — See 
Appendix  S. 


LIFE  OF  SIR  WILLIAM  WALLACE. 


[CHAP.  XXIII. 


other  offences,  he  frankly  admitted,  that,  in  the 
discharge  of  his  duty  to  his  country,  he  had  done 
all  that  was  stated.  On  this  admission,  the  follow- 
ing atrocious  sentence  was  pronounced  : — 

For  treason,  he  was  to  be  first  dragged  to  the 
place  of  execution.  For  murder  and  robbery,  he 
was  to  be  then  hung  a  certain  time  by  the  neck  ; 
and,  because  he  had  burned  abbeys  and  religious 
houses,  he  was  to  be  taken  down  alive  from  the 
gibbet,  his  entrails  torn  out,  and  burnt  before  him, 
his  body  to  be  quartered,  and  the  parts  afterwards 
to  be  disposed  of  as  the  clemency  of  Majesty 
might  suggest  *. 

When  the  necessary  preparations  were  made  for 
carrying  this  sentence  into  execution,  the  late 
champion  of  Scottish  independence  was  brought 
forth  from  the  place  where  he  had  been  kept  in 
confinement,  heavily  ironed,  and  chained  to  a  bench 
of  oak.  He  was  then  placed  on  a  hurdle,  and,  sur- 
rounded by  a  strong  guard  of  soldiers,  ignomini- 
ously  dragged  to  the  Elms,  in  Smithfield.  That 
self-possession  and  undaunted  demeanour  which  he 
evinced  during  the  trial,  appeared  equally  con- 
spicuous on  the  scaffold.  Looking  round  with  un- 
disturbed composure  on  the  assembled  multitude, 
he  addressed  himself  to  a  person  near  him,  and 
asked  for  a  priest  to  whom  he  might  make  confes- 
sion. This  request,  on  being  made  known  to 
Edward,  he  is  said  to  have  sternly -refused ;  and 
the  rancorous  old  man  forbad  any  clergyman  to 
retard  the  execution  for  such  a  purpose.  On  hearing 
this  undignified  command  of  his  sovereign,  Win- 
chelsea,  Archbishop  of  Canterbury,  the  same  indi- 
vidual who  so  faithfully  discharged  his  duty  at 
Carlaverock,  stepped  boldly  forward,  and,  after 
earnestly  remonstrating  with  Edward,  declared  his 
determination  to  officiate  himself.  When  the  cere- 
mony usual  on  such  occasions  was  finished,  Wallace 
rose  from  his  knees,  and  the  Archbishop  having 
taken  leave  of  him,  instantly  departed  for  West- 
minster, thus  declining  to  witness  the  sequel  of  an 
act  so  revolting  to  humanity,  and  which  he  no 
doubt  considered  as  fixing  a  deep  stain  on  the 
character  of  his  country. 

The  spectacle  which  was  now  exhibited  to  the 
gaze  of  the  inhabitants  of  the  metropolis  of  Eng- 
land, was  such  as  perhaps  has  never  before  been 
presented  to  the  populace  of  any  land.  The  LAST 
FREEMAN  of  an  ANCIENT  PEOPLE,  not  less  renowned 
for  their  bravery,  than  for  their  love  of  independ- 
ence, stood  a  calm  and  unshrinking  victim,  ready 
to  be  immolated  at  the  shrine  of  despotism.  That 
powerful  arm  which  had  long  contended  for  liberty 
was  now  to  be  unstrung  beneath  the  knife  of  the 
executioner ;  and  that  heart,  replete  with  every 
ennobling  virtue,  which  never  quailed  in  the  stern- 
est hour  of  danger,  was  doomed  to  quiver  in  the 
purifying  flames  of  martyrdom. 

During  the  pause  which  preceded  the  unhallowed 
operations,  Wallace  turned  to  Lord  Clifford,  and 
requested  that  a  Psalter  f,  which  had  been  taken 
from  his  person,  might  be  returned.  His  desire 
being  complied  with,  he  asked  a  priest  to  hold  it 
open  before  him.  This  book  had  been  hus  constant 
companion  from  his  early  years,  and  was  perhaps 
the  gift  of  his  mother  or  his  uncle,  the  parson  of 
Dunipace. 
*  See  Appendix  X. 
t  This  appears  to  have  been  the  only  article  of  property 
that  Wallace  died  possessed  of. 


After  hanging  for  a  certain  time,  the  sufferer 
was  taken  down,  while  yet  in  an  evident  state  of 
sensibility.  He  was  then  disembowelled  ;  and  the 
heart,  wrung  from  its  place,  was  committed  to  the 
flames  in  his  presence.  During  this  dreadful  pro- 
cess, his  eyes  still  continued  to  linger  on  the 
Psalter,  till,  overpowered  by  his  sufferings,  he 
expired  among  their  hands  with  all  that  passive 
heroism  which  may  be  supposed  to  belong  to  so 
elevated  a  character.  The  body  was  afterwards 
dismembered  ;  the  head  fixed  on  London-bridge, 
the  right  arm  on  the  bridge  of  Newcastle-upon- 
Tyne,  the  left  at  Berwick,  the  right  leg  at  Perth, 
and  the  left  at  Aberdeen. 

Thus  fell  this  great  and  exemplary  patriot,  a 
martyr  to  the  rights  and  independence  of  his  coun- 
try, than  whom,  if  we  consider  his  extraordinary 
personal  and  mental  endowments, — joined  to  his 
inextinguishable  and  disinterested  love  of  liberty, 
a  greater  hero  is  not  to  be  found  in  the  annals  of 
any  people.  Born  to  a  slender  inheritance,  and 
unconnected  by  birth  with  the  opulent  families  of 
his  country,  he  derived  no  advantage  from  those 
circumstances  which  often  assisted  other  distin- 
guished characters  in  attaining  that  place  in  the 
temple  of  fame  to  which  their  ambition  was  di- 
rected. To  his  own  genius  he  was  indebted  for 
a  system  of  tactics  eminently  calculated  for  the 
contest  he  had  in  view  ;  and  with  his  own  arm  he 
gave  the  first  impulse  to  the  cause  of  freedom, 
which  afterwards,  on  the  field  of  Bannockburn,  was 
crowned  with  such  glorious  and  decisive  success 
under  a  kindred  spirit — on  whom  the  inspiring 
mantle  of  our  patriot  descended,  as  he  winged  his 
flight  to  the  regions  of  immortality. 

In  person,  Wallace  was  admirably  fitted  to  grace 
that  elevated  station  among  mankind,  for  which 
his  genius  and  talents  so  eminently  qualified  him. 
His  visage  was  long,  well  proportioned,  and  exqui- 
sitely beautiful  ;  his  eyes  were  bright  and  piercing  ; 
the  hair  of  his  head  and  beard  auburn,  and  inclined 
to  curl :  that  on  his  brows  and  eye-lashes  was  of 
a  lighter  shade  ;  his  lips  were  round  and  full.  Un- 
der the  chin,  on  the  left  side,  was  a  scar  *,  the  only 
one  visible,  although  many  were  to  be  found  on  his 
person  f  ;  his  stature  was  lofty  and  majestic, 
rising  the  head  and  shoulders  above  the  tallest  men 
in  the  country.  Yet  his  form,  though  gigantic, 
possessed  the  most  perfect  symmetry  ;  and  with  a 
degree  of  strength  almost  incredible,  there  was 
combined  such  an  agility  of  body  and  fleetness  in 
running,  that  no  one,  except  when  mounted  on 
horseback,  could  outstrip,  or  escape  from  him, 
when  he  happened  to  pursue.  All-powerful  as  a 
swordsman,  and  unrivalled  as  an  archer,  his  blows 
were  fatal,  and  his  shafts  unerring  :  as  an  eques- 
trian, he  was  a  model  of  dexterity  and  grace  ; 
while  the  hardships  he  experienced  in  his  youth, 
made  him  view  with  indifference  the  severest  pri- 
vations incident  to  a  military  life.  In  common 
intercourse,  his  accents  were  mild,  and  his  manners 
grave  and  urbane.  In  the  field,  when  addressing 
his  soldiers,  his  discourse  was  brief  and  animating, 
and  the  sound  of  his  voice  thrilled  through  their 
hearts  like  the  spirit-stirring  notes  of  the  clarion 
Great  and  varied,  however,  as  were  the  accomplish- 
ments nature  had  lavished  on  his  person,  the  graces 

*  This,  in   all   probability,  was  the  mark  of  the  wound 
inflicted  by  the  Lancaster  bowman  mentioned  at  page  33. 
t  See  Appendix  Y.  J  See  Appendix  Z. 


CHAP.  XXIII.] 


HIS  CHARACTER. 


with  which  she  had  enriched  his  mind  threw  a 
radiance  over  all  the  rest  of  her  gifts.  Untaught 
himself  in  the  military  art,  he  became  the  in- 
structor of  his  countrymen,  and  his  first  efforts 
were  worthy  of  the  greatest  captain  of  the  age. 

If  we  may  judge  from  his  regard  to  the  sanctity 
of  an  oath,  his  ideas  of  morality  appear  to  have 
been  much  at  variance  with  the  corrupt  practice  of 
the  age.  Uncontaminated  by  the  pernicious  ex- 
ample of  the  great  men  of  the  country,  he  rather 
chose  to  bear  hunger  and  every  other  privation 
the  unsheltered  outlaw  might,  be  exposed  to,  than 
purchase  the  advantage  so  much  prized  by  others, 
at  the  expense  of  taking  an  oath  he  had  no  inten- 
tion of  holding  sacred  : — still,  this  inflexible  recti- 
tude of  soul  could  not  shame  the  aristocracy  from 
their  convenient  perjuries  ;  for  the  bands  by  which 
he  strove  to  unite  them  together,  became  like  ropes 
of  sand  in  the  hour  of  trial.  Notwithstanding, 
however,  all  the  difficulties  that  were  thrown  in 
his  way,  the  vigour  of  his  own  character,  and  the 
wisdom  of  his  measures,  enabled  him  to  achieve 
the  deliverance  of  his  native  land.  To  the  charges 
of  ambition  and  usurpation  that  were  brought 
against  him,  he  gave  the  noblest  refutation,  by 
resigning  the  bauble  of  power  into  the  hands  of 
those  little  spirits,  who  would  otherwise  have 
betrayed  the  cause  of  national  independence,  or 
involved  their  country  in  all  the  horrors  of  civil 
war.  Thus,  his  virtuous  self-denial  preserved  the 
people  whom  his  valour  had  set  free. 

In  the  biographical  notices  that  have  been  sub- 
mitted, the  reader  will  perceive  the  formidable 
array  of  talent  and  power  with  which  Wallace  had 
to  contend.  To  an  aristocracy,  at  that  time  per- 
haps unrivalled  in  Europe,  and  headed  by  a  mo- 
narch as  distinguished  for  ambition,  sternness  of 
purpose,  and  warlike  propensities,  as  he  was  noto- 
rious for  the  absence  of  those  virtues  which  con- 
stitute the  redeeming  traits  in  the  character  of  a 
soldier — the  magnanimous  patriot  had  at  first  little 
to  oppose,  save  the  innate  energies  of  his  own 
invincible  heart,  and  the  resources  of  a  genius 
which  Heaven  seems  peculiarly  to  have  fitted  for 
the  task.  That  Scotland,  distracted  by  faction,  and 
deprived  of  all  foreign  aid,  should,  under  the 
guidance  of  one  who  ranked  among  the  humblest 
of  her  nobles,  have  again  advanced  herself  to  the 
dignity  of  an  independent  state,  in  defiance  of  the 
power  of  England,  backed  by  the  resources  of 
Ireland  and  Wales,  was  considered  by  her  adver- 
saries as  too  humiliating  to  their  national  character 
to  admit  of  their  relinquishing  the  contest  *.  The 

*  This  circumstance  seems  to  have  been  keenly  felt  and 
lamented,  as  a  subject  of  national  disgrace,  by  some  of  the 
historians  of  England.  In  addition  to  the  anathemas  poured 
forth  by  Peter  Langtoft,  on  account  of  the  obstinacy  of  their 
northern  neighbours — the  mortification  evinced  by  Hardyng 
in  the  following  lines,  is  highly  complimentary  to  the  inde- 
pendent spirit  of  Scotland.  This  acknowledged  spy,  and 
detected  forger,  was  sent  down  by  his  government,  in  the 
reign  of  Henry  V.,  for  the  mean  purpose  of  stealing  away  the 
treaty  with  Robert  Bruce,  in  which  the  independence  of 
Scotland  was  recognised. 

"  Englande  and  Wales  as  to  their  soueraygne 
To  you  obey,  whiche  shuld  thinke  shame  of  ryght, 
To  se  Scotlande  thus  proudly  disobeyne, 
Agayne  them  two  that  bene  of  greate  myght, 
It  is  a  shame  to  euery  mannes  syght, 


renewal  of  every  invasion  was,  however,  met  by 
an  increasing  stubbornness  of  opposition  ;  and  the 
chivalrous  conqueror  in  Palestine  the  "high- 
souled  "  Plantagenet,  at  last  condescended  to  steal 
away  the  enemy  he  could  neither  bribe  nor  subdue, 
and  thus  purchase  the  brief  and  delusive  sem- 
blance of  a  victory,  at  the  price  of  everlasting 
dishonour. 

The  mind  of  Wallace  was  imbued  with  the  most 
exalted  ideas  of  independence  ;  and  the  stern  and 
inflexible  spirit  with  which  he  guarded  his  own 
and  his  country's  honour,  could  only  be  equalled 
by  the  scrupulous  delicacy  he  exercised  towards 
the  feelings  of  others.  Loving  freedom  for  her 
own  sake,  he  considered  her  sanctuary,  wherever 
placed,  as  too  sacred  to  be  violated.  Among  the 
many  proofs  of  this  elevation  of  mind,  the  follow- 
ing may  be  mentioned  : — On  the  surrender  of  de 
Longueville,  the  high-spirited  Frenchman  was 
anxious  to  know  the  name  and  the  character  of  his 
conqueror.  On  the  name  of  Wallace  being  an- 
nounced to  him,  he  fell  on  his  knees,  and  thanked 
God  that  so  worthy  an  enemy  had  been  his  victor  ; 
and,  according  to  the  custom  of  the  age,  he  ten- 
dered his  service,  along  with  his  sword.  "  Service 
from  you,  Sir  Thomas,"  said  the  gallant  Scot,  with 
an  accent  of  kind  familiarity,  "  I  cannot  accept  ; 
your  friendship  is  what  I  desire."  On  another 
occasion,  in  the  heat  of  an  engagement,  having,  as 
he  conceived,  given  orders  to  Sir  John  Graham  in 
a  manner  too  peremptory — after  the  victory  had 
been  secured,  he  came  up  to  his  brave  friend,  and 
surprised  him  with  a  humble  apology  for  any  thing 
like  harshness  he  might  have  displayed  in  his  man- 
ner of  expressing  himself.  Graham,  however,  was 
quite  unconscious  of  hearing  any  thing  that  he  had 
reason  to  take  amiss  ;  and  expressed  a  hope  that 
he  would  always  act  towards  him  and  others  in  the 
same  manner,  when  the  interest  of  their  country 
was  at  stake. 


Sith  lohn  Baylioll  his  ryght  of  it  resygned 
To  kyng  Edward,  why  is  it  thus  repugned?" 

Hardyng 's  Chronicle,  p.  413-414. 

In  the  two  last  lines  the  writer  of  the  Chronicle  founds 
the  pretensions  of  England  to  the  superiority  over  Scotland, 
on  the  resignation  of  Baliol.  This  title  he  no  doubt  consi- 
dered as  preferable  to  any  claims  previously  got  up ;  and  we 
would  recommend  Dr.  Lingard  to  follow  his  example  ;  for 
bad  as  it  is,  the  supporters  of  it  are  not  liable  to  meet  with 
those  stubborn  historical  facts  which  stand  in  the  way  of  the 
advocates  for  a  more  venerable  antiquity.  To  show  the  sin- 
cerity which  dictates  this  advice,  we  shall  revert  once  more 
to  pages  443  and  444,  vol.  iii.  of  the  Doctor's  work,  where  we 
are  told,  on  the  authority  of  Rymer,  that  the  words  "  liber- 
tates,  dignitates,  honores  debiti,"  &c.  "mean  the  allow- 
ances to  be  made,  and  the  honours  to  be  shown,  to  the  King 
of  Scots,  as  often  as  he  came  to  the  English  court,  by  the 
command  of  his  lord  the  King  of  England,  from  the  moment 
that  he  crossed  the  Border  till  his  return  into  his  own  terri- 
tories." Had  the  vassalage  of  the  King  of  Scotland  been  of 
that  unqualified  nature  which  the  Doctor  labours  to  establish, 
how  comes  it  that  his  "allowances"  only  commence  from 
the  moment  he  crossed  the  Border,  and  ceased  as  soon  as  he 
returned  to  his  own  territories — merely,  we  presume,  because 
he  was  in  his  own  territories.  Had  it  been  otherwise,  he 
would  doubtless  have  been  found  entitled  to  those  expenses 
or  allowances,  from  the  time  he  left  his  own  domicile,  in 
whatever  part  of  Scotland  that  domicile  may  have  been 
situated. 


LIFE  OF  SIR  WILLIAM  WALLACE. 


[CHAP.  xxiv. 


In  the  division  of  spoil,  the  portion  that  fell 
to  the  share  of  Wallace  he  set  apart  as  a  fund 
from  which  those  were  rewarded  who  had  distin- 
uished  themselves  by  their  valour  or  good  con- 
uct,  while  contending  for  the  liberty  of  their 
country — thus  stimulating  their  efforts  in  their  own 
cause,  by  the  sacrifice  of  his  personal  advantage. 
The  delicacy,  also,  which  he  evinced,  in  excluding 
his  relations  from  any  participation  in  those  grants 
and  emoluments  with  which  he  rewarded  the  ser- 
vices of  others,  showed  him  exempt  from  any 
selfish  or  mercenary  feeling,  and  decidedly  averse 
to  the  aggrandizement  of  his  family  *  at  the  na- 
tional expense.  In  those  times,  when  driven  to 
the  woods  and  natural  fastnesses  of  the  country, 
where  his  little  party  were  exposed,  from  the 
scarcity  of  provisions,  to  the  greatest  distress,  the 
expedients  he  had  recourse  to  for  their  relief,  and 
the  self-denial  he  exercised  in  order  to  husband 
the  slender  supplies  for  their  use,  impressed  his 
followers  with  sentiments  of  admiration  and  grati- 
tude. The  system  which  he  introduced,  during 
the  short  period  of  his  regency,  of  disciplining  and 
subdividing  the  nation,  evinced  the  clear  and  com- 
prehensive views  he  entertained  of  the  true  inter- 
ests of  the  country  ;  and  had  his  successors  in 
power  followed  up  the  same  measure,  it  would 
doubtless  have  been  productive  of  incalculable 
benefit  to  the  kingdom  ;  as,  independent  of  the 
great  force  the  Legislature  might  thus  have  been 
enabled  to  bring  into  the  field  in  cases  of  emer- 
gency, it  would  have  undermined,  and  eventually 
overthrown,  the  feudal  superiority  of  the  barons, 
and  those  petty  confederations  among  clans,  which 
have  been  for  so  many  ages  the  bane  and  curse  of 
Scotland.  His  views,  however,  for  the  immediate 
and  permanent  prosperity  of  the  country,  took 
even  a  more  extensive  range  than  what  is  embraced 
by  the  above  wise  and  salutary  measure.  Aware 
of  the  benefit  which  Scotland  had  formerly  derived 
from  her  commercial  intercourse  with  the  Con- 
tinent, we  find  his  attention,  within  a  month  after 
the  battle  of  Stirling,  seriously  turned  towards  the 
re-establishment  of  this  important  object  ;  and 
while  the  nation  was  mustering  at  Roslin  for  the 
invasion  of  England,  her  leader  was  actively  en- 
gaged in  despatching  intimation  to  the  different 
Hanse-towns,  that  the  ports  of  Scotland  were  again 
open  to  the  trade  of  all  friendly  powers  -f*.  The 
plan  which  he  pursued  in  his  invasions,  was  the 
most  efficient  for  exhausting  the  enemy's  country, 
enriching  his  own,  and  encouraging  his  countrymen 
to  flock  to  his  standard.  Though  often  severe  in 
his  retaliations,  yet,  towards  women  and  children, 
he  always  exercised  the  greatest  humanity. 

During  his  Guardianship,  the  country  was  be- 
ginning to  feel  the  return  of  her  former  prosperity. 
With  the  spoil  of  the  enemy  he  had  diffused  plenty 
over  the  land  ;  the  poor  were  protected  ;  thieves 
were  promptly  and  severely  punished  ;  cheats  and 
liars  were  discouraged  ;  and  good  men  met  the 
reward  of  their  virtues.  The  vigilance  with  which 
he  watched  over  the  public  weal  was  unremitting, 
and  never  for  a  moment  gave  place  to  any  object 
of  personal  consideration.  Even  those  duties  which 

*  See  Appendix  A  A. 

t  However  singular  this  statement  may  appear  to  some, 
the  author  is  happy  in  having  it  in  his  power  to  produce  the 
most  incontrovertible  evidence  of  the  fact. — See  App.  H. 


are  often  considered  paramount  to  every  other, 
were  with  him  secondary  to  the  interest  of  his 
country  ;  for,  on  the  death  of  his  mother,  his  pre- 
sence being  required  elsewhere,  he  intrusted  the 
performance  of  her  obsequies  to  his  friend,  John 
Blair,  and  a  confidential  servant  ; — which  duty 
they  discharged  with  becoming  solemnity  in  the 
cathedral  of  Dunfermline.  To  this  cemetery,  it  is 
conjectured,  the  fragments  of  his  own  body  were 
secretly  collated  by  his  companions,  after  the  bar- 
barous and  impolitic  exposure  had  taken  place. 
At  his  execution,  that  self-command  and  nobleness 
of  soul,  which  formed  such  luminous  traits  in  his 
character,  never  for  a  moment  forsook  him.  With- 
out deigning  to  breathe  a  murmur,  either  at  the 
injustice  of  the  tyrant  who  condemned,  or  the  un- 
happy man  who  betrayed  him  *,  he  submitted  to 
his  fate  with  that  becoming  dignity  which  extorted 
even  from  his  enemies  expressions  of  unqualified 
admiration. 

A  revulsion,  the  natural  consequence  of  the 
inhuman  cruelty  of  Edward,  and  the  undaunted 
demeanour  of  his  victim  took  place  in  the  minds  of 
the  people  of  England  immediately  after  his  exe- 
cution ;  and  the  story  of  an  English  f  monk  who 
pretended  to  have  seen  a  vision  of  angels  conduct- 
ing Wallace  out  of  purgatory  with  much  honour, 
was  quickly  circulated,  and  received  with  pleasure, 
all  over  Britain. 

The  following  lines,  translated  from  the  original 
Latin  by  Hume  of  Godscroft  J,  are  understood  to 
have  been  composed  some  time  after  the  execution 
of  our  illustrious  patriot,  by  his  afflicted  friend  and 
chaplain,  John  Blair ;  and  with  this  elegant  and 
pathetic  tribute  of  genius  at  the  shrine  of  departed 
greatness,  we  shall  close  the  present  chapter  : — 

"  Envious  death,  who  ruins  all, 
Hath  wrought  the  sad  lamented  fall 
Of  Wallace ;  and  no  more  remains 
Of  him — than  what  an  urn  contains  ! 
Ashes  for  our  hero  we  have — 
He,  for  his  armour,  a  cold  grave. 
He  left  the  earth — too  low  a  state ! 
And  by  his  acts  o'ercame  his  fate. 
His  soul  Death  had  not  power  to  kill, 
His  noble  deeds  the  world  do  fill 
With  lasting  trophies  of  his  name. 
O !  hadst  thou  virtue  loved,  or  fame, 
Thou  could'st  not  have  insulted  so 
Over  a  brave,  betrayed,  dead  foe, 
Edward,  nor  seen  those  limbs  expos'd 
To  public  shame — fit  to  be  clos'd 
As  relics  in  an  holy  shrine. 
But  now  the  infamy  is  thine. 
His  end  crowns  him  with  glorious  hays, 
And  stains  the  brightest  of  thy  praise." 


CHAPTER  XXIV. 

CONCLUSION. 

THE  wisdom  of  the  ancient  Egyptians  has  been 
much  celebrated,  but  in  no  respect  does  it  appear 
more  conspicuous  than  in  the  uses  to  which  they 
applied  the  historical  records  of  their  country.  By 
their  laws,  the  hand  which  kept  a  faithful  tran- 

*  See  Appendix  B  B.  t  See  Appendix  C  C. 

t  See  Appendix  D  D. 


CHAP.  XXIV.] 


CONCLUSION. 


script  of  passing  events,  and  registered  with  strict 
impartiality  the  transactions  and  characters  of  their 
kings,  was  removed  from  the  knowledge  and  in- 
fluence of  those  whose  deeds  were  thus  related. 
On  the  accession  of  every  new  monarch,  it  was 
part  of  the  ceremonial  to  read  in  his  presence  the 
records  of  his  predecessor's  reign.  By  this  means 
he  was  apprised  of  the  faults  he  ought  to  avoid, 
and  admonished  of  the  virtues  it  was  incumbent  on 
him  to  emulate  ;  while  the  reflection  arising  from 
the  certainty  that  after  death  his  name  also  would 
be  consigned  over  to  posterity— either  to  receive 
the  meed  of  grateful  remembrance,  or  the  impress 
of  merited  reprobation,  according  to  his  actions — 
operated  on  the  royal  mind  as  a  useful  and  salutary 
restraint. 

Other  nations  aspired  to  imitate  the  Egyptians  ; 
but  national  imitation  is  too  often  like  that  among 
individuals.  The  faults  and  blemishes  of  the  ori- 
ginal are  more  readily  caught  than  its  beauties  and 
perfections.  Thus,  while  the  grossness  of  Egypt's 
mythology  was  most  servilely  copied,  one  practice 
which  gave  dignity  and  utility  to  her  history  was 
entirely  overlooked,  and  the  pen  of  the  historian, 
in  place  of  being  wielded  by  the  impartial,  fear- 
less, and  untrammelled  friend  of  public  virtue,  was 
more  frequently  found  in  the  hand  of  the  needy 
parasite  ;  employed  in  the  base  and  degrading  oc- 
cupation of  varnishing  the  enormities  of  the  er- 
mined  tyrant,  whose  ambitious  progress  to  dis- 
tinction had  been  marked  by  the  subversion  of  the 
rights,  and  the  carnage  of  his  fellow-men.  This 
prostitution  of  the  historic  muse  is  not  unknown 
among  modern  authors,  and  may  be  often  attri- 
buted to  an  unworthy  desire  of  administering  to 
the  feelings  of  a  favourite  party,  or  a  wish  to  con- 
ciliate the  national  prejudices  of  their  readers. 
Though  compelled,  by  the  general  increase  of 
knowledge,  to  give  a  more  faithful  narrative  of 
facts  than  the  writers  of  antiquity,  when  it  may 
suit  any  of  the  purposes  that  have  been  mentioned, 
the  subject  of  their  biography  is  seldom  dismissed 
without  being  made  to  undergo  a  sort  of  purgation 
in  the  general  estimate  of  his  character,  and  which 
is  often  found  to  be  at  antipodes  to  the  actions  with 
which  it  stands  connected.  Perhaps  the  annals  of 
England  cannot  afford  a  more  striking  instance  of 
this  perversion  of  all  that  is  valuable  in  historical 
literature,  than  in  the  porti-aits  which  some  his- 
torians have  drawn  of  Edward  I. 

Without  attempting  to  delineate  the  character  of 
this  ambitious  disturber  of  the  peace  of  Britain, 
the  writer  will  merely  notice  a  few  of  the  leading 
circumstances  of  his  history,  and  leave  the  reader 
to  discover  by  what  curious  process  of  literary 
chemistry  those  crudities  have  been  made  to  har- 
monize, in  order  to  produce  so  fair  a  display  of 
political  sagacity  and  kingly  greatness. 

The  littleness  which  appears  to  have  been  in- 
herent in  the  mind  of  Edward  was  laid  open  to 
the  Londoners  in  1263,  by  his  breaking  into  the 
treasury  of  the  Knights  Templars,  and  carrying  off 
1000£.  deposited  there  by  the  citizens.  This  rob- 
bery was  looked  upon  by  the  people  as  an  act  so 
thoroughly  base,  that  they  instantly  flew  to  arms, 
and  assaulted  the  houses  of  those  among  the  no- 
bility who  were  supposed  accessory  to  the  theft. 
Edward  was  at  this  time  in  his  26th  year  ;  of 
course  youthful  indiscretion  cannot  be  advanced  as 
an  excuse  for  the  crime. 


His  aggression  upon  Scotland  has  been  indul- 
gently placed  to  the  account  of  those  enlightened 
and  statesman-like  views  which  he  entertained  of 
the  true  interests  and  general  welfare  of  Britain, 
and  the  advantages  he  discovered  would  result 
from  the  resources  of  the  two  countries  being  con- 
solidated under  one  head.  This  "  reason  of  state," 
has  been  held  up  in  extenuation  of  the  nefarious 
means  which  he  resorted  to  for  the  accomplishment 
of  his  purpose.  But  by  the  extracts  which  we  are 
about  to  make  from  the  pages  of  an  author  every 
way  inclined  to  treat  the  faults  of  Edward  with 
lenity,  the  reader  will  perceive,  that  though  the 
enlightened  views  "  which  he  took  of  the  solid  in- 
terests of  his  kingdom,"  may  have  found  a  place 
in  the  imagination  of  the  historian,  they  do  not 
appear  to  have  occurred  to  the  monarch.  The 
extinction  of  every  thing  like  rational  liberty,  and 
the  establishment  of  an  extensive  and  uncontroll- 
able autocracy,  seem  to  have  been  the  undisguised 
objects  of  his  ambition.  In  proof  of  which,  we 
have  only  to  refer  to  his  demeanour  towards  his 
barons,  and  the  unwarrantable  appropriation  of 
the  effects  of  his  subjects,  mentioned  in  the  extracts 
alluded  to.  His  conduct  in  respect  to  Scotland 
being  thus  stripped  of  the  only  palliation  that  can 
be  offered,  it  stands  forward  on  the  page  of  history 
in  all  its  native  deformity,  unrelieved  by  one  so- 
litary extenuating  circumstance,  while  the  following 
transaction  gives  it,  if  possible,  a  darker  and  more 
disgusting  complexion. 

1  n  1267,  Henry  and  Prince  Edward,  being  driven 
to  the  greatest  extremity  by  the  Earl  of  Gloucester 
and  other  Barons,  whom  their  oppressions  and  un- 
lawful exactions  had  forced  to  take  up  arms,  when 
every  hope  failed  them,  and  even  the  Tower  of 
London  was  besieged  by  a  numerous  army  of  en- 
raged assailants,  they  were  very  opportunely  re- 
lieved from  their  perilous  situation  by  the  assistance 
of  30,000  Scots,  whom  Alexander  sent  to  their  re- 
lief: and  with  these  auxiliaries  they  were  enabled 
to  withstand,  and  afterwards  to  subdue,  their  ex- 
asperated and  refractory  subjects.  The  debt  of 
gratitude  which  was  thus  incurred,  Edward  had 
not  an  opportunity  of  discharging,  till  after  the 
death  of  Alexander,  when  the  Scots,  with  a  gene- 
rous confidence,  which  their  own  conduct  naturally 
inspired,  applied  to  him  to  act  as  umpire  in  settling 
the  succession  to  the  crown.  How  honourably  he 
acquitted  himself  in  the  discharge  of  the  duties  of 
the  trust  thus  reposed  in  him,  and  how  generous 
was  the  return  he  made  for  their  good  offices,  the 
reader  requires  not  to  be  told.  Two  nations,  who 
had  for  nearly  a  century  regarded  each  other  with 
feelings  of  mutual  good-will,  and  had  lived  in  a 
state  of  friendly  intercourse  highly  beneficial  to 
both,  were  suddenly  transformed  into  the  most 
inveterate  enemies  ;  and  an  implacable  spirit  of 
animosity  engendered  between  them,  which  it  re- 
quired the  slow  revolution  of  ages  to  soften  and 
obliterate.  The  guilty  ambition  of  this  short- 
sighted tyrant  entailed  upon  the  British  states  a 
quarrel  the  most  bloody,  the  most  expensive,  and 
the  most  insane  that  perhaps  ever  existed  between 
two  nations.  By  the  ridiculous  pretensions  of  the 
one,  the  improvement  of  both  countries  was  re- 
tarded, and  their  frontier  populations  demoralized 
into  cut-throats  or  plunderers,  who  wandered  in 
search  of  their  prey  over  a  land  barren  as  the 
desert,  which  might  otherwise  have  been  teem- 


LIFE  OF  SIR  WILLIAM  WALLACE. 


[CHAP,  xxiv 


ing  with  the  fruits  of  honest  and  profitable  in- 
dustry. 

Edward's  ideas  of  honesty  we  have  already  seen 
in  the  affair  of  the  Templars,  and  his  feelings  of 
gratitude  in  his  conduct  towards  the  Scots.  His 
sense  of  justice  may  be  gathered  from  his  pro- 
ceedings against  the  Jews.  The  silver  pennies  of 
the  realm  having  been  clipped,  the  offence  was 
traced  to  some  of  that  unfortunate  people,  and  in 
one  day  280  of  both  sexes  were  executed  in  London, 
besides  a  great  many  more  in  different  parts  of 
the  kingdom,  where  it  seems  simultaneous  mea- 
sures had  been  taken  against  them.  That  this 
crime  was  confined  entirely  to  the  Jews,  is  not 
likely.  The  implements  by  which  it  could  be 
committed  were  certainly  not  beyond  the  reach  of 
English  intellect ;  nor  could  the  latter  be  supposed, 
in  every  instance,  superior  to  the  temptation  which 
the  gains  presented.  That  the  guilt  of  all  who 
suffered  was  ascertain,  is  impossible  ;  and  a  whole- 
sale butchery  of  this  kind,  authorized  by  law,  as  it 
could  not  answer  the  ends  of  justice,  can  only  be 
considered  as  gratuitously  administering  to  the 
worst  of  human  passions. 

The  estimation  in  which  Edward  held  those  arts 
which  are  calculated  to  instruct,  refine,  and  elevate 
the  human  mind,  may  be  learned  from  his  treat- 
ment of  the  Minstrels  of  Wales.  The  remorseless 
and  sanguinary  policy  which  suggested  that  un- 
hallowed act,  could  only  have  found  place  in  the 
breast  where  every  virtuous  and  honourable  feeling 
has  disappeared  before  the  withering  influence  of 
a  selfish  and  detestable  ambition.  In  an  age 
when  the  Minstrel's  profession  was  a  passport  to 
the  presence  and  protection  of  the  great,  and  the 
persons  of  those  who  exercised  the  calling  were 
held  sacred  even  among  tribes  the  least  removed 
from  barbarism,  the  mind  must  have  reached  a 
fearful  state  of  depravity,  that  could  break  through 
those  barriers  with  which  the  gratitude  and  vene- 
ration of  mankind  had  surrounded  the  children  of 
genius,  and  thus  immolate  at  the  shrine  of  an 
heartless  despotism,  the  innocent  and  meritorious 
depositories  of  a  nation's  lore. 


The  reader  may  form  some  idea  of  the  treasures 
squandered  by  Edward  in  the  Scottish  wars,  from 
the  Statement  of  Receipts  and  Disbursements  for 
the  year  1300,  inserted  in  Appendix  T,  at  the  end 
of  this  volume.  The  military  operations  of  that 
year  were  not  on  a  more  expensive  scale  than  those 
connected  with  the  preceding  and  subsequent  in- 
vasions ;  and  by  this  statement,  it  will  be  found, 
that  the  disbursements  for  the  campaign  of  1300, 
exceeded,  "  within  one  department  of  the  national 
expenditure,"  one  fifth  of  the  national  income. 
That  the  expenses  of  this  campaign  pressed 
equally  hard  on  other  departments  of  the  exche- 
quer, is  sufficiently  obvious  from  the  singular  expe- 
dients which  were  resorted  to  for  the  purpose  of 
carrying  it  on.  The  year  1300  is  remarkable  for 
the  first  attempt  to  depreciate  the  currency  of  the 
realm,  it  having  been  then  ordered  that  243  pen- 
nies should  be  coined  out  of  the  pound  of  silver,  in 
place  of  240  as  formerly.  In  this  year,  also,  as 
will  be  seen  by  the  statements  already  alluded  to, 
the  Wardrobe  department  was  in  arrears  to  the 
amount  of  59491.  4s.  3d.,  which  circumstance — 


__ 

7 


taken  in  connexion  with  the  fact,  that  Sir  Simon 
Frazer  and  other  knights  soon  after  de*t;rte<i  the 
English  service,  because  their  pay  and  other  allow- 
ances were  withheld — proves  that  the  treasury  of 
England  at  this  time  must  have  been  in  a  very 
depressed  state.  This  profitless  expenditure  was 
continued  with  little  interruption,  from  1296  till 
1320,  in  pursuit  of  an  object,  which,  happily  for 
the  future  prosperity  of  both  countries,  was  unat- 
tainable. 

We  have  already  alluded  to  the  treacherous 
designs  of  Edward,  regarding  the  liberties  of  his 
own  subjects ;  and,  in  illustration  of  the  opinion 
then  expressed,  we  shall  now  subjoin  the  account 
of  his  behaviour,  after  his  triumphant  return  from 
the  north,  as  it  appears  in  the  pages  of  Dr.  Lingard, 
an  author  who  certainly  cannot  be  considered  as  a 
friend  to  Scotland  : — we  wish  we  were  able  to  call 
him  a  candid  adversary. 

"  Had  Edward,"  says  this  learned,  though  often 
disingenuous  writer,  "  confined  his  rapacity  to  the 
clergy,  he  might  perhaps  have  continued  to  despise 
their  remonstrances ;  but  the  aids  which  he  had 
annually  raised  on  the  freeholders,  the  tollages 
which  he  so  frequently  demanded  of  the  cities  and 
boroughs,  and  the  additional  duties  which  he 
extorted  from  the  merchants,  had  excited  a  general 
spirit  of  discontent.  Wool  and  hides  were  the 
two  great  articles  of  commerce  ;  the  exportation 
of  which  was  allowed  only  to  foreign  merchants, 
and  confined,  by  law,  to  eleven  ports  in  England, 
and  three  in  Ireland.  In  the  beginning  of  his 
reign,  the  duty  had  been  raised  to  half  a  mark  on 
each  sack  of  wool  ;  but  the  royal  wants  per- 
petually increased  ;  and,  during  his  quarrel  with 
the  King  of  France,  he  required  five  marks  for 
every  sack  of  fine,  three  for  every  sack  of  coarse 
wool,  and  five  for  every  last  of  hides.  On  one 
occasion,  he  extorted  from  the  merchants  a  loan 
of  the  value  of  all  the  wool  which  they  exported  ; 
on  two  others,  he  seized  and  sold  both  wool  and 
hides  for  his  own  profit.  He  even  stretched  his 
rapacious  hands  to  the  produce  of  the  soil,  and 
the  live-stock  of  his  subjects  ;  and,  to  provision 
his  army  in  Guienne,  he  issued  precepts  to  each 
sheriff  to  collect,  by  assessment  on  the  landholders 
of  his  county,  a  certain  number  of  cattle,  and  two 
thousand  quarters  of  wheat.  Though  this  requi- 
sition was  accompanied  with  a  promise  of  future 
payment,  the  patience  of  the  nation  was  exhausted  : 
consultations  began  to  be  held  :  and  preparations 
were  made  for  resistance.  Edward  had  assembled 
two  bodies  of  troops,  with  one  of  which  he  intended 
to  sail  for  Flanders,  the  other  he  destined  to  rein- 
force the  army  in  Guienne  (1297,  Feb.  24).  At 
Salisbury,  he  gave  the  command  of  the  latter  to 
Bohun.,  Earl  of  Hereford,  the  constable,  and  to 
Bigod,  Earl  of  Norfolk,  the  mareschal  of  England  ; 
but  both  these  noblemen  refused  the  appointment, 
on  the  alleged  ground,  that,  by  their  office,  they 
were  bound  only  to  attend  on  the  King's  person. 
Edward,  in  a  paroxysm  of  rage,  addressing  himself 
to  the  mareschal,  exclaimed — '  By  the  everlasting 
God,  Sir  Earl,  you  shall  go  or  hang.' — <By  the 
everlasting  God,  Sir  King,'  replied  Bigod,  *  I  will 
neither  go  nor  hang.'  Hereford  and  Norfolk  im- 
mediately departed  :  they  were  followed  by  thirty 
bannerets,  and  fifteen  hundred  knights  ;  and  the 
royal  officers,  intimidated  by  their  menaces,  ceased 
to  levy  the  purveyance.  Edward  saw  that  it  was 


CHAP.  XXIV.] 


CONCLUSION. 


necessary  to  dissemble,  and  summoned  some, — 
requested  others,  of  his  military  tenants  to  meet 
him  in  arms  in  London. 

"  The  two  Earls,  in  concert  with  the  Archbishop 
of  Canterbury,  had  arranged  their  plan  of  resist- 
ance to  the  royal  exactions.  On  the  appointed 
day  the  constable  and  John  de  Segrave,  as  deputy- 
mareschal  (Bigod  himself  was  detained  at  home 
by  sickness),  attended  the  King's  court  ;  but  when 
they  were  required  to  perform  their  respective 
duties  (July  8),  they  returned  a  refusal  in  writ- 
ing, on  the  ground  that  they  had  not  received  a 
legal  summons,  but  only  a  general  invitation.  Ed- 
ward appointed  a  new  constable  and  mareschal ; 
and,  to  divide  and  weaken  his  opponents,  sought 
to  appease  the  clergy,  and  to  move  the  commise- 
ration of  the  people  (July  11).  He  received  the 
primate  with  kindness,  ordered  the  restoration  of 
his  lands,  and  named  him  one  of  the  council  to 
Prince  Edward,  whom  he  had  appointed  regent. 
On  a  platform  before  the  entrance  of  Westminster 
Hall,  accompanied  by  his  son,  the  Archbishop, 
and  the  Earl  of  Warwick,  he  harangued  the 
people  (July  14).  He  owned  that  the  burdens 
which  he  had  laid  on  them  were  heavy  ;  but  pro- 
tested that  it  had  not  been  less  painful  to  him  to 
impose,  than  it  had  been  to  them  to  bear  them. 
Necessity  was  his  only  apology.  His  object  had 
been  to  preserve  himself  and  his  liege  men  from 
the  cruelty  and  rapacity  of  the  Welsh,  the  Scots, 
and  the  French,  who  not  only  sought  his  crown, 
but  also  thirsted  after  their  blood.  In  such  case, 
it  was  better  to  sacrifice  a  part  than  to  lose  the 
whole.  '  Behold,'  he  concluded,  '  I  am  going  to 
expose  myself  to  danger  for  you.  If  I  return, 
receive  me  again,  and  I  will  make  you  amends  ; 
if  I  fall,  here  is  my  son  ;  place  him  on  the  throne, 
and  his  gratitude  shall  reward  your  fidelity.'  At 
these  words  the  King  burst  into  tears  ;  the  Arch- 
bishop was  equally  affected  ;  the  contagion  ran 
through  the  multitude  ;  and  shouts  of  loyalty  and 
approbation  persuaded  Edward  that  he  might  still 
depend  on  the  allegiance  of  his  people.  This 
exhibition  was  followed  by  writs  to  the  sheriffs, 
ordering  them  to  protect  the  clergy  from  injury, 
and  to  maintain  them  in  the  possession  of  their 
lands. 

"  He  now  ventured  to  proceed  as  far  as  Win- 
chelsey  on  his  way  to  Flanders.  But  here  he  was 
alarmed  by  reports  of  the  designs  of  his  opponents, 
and  ordered  letters  to  be  sent  to  every  county, 
stating  the  origin  of  his  quarrel  with  the  two  earls, 
asserting  that  he  had  never  refused  any  petition 
for  redress,  and  promising  to  confirm  the  charter 
of  liberties  and  charter  of  the  forests,  in  return  for 
the  liberal  aid  of  an  eighth  which  had  been  granted 
by  the  council  in  London.  Soon  afterwards  a 
paper  was  put  into  his  hands,  purporting  to  be  the 
remonstrance  of  the  archbishops,  bishops,  abbots, 
and  priors,  the  earls,  barons,  and  whole  commonalty 
of  England.  In  it  they  complained  that  the  last 
summons  had  been  worded  ambiguously  ;  that  it 
called  on  them  to  accompany  the  King  to  Flanders, 
a  country  in  which  tney  were  not  bound  to  serve 
by  the  custom  of  their  tenures  ;  that  even  if  they 
were,  they  had  been  so  impoverished  by  aids, 
tallages,  and  unlawful  seizures,  as  to  be  unable 
to  bear  the  expense  ;  that  the  liberties  granted 
to  them  by  the  two  charters  had  been  repeatedly 
violated  ;  that  the  '  evil  toll '  (the  duty)  annually  on 


wool  amounted  alone  to  one-fifth  of  the  whole  in- 
come of  the  land  ;  and  that,  to  undertake  an  expe- 
dition to  Flanders  in  the  existing  circumstances, 
was  imprudent,  since  it  would  expose  the  kingdom 
without  protection  to  the  inroads  of  the  Welsh  and 
Scots.  Edward  replied,  that  he  could  return  no 
answer  on  matters  of  such  high  importance,  with- 
out the  advice  of  his  council,  a  part  of  which  had 
already  sailed  for  Flanders  ;  that  if  the  remon- 
strants would  accompany  him,  he  would  accept  it 
as  a  favour  ;  if  they  refused,  he  trusted  they  would 
raise  no  disturbance  during  his  absence  (Aug.  19). 
Before  his  departure  he  appointed  commissioners 
in  each  county  with  powers  to  require  security 
from  all  persons  for  the  payment  of  aids  due  to 
the  crown,  and  to  imprison  the  publishers  of  false 
reports,  the  disturbers  of  the  peace,  and  such  of 
the  clergy  as  might  presume  to  pronounce  cen- 
sures against  the  royal  officers  for  the  discharge  of 
their  duty. 

"  At  length  the  King  set  sail,  accompanied  by 
the  barons  and  knights  who  had  espoused  his 
cause  ;  and  two  days  later,  Bohun  and  Bigod,  with 
a  numerous  retinue,  proceeded  to  the  exchequer. 
The  constable,  in  the  presence  of  the  treasurer 
and  judges,  complained  of  the  King's  extortions, 
of  his  illegal  seizures  of  private  property,  and 
of  the  enormous  duty  imposed  upon  wool  ;  and 
forbade  them,  in  the  name  of  the  baronage  of 
England,  to  levy  the  last  eighth  which  had  been 
granted  by  the  great  council,  because  it  had  been 
voted  without  his  knowledge  and  concurrence,  and 
that  of  his  friends.  From  the  exchequer  they 
rode  to  the  Guildhall,  where  they  called  upon  the 
citizens  to  join  in  the  common  cause,  and  to  aid 
in  wresting  the  confirmation  of  the  national  liber- 
ties from  a  reluctant  and  despotic  sovereign.  The 
tears  which  the  Londoners  had  shed  during  Ed- 
ward's harangue,  were  now  dried  up  ;  considera- 
tions of  interest  suppressed  the  impulse  of  pity  ; 
and  they  gave  assurances  of  their  co-operation  to 
the  barons,  who  immediately  retired  to  their  re- 
spective counties.  Both  during  their  progress  to 
the  capital,  and  their  return  from  it,  they  had 
marched  in  military  array.  But  at  the  same  tune 
they  had  been  careful  to  preserve  the  peace  ;  and 
had  threatened,  by  proclamation,  to  punish  every 
lawless  aggressor  with  immediate  amputation  of  a 
hand,  or  the  loss  of  the  head,  according  to  the 
quality  of  the  offence. 

"  The  King  was  soon  informed  of  these  proceed- 
ings, and  ordered  the  barons  of  the  exchequer  to 
disregard  the  prohibition.  But  in  a  few  weeks 
his  obstinacy  was  subdued  by  a  succession  of  un- 
toward events.  The  people  and  clergy  universally 
favoured  the  cause  of  the  earls  ;  the  Scots,  after 
their  victory  at  Stirling,  had  burst  into  the  northern 
counties  ;  and  Edward  himself  lay  at  Ghent  in 
Flanders,  unable  to  return  to  the  protection  of  the 
kingdom,  and  too  weak  to  face  the  superior  force 
of  the  French  king.  In  these  circumstances,  the 
lords  who  composed  the  council  of  the  young 
Prince,  invited  the  archbishop,  six  prelates,  twenty- 
three  abbots  and  priors,  the  constable  and  mares- 
chal, and  eight  barons,  to  treat  with  them  on 
matters  of  the  greatest  moment,  and  summoned 
a  parliament  to  meet  in  London  a  week  later 
(Sept.  30),  and  witness  the  confirmation  of  the  two 
charters.  In  the  conferences  which  preceded,  the 
two  parties,  though  opposed  in  appearance,  had  the 


LIFE  OF  SIR  WILLIAM  WALLACE. 


[CHAP.  xxiv. 


same  interests  and  the  same  views  ;  a  form  of 
peace  (so  it  was  called)  was  speedily  arranged  ; 
and,  to  the  ancient  enactments  of  the  charters, 
were  appended  the  following  most  important  addi- 
tions : — '  No  tallage  or  aid  shall  henceforth  be  laid 
or  levied  by  us  or  our  heirs  in  this  our  realm,  with- 
out the  good  will  and  common  assent  of  the  arch- 
bishops, bishops,  and  other  prelates,  the  earls, 
barons,  knights,  burgesses,  and  other  free  men  in 
our  realm.  No  officer  of  us  or  our  heirs  shall  take 
corn,  wool,  hides,  or  other  goods,  of  any  person 
whatsoever,  without  the  good  will  and  assent  of  the 
owner  of  such  goods.  Nothing  shall  henceforth  be 
taken  on  the  sack  of  wool,  under  the  name  or  pre- 
tence of  the  evil  toll.  We  also  will  and  grant  for 
us  and  our  heirs,  that  all  both  clergy  and  laity  of 
our  realm  shall  have  their  laws,  liberties,  and  free 
customs,  as  freely  and  wholly  as  at  any  time  when 
they  had  them  best ;  and  if  any  statutes  have 
been  made  or  customs  introduced  by  us  or  our 
ancestors  contrary  to  them,  or  to  any  article  in  the 
present  charter,  we  will  and  grant  that  such  sta- 
tutes and  customs  be  null  and  void  for  ever.  We 
have,  moreover,  remitted  to  the  Earl  Constable, 
and  Earl  Mareschal  and  all  their  associates,  and  to 
all  those  who  have  not  accompanied  us  to  Flan- 
ders, all  rancour  and  ill  will,  and  all  manner  of 
offences  which  they  may  have  committed  against 
us  or  ours  before  the  making  of  this  present 
charter.  And  for  the  greater  assurance  of  this 
thing,  we  will  and  grant  for  us  and  our  heirs,  that 
all  archbishops  and  bishops  in  England  for  ever, 
shall,  twice  in  the  year  after  the  reading  of  this 
charter  in  their  cathedral  churches,  excommuni- 
cate, and  cause,  in  their  parochial  churches  to  be 
excommunicated,  all  those  that  knowingly  shall  do 
or  cause  to  be  done,  any  thing  against  the  tenor, 
force,  and  effect  of  any  article  contained  in  it.' 

"When  the  parliament  assembled  (Oct.  10), 
these  additions  to  the  charter  were  received  with 
enthusiasm  ;  and  provided  the  King  would  assent 
to  them,  the  laity  voted  him  an  eighth,  the  clergy 
of  Canterbury  a  tenth,  and  the  clergy  of  York  a 
fifth.  The  prince,  by  a  public  instrument,  took  the 
Earls  and  their  associates  under  his  protection  ; 
and  the  Lords  of  the  Council  bound  themselves  to 
indemnify  them  against  the  effects  of  the  royal  dis- 
pleasure. A  common  letter  was  written  to  the 
King,  soliciting  him  to  appease  all  differences  by 
giving  his  assent,  and  assuring  him  that  his  faith- 
ful barons  were  ready  at  his  command  either  to 
join  him  in  Flanders,  or  to  march  against  his  ene- 
mies in  Scotland  ;  but  at  the  same  time  requiring, 
in  a  tone  of  defiance,  an  answer  against  the  sixth 
day  of  December.  It  cost  the  haughty  mind  of 
Edward  several  struggles,  before  he  could  prevail 
on  himself  to  submit  ;  three  days  were  spent  in 
useless  deliberation  and  complaints  ;  but  at  last, 
with  a  reluctant  hand,  he  signed  the  confirmation  of 
the  two  charters  with  the  additional  articles,  and  a 
separate  pardon  for  the  Earls  and  their  followers, 
(Nov.  5). 

j  "  This  was  perhaps  the  most  important  victory 
j  which  had  hitherto  been  gained  over  the  Crown. 
By  investing  the  people  with  the  sole  right  of 
raising  the  supplies,  it  armed  them  with  the  power 
of  checking  the  extravagance,  and  controlling  the 
despotism  of  their  monarchs.  Whatever  jealousy 
might  be  entertained  of  Edward's  intentions,  his 
conduct  wore  at  first  the  semblance  of  sincerity. 


As  soon  as  an  armistice  had  been  concluded  be- 
;ween  him  and  the  King  of  France,  he  returned  to 
England,  and  appointed  commissioners  to  inquire 
nto  the  illegal  seizures  which  had  been  made  pre- 
viously to  his  departure.  They  were  to  be  divided 
into  two  classes.  Where  the  officers  acted  without 
warrant,  they  were,  at  their  own  cost,  to  indemnify 
the  sufferers  ;  where  the  goods  had  been  taken  by 
the  royal  orders,  their  value  was  to  be  certified 
nto  the  exchequer,  and  prompt  payment  was  to 
be  made.  Still  it  was  suspected  that  he  only 
waited  for  a  favourable  moment  to  cancel  the  con- 
cessions which  had  been  wrung  from  him  by  neces- 
sity ;  and  it  was  whispered  that  among  his  confi- 
dential friends  he  had  laughed  at  them  as  being  of 
no  force,  because  they  had  been  made  in  a  foreign 
country,  where  he  possessed  no  authority.  When 
he  met  his  parliament  at  York,  the  Earls  of  Here- 
ford and  Norfolk  required  that  he  should  ratify  his 
confirmation  of  the  charters.  He  objected  from 
the  necessity  of  hastening  to  oppose  the  Scots, 
solemnly  promised  to  comply  with  their  request 
on  his  return,  and  brought  forward  the  Bishop  of 
Durham  and  three  Earls,  who  swore  '  on  his  soul,' 
that  he  should  fulfil  his  engagements."  A.D.  1299, 
March.  "  The  victory  of  Falkirk  and  a  long  series 
of  success  gave  a  lustre  to  his  arms  ;  but  when 
the  parliament  assembled  the  next  year,  the  King 
was  reminded  of  his  promise.  His  reluctance 
employed  every  artifice  to  deceive  the  vigilance, 
or  exhaust  the  patience,  of  the  two  Earls.  He 
retired  from  the  parliament  in  anger  ;  he  returned 
and  proposed  modifications  ;  at  last  he  ratified  his 
former  concessions,  but  with  the  addition  of  a 
clause,  which,  by  saving  the  rights  of  the  Crown, 
virtually  annulled  every  provision  in  favour  of  the 
subject.  Bohun  and  Bigod  instantly  departed 
with  their  adherents  ;  and  the  King,  to  ascertain 
the  sentiments  of  the  people,  ordered  the  sheriff's 
to  assemble  the  citizens  in  the  cemetery  of  St. 
Paul's,  and  to  read  to  them  the  new  confirmation 
of  the  charters.  The  lecture  was  repeatedly  inter- 
rupted by  shouts  of  approbation  ;  but  when  the 
illusory  clause  was  recited,  the  air  rung  with  ex- 
pressions of  discontent,  and  curses  were  poured 
on  the  head  of  the  prince,  who  had  thus  disap- 
pointed the  expectations  of  his  people.  Edward 
took  the  alarm  ;  summoned  a  new  parliament  to 
meet  him  within  a  fortnight ;  granted  every  de- 
mand ;  and  appointed  a  commission  of  three 
Bishops,  three  Earls,  and  three  Barons,  to  ascer- 
tain the  real  boundaries  of  the  royal  forests  *." 

In  the  following  extract,  we  find  Edward,  on  the 
14th  July,  holding  up  the  Scots  as  a  bugbear  to 
terrify  his  subjects  into  an  acquiescence  with  his 
oppressive  demands  ;  and  on  the  30th  September 
the  English,  in  turn,  are  found  making  the  very 
same  use  of  the  Scots,  for  the  purpose  of  extorting 
from  their  reluctant  and  unprincipled  "  Justinian," 
the  confirmation  of  their  national  liberties.  It  did 
not,  however,  appear  to  strike  them  that  the  sub- 
version of  freedom  in  Scotland  was  totally  incon- 
sistent with  its  existence  in  the  southern  part  of 
the  island. 

By  the  same  author  we  are  also  told,  that  after 
the  surrender  of  Stirling  Castle  in  1304,  Edward 
sent  a  secret  deputation  to  the  Pope,  craving  that 

*  Vol.  iii.  8vo.  ed.  p.  343—355;  and  vol.  ii.  of  4to.  ed. 
p.  459—468.  470. 


CHAP.  XXIV.] 


CONCLUSION. 


95 


a  dispensation  might  be  granted  him  from  the 
oaths  he  had  taken.  This  request  appears  to  have 
been  complied  with  ;  but  the  learned  author  adds, 
"  Whether  the  papal  rescript  did  not  fully  meet  the 
King's  wishes,  or  that  he  was  intimidated  by  the 
rebellion  of  the  Scots,  he  made  no  public  use  of 
its  contents  ;  but  suffered  the  concessions,  galling 
as  they  were,  to  remain  on  the  statute-roll  at  his 
death,  and  descend  to  future  sovereigns  as  the 
recognised  law  of  the  land.  Thus,  after  a  long 
struggle,  was  won,  from  an  able  and  powerful 
monarch,  the  most  valuable  of  the  privileges  en- 
joyed by  the  commons  of  England  at  the  present 
day.  If  we  are  indebted  to  the  patriotism  of  Car- 
dinal Langton,  and  the  Barons  at  Runnymead,  the 
framers  of  the  great  charter,  we  ought  equally  to 
revere  the  memory  of  Archbishop  Winchelsey  and 
the  Earls  of  Hereford  and  Norfolk.  The  former 
erected  barriers  against  the  abuse  of  the  sovereign 
authority ;  the  latter  fixed  the  liberties  of  the  sub- 
ject on  a  sure  and  permanent  foundation  *."  In 

*  Lingard,  vol.  iii.  p.  356. 


his  list  of  meritorious  characters,  the  learned  au- 
thor ought  certainly  not  to  have  omitted  the  Knight 
of  Elderslie  and  his  patriotic  followers,  who,  in 
standing  nobly  forward  for  the  independence  of 
their  own  country,  were  also  instrumental  in  secur- 
ing such  invaluable  and  lasting  privileges  for  their 
neighbours. 

From  the  evidence  adduced  in  the  quotations 
made,  of  the  powerful  diversion  effected  in  favour 
of  English  liberty  by  the  stubborn  opposition  of 
the  Scots,  it  appears,  that  the  success  of  the  arms 
of  the  latter  was  the  palladium  on  which  the  most 
important  of  England's  chartered  rights  depended. 
When  the  people  of  England,  therefore,  think  of 
erecting  monuments  to  the  characters  the  worthy 
Doctor  has  enumerated,  it  is  to  be  hoped  that  a 
tablet  to  the  memory  of  the  Guardian  of  Scotland 
will  not  be  forgotten,  on  which,  with  propriety  may 
be  inscribed, 

"  LIBERTE  CHERIE,  quand  tu  incurs  en  Ecosse, 
Certes,  1'Anglais,  chez  lui,  j?eut  bien  creuser  TA  foaas." 


APPENDIX. 


A. 

WALLACE'S  TREE. — TORWOOD. 
Page  37. 

THE  following  memoranda  respecting  this  cele- 
brated tree,  will  doubtless  be  acceptable  to  the 
reader  *  : — 

"  In  Dunipace  parish  is  the  famous  Torwood, 
in  the  middle  of  which  there  are  the  remains  of 
Wallace's  Tree,  an  oak,  which,  according  to  a 
measurement  when  entire,  was  said  to  be  about 
twelve  feet  diameter.  To  this  wood  Wallace  is 
said  to  have  fled,  and  secreted  himself  in  the  body 
of  that  tree,  then  hollow,  after  his  defeat  in  the 
north."— Stat.  Ace.  iii.  336. 

"  This  oak  is  still  dignified  by  the  name  of 
Wallace's  Tree.  It  stands  in  the  middle  of  a 
swampy  moss,  having  a  causeway  round  its  ruins  ; 
and  its  destruction  has  been  much  precipitated, 
by  the  veneration  in  which  the  Scottish  hero  has 
been  long  held  ;  numerous  pieces  have  been  car- 
ried off,  to  be  converted  into  various  memorials  of 
the  Champion  of  Scotland." — Kerr's  Hist,  of  Bruce, 
i.  127. 

"  Wallace's  Oak,  as  it  has  been  called  for  ages, 
still  remains  in  the  Torwood  near  Stirling.  The 
old  tradition  of  the  country  bears,  that  Sir  Wil- 
liam Wallace,  after  a  lost  battle,  secreted  himself 
in  this  tree,  and  escaped  the  pursuit  of  his  enemies. 
By  this  account,  it  behoved  then,  that  is,  about 
500  years  ago,  to  have  been  a  large  tree.  What- 
ever may  be  its  age,  it  certainly  has  in  its  ruins  the 
appearance  of  greater  antiquity  than  what  I  have 
observed  in  any  tree  in  Scotland. 

"  At  a  very  remote  period  it  has  separated  in 
the  middle,  and  the  one  half  of  it  has  mouldered 
entirely  away.  The  other  half  remains,  and  is  in 
one  place  about  twenty  feet  high.  But  what  the 
tree  was  above  this  height,  is  unknown.  All  the 
original  part  of  the  tree  is  putrid.  Yet  one  may 
perceive  that  the  whole  of  it,  from  the  head  to  the 
very  bark,  has  been  red  wood,  and  is  so  hard  even 
in  its  putrid  state  as  to  admit  of  a  polish. 

"  In  this  ancient  Torwood,  it  stands  in  a  manner 
alone.  For  there  are  no  trees,  nor  any  ruin  of  a 
tree,  to  be  seen  that  is  nearly  coeval.  Compared 
to  it,  even  the  oldest  of  them  is  of  a  very  modern 
date.  The  memory  of  its  having  saved  Wallace, 
has  probably  been  the  means  of  its  preservation, 
when  all  the  rest  of  the  wood  at  different  times  has 
been  destroyed.  It  has  been  immemorially  held 
in  veneration,  and  is  still  viewed  in  that  light. 

*  See  also  an  interesting  paper  on  this  subject,  in  The 
Edinburgh  Literary  Journal,  No.  70. 


"  There  is  a  peculiar  sort  of  renovation  of  an 
old  tree  that  sometimes  occurs,  and  has  taken 
place  in  this.  A  young  bark  has  shot  upwards 
from  the  root  in  several  places,  which  has  formed 
fresh  branches  towards  the  top  of  the  old  trunk. 
This  young  bark  has  spread,  and  still  spreads,  like 
a  callus,  over  several  parts  of  the  old  tree  that  are 
dead;  and  particularly  over  a  very  large  arm, 
which  has  had  no  bark  on  it  in  the  remembrance 
of  the  oldest  person  alive. 

"  The  tree  stands  in  carse  land,  in  a  deep  wet 
clay-soil.  The  road  that  passes  by  it  in  the  wood 
is  laid  crossways  with  thick  branches  of  trees,  to 
prevent  carriages  from  sinking  to  the  axles  in  wet 
weather. — Essays  on  Natural  History,  by  John 
Walker,  D.D.  (1771.) 

The  ground  on  which  this  tree  stood  was  ele- 
vated above  the  surrounding  level,  which  appears 
at  one  time  to  have  been  a  sort  of  swamp.  Cause- 
ways of  a  rude  construction  led  up  to  the  oak  in 
different  directions  ;  and  as  the  first  formation  of 
these  causeways  is  beyond  the  memory  of  the  oldest 
inhabitants  living,  it  proves  that  the  sheltering 
place  of  the  Defender  of  Scotland  must  have  been 
an  object  of  deep  interest  to  his  countrymen  at  a 
very  early  period.  Although  this  ancient  memorial 
of  Wallace  measured,  in  the  recollection  of  people 
still  living,  forty-two  feet  in  circumference,  not  a 
vestige  of  it  is  now  to  be  discovered.  The  venera- 
tion with  which  it  was  regarded,  secured  it  from 
all  human  interference  ;  and  it  was  left  to  the  winds 
of  heaven,  and  the  hand  of  time,  till  it  reached 
that  state  of  decay  which  indicated  an  approach- 
ing crisis.  Its  extinction  was  then  hastened  by 
an  anxiety  on  the  part  of  visitors  to  possess  some 
portion  of  it,  as  a  relic  of  one  with  whose  name 
it  had  been  so  long  associated  ;  and  so  far  was 
this  feeling  carried,  that,  after  the  trunk  had  dis- 
appeared, the  ground  was  dug  up  to  the  extent  of 
twelve  feet  round  it,  in  order  to  get  at  any  frag- 
ment of  the  root  that  might  chance  to  remain. 
This  grand  search  took  place  after  the  time  was 
fixed  for  the  visit  of  George  IV.  to  Scotland  ;  and 
Mr.  Craig,  an  artist  residing  at  Helensburgh,  of 
considerable  taste  in  his  profession,  used  a  part  of 
it  which  had  then  been  found,  in  the  formation  of  a 
snuff-box,  ingeniously  composed,  besides,  of  various 
small  pieces  of  wood,  including  portions  of  "the 
Elderslie  Oak,"  "  Queen  Mary's  Yew,"  the  «  Bush 
abune  Traquair,"  and  other  celebrated  inmates  of 
the  forest,  which  have  been  consecrated  by  the 
historical  and  poetical  Muse  of  Scotland.  This 
elegant  little  national  gem  was  with  much  pro- 
priety presented  to,  and  graciously  accepted  by,  his 
Majesty,  during  his  residence  hi  Scotland.  Thus, 


APPENDIX  B. 


97 


after  a  lapse  of  ages,  the  root  of  that  oak  which  had 
preserved  the  houseless  patiiot  when  outlawed  by 
the  enemies  of  his  country,  has,  by  a  strange  vicis- 
situde, been  transplanted  to  the  personal  possession 
of  the  legitimate  descendant  of  that  race  of  kings 
for  whose  right  he  so  nobly  contended,  and  whose 
beloved  representative  now  wields  a  sceptre  over  a 
countless  accumulation  of  subjects,  and  a  dominion 
from  which  the  sun  may  be  said  never  to  withdraw 
his  light. 

In  the  preceding  year,  at  the  depth  of  a  foot 
from  the  surface,  and  about  thirty  feet  west  of 
Wallace's  tree,  the  head  of  an  ancient  Scottish 
spear  was  found,  which  was  presented  to  the 
Society  of  Antiquaries  of  Scotland,  by  Mr.  Alex- 
ander Kincaid.  It  measures  eight  inches  hi  length, 
and,  if  not  of  higher  antiquity,  was  probably  one  of 
those  used  in  the  fatal  conflict  which  took  place  in 
the  Torwood  between  James  III.  and  his  rebellious 
nobles  in  1488. 


THE   CRAWFURDS. 


Page  40. 

CRAWFURD  is  a  corruption  of  two  Celtic  words 
Crodh-Phort,  pronounced  Cro-forst,  signifying  a  shel- 
tering place  for  cattle,  a  designation  expressive  of  the 
general  appearance  of  the  parish  of  Crawford-John. 
As  every  thing  relating  to  so  illustrious  a  character 
as  Wallace  is  important,  the  following  pedigree, 
showing  his  maternal  descent,  will  doubtless  be 
acceptable  to  many. 

According  to  that  accurate  genealogist,  George 
Crawfurd,  author  of  the  Scottish  Peerage,  and  the 
History  of  Renfrewshire,  and  of  the  House  of  Stewart, 
published  more  than  100  years  ago,  the  Craufurds 
are  derived  from  Thoi'longus,  an  Anglo-Danish 
chief,  who,  being  expelled  from  Northumberland 
by  William  the  Conqueror,  found  an  asylum  in 
Scotland,  and,  in  particular,  had  a  grant  of  land  in 
the  Merse  from  Edgar,  King  of  Scots,  whose  reign 
is  included  betwixt  the  year  1097  and  the  8th 
January  1106-7. 

This  appears  from  Crawfurd's  MS.  "  History  of 
the  Craufurds,"  in  the  Advocates'  Library,  and  is 
corroborated  by  Anderson  in  his  Diplomata,  com- 
piled at  the  desire  of  the  Scots  Parliament,  who 
has  this  notice  of  Thor-Longus  :  —  "  Hie  vir  nobilis 
et  Anglus  genere  fuisse,  videtur  ac  forte  idem  qui 
Thor  in  Libro  vulgo  dicto  Doomsday-Book,  ssepius 
memoratus  amplissimis  suis  prsediis  in  borealibus 
Anglise  partibus  sitis  a  Gullielmo  Conquisitore  erat 
exutus." 

At  what  particular  time  his  expulsion  took  place, 
does  not  precisely  appear  ;  but  it  seems  probable 
that  it  must  have  been  betwixt  the  years  1069  and 
1074,  when,  from  the  unsubmissive  spirit  of  the 
Northumbrians,  they  brought  down  on  their  own 
heads  the  most  direful  wrath  of  the  Conqueror, 
who  was  so  provoked  with  them,  for  joining  their 
original  countrymen  the  Danes,  who  had  at  that 
time  invaded  England  (and  whom,  for  all  his 
prowess,  he  was  fain  to  buy  off  ),  that  "he  swore 
by  the  splendour  of  God  he  would  not  leave  a  soul 
alive  ;"  and  so  soon  as  he  found  it  in  his  power 
(the  foreigners  being  now  gone)  to  be  avenged  of 


them,  he  ravaged  their  country  in  so  merciless  a 
manner,  that  for  sixty  miles  together  he  did  not 
leave  a  single  house  standing. — See  Rapin,  vol.  i. 
p.  172. 

All  this  took  place  betwixt  the  years  as  above 
stated  ;  and  as  they  were  quite  subdued  by  the  last 
of  these  dates  (1074),  and  as  there  appeared  to 
have  been  no  more  exterminating  spoliation  of  this 
part  of  the  country  afterwards  during  William's 
reign,  it  seems  to  be  a  fair  conclusion,  that  this 
Anglo-Danish  chief  had  found  it  necessary  to  fly, 
and  made  his  escape  to  Scotland  during  the  interim 
mentioned.  The  era  of  the  Doomsday-Book  itself 
(1079),  in  which  Thor  is  mentioned  to  have  been, 
before  that  time,  deprived  of  his  possessions, 
should  be  a  concluding  evidence  of  the  fact.  That 
he  obtained  lands  in  Scotland  during  the  reign  of 
King  Edgar,  appears  distinctly  from  the  following 
writs,  copied  from  the  MS.  History  of  Crawfurd, 
and  which  also  are  to  be  found  in  the  archives  of 
the  cathedral  of  Durham. 

CHARTA   tHORLONGI. 

Omnibus  sanctse  matris  Ecclesise  filiis  Thor- 
longus  in  Domino,  salutem  :  Sciatis  quod  Edgarus 
Dominus  meus  Rex  Scottorum,  dedit  mihi  Edna- 
ham  desertam,  quam  ego  suo  auxilio  et  mea  pro- 
pria  pecunia  inhabitavi,  et  ecclesiam  in  honorem 
Sancti  Cuthberti  fabricavi,  quam  ecclesiam  cum 
una  carrucata  terrse,  Deo  et  Sancto  Cuthberto  et 
monachis  ejus  in  perpetuum  possidendum  dedi  ; 
hanc  igitur  donationem  feci  pro  anima  domini  mei 
Regis  Edgari,  et  pro  animabus  patris  et  matris 
illius,  et  pro  redemptione  Lefwini  patris  mei  dilec- 
tissimi,  et  pro  meimet  ipsius  tarn  corporis  quam 
animse  salute,  et  siquis  hanc  meam  donationem 
sancto  predicto  et  monachis  sibi  servientibus  aliqua 
vi  vel  ingenio  auferre  presumserit,  auferat  ab  eo 
Deus  omnipotens  vitam  Regni  celestis,  et  cum 
diabolo  et  angelis  ejus  poenas  sustinet  eternas. 
Amen. 

EJUSDEM. 

Domino  suo  charissimo  David  Comiti  Thor,  om- 
nibusque  suis,  salutem  :  Scias  domine  mi,  quod 
Edgarus  Rex  frater  vester  dedit  mihi  Ednaham 
desertam,  quam  ego  suo  auxilio  et  mea  pecunia 
inhabitavi,  et  ecclesiam  a  fundamentis  fabricavi 
quam  frater  vester  Rex  in  honorem  Sancti  Cuth- 
berti fecit,  dedicavit,  et  una  carrucata  terree  earn 
dotavit.  Hanc  eandem  ecclesiam  pro  anima  ejus- 
dem  domini  mei  Regis  Edgari  et  patris  et  matris 
vestri  et  pro  salute  vestra  et  Regis  Alexandri  et 
Mathildis  Reginse,  sancto  predicto  et  monachis 
ejus  dedi,  unde  vos  precor  sicut  dominum  meum 
charissimum,  ut  pro  animabus  parentum  vestro- 
rum  et  pro  salute  vivorum  hanc  donationem  Sancto 
Cuthberto,  et  monachis  sibi  in  perpetuam  servituris 
concedatis. 

This  historian  deduces  the  Crawfurds  from  the 
above  Thorlongus,  in  the  following  order  of  succes- 
sion : — 

I.  Thorlongus,  who  has   charters  as  above  in 
the  reign  of  King   Edgar  (inter  1097  et   1107), 
and  whose  seal  in  the  first  is  quite  entire,  had  two 
sons  j  1.  Swane  ;  2.  William,  whose  name  appears 
in  a  charter  by  William  de  Vetereponte,  in  the 
archives  of  Durham. 

II.  Swane,    son    of   Thorlongus,  whose  name 
appears  in  several  charters  of  the  same  age,  as  in 

H 


1)8 


LIFE  OF  SIR  WILLIAM  WALLACE. 


one  by  King  Edgar  to  the  monastery  of  Colding 
ham,  of  the  lands  of  Swinton  ;  also  in  one  of  th< 
reign  of  David  I.,  as  possessing  the  Fishery  at  Fis 
wick,  near  Berwick,  and  others  in  these  archives. 

III.  Galfredus,  son  of  Swane,   also  mentione 
in  these  archives.     He  is  stated  by  Crawford  t< 
have  had  two  sons  ;  1.  Hugh,  the  next  in  this  line 
2.  Reginaldus,  of  whom  afterwards. 

IV.  Hugh,  the  eldest  son  of  Galfredus,  from 
whom  came  the  Crawfords  of  Crawford  proper,  as 
under. 

V.  Galfredus  de  Crawford,  who  is  a  witness  to 
a  charter  of  Roger,  Bishop  of  St.  Andrew's,  to  tin 
monastery  of  Kelso,  in  1179,  and  died  about  1202. 

VI.  Reginald  de  Crawford,  probably  his  son,  is 
witness  to  a  charter  of  Richard  le  Bard  to  the 
same  monastery,  together  with  William,  John,  anc 
Adam,  his  sons,  in  1228.    Of  the  first  and  third  no 
other  memorial  exists.     The  second, 

VII.  Sir  John  Crawfurd,  his  successor,  is  desig- 
nated, Dominus  de  eodem  miles,  in  several  donations 
He  died  without  male  issue  in  1248,  leaving  two 
daughters,   of  whom  the  eldest   was  married  to 
Archibald  de  Douglas,  ancestor  of  all  the  Douglases 
whose  descent  can  be  traced  ;  and  the  youngest 
was  married  to  David  de  Lindsay  of  Wauchope- 
dale,  ancestor  of  all  the  Lindsays  in  Scotland. 

The  last  three  are  extracted  from  Wood's  Peer- 
age, under  the  title  Crawford ;  and  the  authorities 
are  stated  on  the  margin.  That  these  ladies,  the 
daughters  of  Sir  John  Crawfurd,  were  descended 
from  Hugh,  No.  IV.,  is  distinctly  mentioned  by 
Crawfurd,  in  the  MS.  History  of  the  Crawfurds, 
as  above.  To  return  now  to  the  second  son  of 
Galfredus,  No.  III. 

Crawfurd  further  states,  that  Galfredus,  No.  III., 
as  above,  besides  Hugh,  had  another  son, 

IV.  Reginald,  with   whom  another  portion  of 
the  barony  of  Craufurd  remained,  and  that  from 
him  descended  his  son, 

V.  John ;  and  hence  the  distinction  of  this  part 
of  the  barony  into  Crawford-John.      This  John, 
he  adds,  is  the  first  on  record  that  used  the  sur- 
name of  Craufurd  from  his  lands  ;  and  he  is  men- 
tioned as  a  witness  to  a  charter  by  Arnold,  Abbot 
of  Kelso,  in  1140.     In  the  account  of  Craufurd  of 
Auchnames,  in  Renfrewshire,  p.  365,  it  is  stated, 
that  Sir  Gregan  Craufurd,  ancestor  of  the  Dalma- 
gregan  branch  of  Craufurds,  was  a  younger  bro- 
ther of  Sir  John  Craufurd  of  Crawford-John  ;  of 
course,  he  must  also  have  been  a  son  of  Reginald, 
No.  IV.      This  point  may  afterwards   be    more 
clearly  verified.     Suffice  it  here  to  say,  that  this 
branch  diverged  into  several,  as  those  of  Torring- 
zean,  Drongan,  Camlarg,   Balquhanny,   Liffnoris, 
&c.,  all  either  now  extinct,  or  whose  history  is 
very  little  known.      They  were  distinguished  by 
the  stag's  head  in  their  armorial  bearings,  in  allu- 
sion to  their  common  ancestor  Sir  Gregan's  having 
rescued  David  I.  from  the  attack  of  a  stag  which 
had  unhorsed  him.     This  exploit  is  said  to  have 
taken  place  near  Edinburgh,  in  1127,  which  date 
corresponds  not  unfitly  with  the  era  of  his  supposed 
brother,    Sir  John   Craufurd  of    Crawford-John, 
who  appears  as  a  witness,  as  above-mentioned,  in 
1140. 

VI.  Dominus  Galfredus  de  Craufurd,  is  the  next 
stated  by  Craufurd  the  historian,  in  the  succession 
n  this  line.  He  lived  in  the  reign  of  Malcolm  IV. 
inter  1153  et  1165),  and  in  that  of  his  successor 


William  ;  and  is  a  frequent  witness  to  the  dona- 
tions of  that  prince  to  the  abbacy  of  Arbroath, 
particularly  in  1179. 

VII.  Hugh  de  Craufurd  appears  to  be  the  next 
in  succession,  though  it  is  more  from  probable  con- 
jecture than  from  precise  evidence,  that  he  is  re- 
ported to  be  the  son  of  the  preceding.     But  that 
this  Hugh  was  father  of 

VIII.  Sir  Reginald  de  Craufurd,  sheriff  of  Ayr- 
shire, Crawfurd   has   no  hesitation  in    affirming. 
This  Sir   Reginald,  about   the   beginning  of   the 
13th   century,  married   the   heiress   of  Loudoun, 
and  from  him  all  the  Crawfurds  of  that  family,  and 
their  numerous  cadets,  are  descended.     It  would 
appear  that  he  had  four  sons  ;  1.  Hugh  ;  2.  Wil- 
liam ;  3.  John,  from  whom  is  descended  the  Craw- 
fordland  family  ;  and,  4.  Adam. 

IX.  Hugh  carried  on  the  line  of  Loudoun.     He 
had  two  sons  ;    1.  Hugh  ;  2.  Reginald,  who  was 
the  first  of  Kerse. 

X.  Hugh,  the  eldest  son,  was  of  Loudoun.     He 
had  a  son,  said  to  be  ancestor  of  the  Baidland 
Craufurds,  and  a   daughter,   Margaret,  who  was 
married  to   Sir  Malcolm  Wallace.     She  was  the 
mother  of  the  Guardian  of  Scotland,  Sir  William 
Wallace,  from  whom  the  Bailies  of  Lamington  are 
maternally    descended.  —  Robertson's     "  Ayrshire 
Families:9 


0. 


THE  BURNING  OF  THE  BARNS  OF  AYR. 

Page  42. 

As  this  is  one  of  those  portions  of  our  history  on 
which  Lord  Hailes  has  thought  proper  to  be  scep- 
tical, the  following  remarks  of  the  learned  Dr. 
Jamieson  *  on  the  subject  may  be  satisfactory  to 
the  reader.  With  respect  to  the  date,  it  may,  with 
great  propriety,  be  fixed  about  Midsummer  1297- 

'•'  The  story  of  the  destruction  of  these  buildings, 
and  of  the  immediate  reason  of  it,  is  supported  by 
the  universal  tradition  of  the  country  to  this  day  ; 
and  local  tradition  is  often  entitled  to  more  regard 
than  is  given  to  it  by  the  fastidiousness  of  the 
learned.  Whatever  allowances  it  may  be  neces- 
sary to  make  for  subsequent  exaggeration,  it  is  not 
easily  conceivable,  that  an  event  should  be  con- 
nected with  a  particular  spot,  during  a  succession 
of  ages,  without  some  foundation. 

"  Sir  D.  Dairy mple  deems  this  story  l  inconsistent 
with  probability.'     He  objects  to  it,  because  it  is 
said,  'that  Wallace,  accompanied    by    Sir  John 
Irraham,  Sir  John  Menteith,  and  Alexander  Scrym- 
;eour,  constable  of  Dundee,  went  into  the  west  of 
Scotland,  to  chastise  the  men  of  Galloway,  who  had 
espoused  the  part  of  the  Comyns,  and  of  the  Eng- 
ish  ;'  and  that,  'on  the  28th  August,  1298,  they 
set  fire  to  some  granaries  in  the  neighbourhood  of 
Ayr,  and  burned  the  English  cantoned  in  them.' — 
Annals,  I.  255,  N.     Here  he  refers  to  the  relations 
)f  Arnold  Blair  and  to  Major,  and  produces  three 
objections  to  the  narrative.     One  of  these  is,  that 
Comyn,  the  younger  of  Badenoch,  was  the  only 
man  of  the  name  of  Comyn  who  had  any  interest 
n  Galloway  ;  and  he  was  at  that  time  of  Wallace's 
>arty.'     The  other  two  are  ;  that  f  Sir  John  Gra- 
am  could  have  no  share  in  the  enterprise,  for  he 
*  Notes  to  "  Wallace." 


APPENDIX  D. 


was  killed  at  Falkirk,  22d  July,  1298  ;'  and  that 
:  it  is  not  probable  that  Wallace  would  have  under- 
taken such  an  enterprise  immediately  after  the  dis- 
comfiture at  Falkirk.'  Although  it  had  been  said 
by  mistake,  that  Graham  and  Comyn  were  present, 
this  could  not  invalidate  the  whole  relation,  for  we 
often  find  that  leading  facts  are  faithfully  narrated 
in  a  history,  when  there  are  considerable  mistakes 
as  to  the  persons  said  to  have  been  engaged. 

"  But  although  our  annalist  refers  both  to  Major 
and  Blair,  it  is  the  latter  only  who  mentions  either 
the  design  of  the  visit  paid  to  the  west  of  Scotland, 
or  the  persons  who  are  said  to  have  been  associates 
in  it.  The  whole  of  Sir  David's  reasoning  rests  on 
the  correctness  of  a  date,  and  of  one  given  only  in 
the  meagre  remains  ascribed  to  Arnold  Blair.  If 
his  date  be  accurate,  the  transaction  at  Ayr,  what- 
ever it  was,  must  have  taken  place  thirty-seven 
days  afterwards.  Had  the  learned  writer  exer- 
cised his  usual  acumen  here — had  he  not  been 
resolved  to  throw  discredit  on  this  part  of  the  his- 
tory of  Wallace — it  would  have  been  most  natural 
for  him  to  have  supposed,  that  this  event  was  post- 
dated by  Blair.  It  seems,  indeed,  to  have  been 
long  before  the  battle  of  Falkirk.  Blind  Harry 
narrates  the  former  in  his  Seventh,  the  latter  in 
his  Eleventh  Book.  Sir  David  himself,  after  push- 
ing the  argument  from  the  date  given  by  Blair  as 
far  as  possible,  virtually  gives  it  up,  and  makes 
the  acknowledgment  which  he  ought  to  have  made 
before.  '  I  believe,'  he  says,  '  that  this  story  took 
its  rise  from  the  pillaging  of  the  English  quarters, 
about  the  time  of  the  treaty  of  Irvine,  in  1297, 
which,  as  being  an  incident  of  little  consequence,  I 
omitted  in  the  course  of  this  history.'  Here  he 
refers  to  Hemingford,  T.  I.  p.  123. 

"  Hemingford  says,  that  '  many  of  the  Scots 
and  men  of  Galloway  had,  in  a  hostile  manner, 
made  prey  of  their  stores,  having  slain  more  than 
five  hundred  men,  with  women  and  children.' 
Whether  he  means  to  say  that  this  took  place  at 
Ayr,  or  at  Irvine,  seems  doubtful.  But  here,  I 
think,  we  have  the  nucleus  of  the  story.  The  barns, 
according  to  the  diction  of  Blind  Harry,  seem  to 
have  been  merely  ( the  English  quarters,'  erected 
by  order  of  Edward  for  the  accommodation  of  his 
troops.  Although  denominated  barns  by  the  Min- 
strel, and  horreas  by  Arnold  Blair,  both  writers 
seem  to  have  used  these  terms  with  great  latitude, 
as  equivalent  to  what  are  now  called  barracks.  It 
is  rather  surprising,  that  our  learned  annalist 
should  view  the  loss  of  upwards  of  five  hundred 
men,  besides  women  and  children,  with  that  of 
their  property,  *  as  an  incident  of  little  consequence,' 
in  a  great  national  struggle. 

"  Major  gives  nearly  the  same  account  as  Blair. 
Speaking  of  Wallace,  he  says,  <  Anglorum  insignes 
viros  apud  horrea  Aerie  residentes  de  nocte  incendit, 
et  qui  a  voraci  flamma  evaserunt  ejus  mucrone 
occubuerunt.' — Fol.  Ixx. 

"  There  is  also  far  more  unquestionable  evidence 
as  to  the  cause  of  this  severe  retaliation,  than  is 
generally  supposed.  Lord  Hailes  has  still  quoted 
Barbour  as  an  historian  of  undoubted  veracity. 
Speaking  of  Crystal  of  Seton,  he  says — 

'  It  wes  gret  sorow  sekyrly, 
That  so  worthy  persoune  as  he 
Suld  on  sic  maner  hangyt  be. 
Thusgate  endyt  his  worthynes. 
And  off  Crauford  als  Schyr  Ranald  wes, 


And  Schyr  Bryce  als  the  Blar, 
Hangyt  in  till  a  berne  in  Ar.' 

The  Bruce,  III.  260  v.  &c. 

"  This  tallies  very  well  with  the  account  given 
by  the  Minstrel. 

'  Four  thousand  haill  that  nycht  was  in  till  Ayr. 
In  gret  bernyss,  biggyt  with  out  the  toun, 
The  justice  lay,  with  many  bald  barroun.' 

Wallace,  vii.  334. 

"  The  testimony  of  the  Complaynt  of  Scotland,  a 
well-known  national  work,  written  A.  D.  1548,  con- 
curs. Speaking  of  the  king  of  England,  the  writer 
says  : 

"  (  Ony  of  you  that  consentis  til  his  fals  conques 
of  your  cuntre,  ye  sal  be  recompenssit  as  your 
forbears  var  at  the  blac  perliament  at  the  bernis  of 
Ayre,  quhen  kyng  Eduard  maid  ane  conuocatione 
of  al  the  nobillis  of  Scotland  at  the  toune  of  Ayre, 
vndir  culour  of  faitht  and  concord,  quha  comperit 
at  his  instance,  nocht  heffand  suspitione  of  his 
treasonabil  consait.  Than  thai  beand  in  his  sub- 
iectione  vndir  culour  of  familiarite,  he  gart  hang, 
cruelly  and  dishonestly,  to  the  nummer  of  sexten 
scoir  of  the  maist  nobillis  of  the  cuntre,  tua  and 
tua,  ouer  ane  balk,  the  quhilk  sextene  scoir  var 
cause  that  the  Inglismen  conquest  sa  far  vithtin 
your  cuntre.' " — Compl.  Scotl.  p.  144. 

"  The  author  refers  to  this  as  a  fact  universally 
acknowledged  among  his  countrymen,  although,  it 
must  be  recollected,  no  edition  of  the  Life  of  Wal- 
lace was  printed  for  more  than  twenty  years  after 
this  work  was  written.  He  introduces  it  again,  as 
a  proof  of  treachery  and  cruelty,  which  still  con- 
tinued to  excite  national  feeling. 

"  '  Doubtles  thai  that  ar  participant  of  the  cruel 
inuasione  of  Inglismen  contrar  thar  natyue  cun- 
traye,  ther  cragges  sal  be  put  in  ane  mair  strait 
yoik  nor  the  Samnetes  did  to  the  Romans,  as  Kyng 
Eduard  did  til  Scottis  men  at  the  blac  parlament  at 
tlie  bernis  of  Ayr,  quhen  he  gart  put  the  craggis  of 
sexten  scoir  in  faldomis  of  cordis,  tua  and  tua, 
ouer  ane  balk,  of  the  maist  principal  of  them,'  "  &c. 
— Ibid.  p.  159,  160. 


D. 


MEMOIR   OF    BISHOP   ANTHONY    BEK. 

Page  43. 

FOR  the  following  biographical  notice  of  this  eccle- 
siastical warrior,  who,  in  ambition,  power,  and 
talents  for  political  intrigue,  may  justly  be  con- 
sidered as  the  Cardinal  Wolsey  of  his  day,  we  are 
indebted  to  a  work  of  Nicholas  Harris  Nicolas,  Esq., 
a  name  sufficient  to  recommend  it  to  all  who  have 
any  taste  for  antiquarian  research. 

"  Of  the  period  of  Bek's  birth  we  have  no  pre- 
cise information.  He  was  a  younger  son  of  Walter 
Bek,  Baronfof  Eresby  ;  and  in  the  54th  Henry  III. 
1270,  was  signed  with  the  cross  on  going  to  the 
Holy  Land  with  Prince  Edward  *,  who  nominated 

*  In  Dugdale's  Baronage,  vol.  i.  p.  426.    In  this  memoir 
all  the  statements  are  taken  from  Surtees'  History  of  Dur- 
ham, excepting  where  other  authorities  are  cited. 
H   2 


100 


LIFE  OF  SIR  WILLIAM  WALLACE. 


him  one  of  the  executors  of  his  will,  which  was 
dated  at  Acre  in  June  1272  *.  In  3rd  Edward  I. 
1275,  being  then  a  clerk,  he  was  appointed  Con- 
stable of  the  Tower  of  London  •f1  ;  and  was  con- 
stituted Archdeacon  of  Durham  as  early  as  1273  £. 
He  was  present  in  the  Parliament  at  Westminster 
at  the  feast  of  St.  Michael,  6th  Edward  I.  1278, 
when  the  King  of  Scotland  did  homage  to  Edward 
and  on  the  9th  July,  1283,  was  elected  Bishop  of 
Durham.  The  ceremony  of  his  consecration  was 
performed  by  the  Archbishop  of  York,  in  the  pre- 
sence of  the  King,  on  the  9th  of  January  following  ; 
but  at  his  enthronization  at  Durham  on  Christmas 
eve,  a  dispute  arose  between  the  official  of  the 
Archbishop  of  York  and  the  Prior  of  Durham,  as 
to  the  right  of  performing  the  office,  which  the 
bishop-elect  terminated,  by  receiving  the  mitre 
from  the  hands  of  his  brother,  Thomas  Bek,  Bishop 
of  St.  David's.  On  the  festival  of  St.  John  the 
Evangelist,  he  presented  the  church  with  two  pieces 
of  rich  embroidery,  wrought  with  the  history  of 
the  Nativity. 

"  It  is  impossible  to  state  even  the  principal  oc- 
casions on  which  Bishop  Bek  was  conspicuous  ;  it 
being  perhaps  sufficient  to  observe,  that  scarcely  a 
single  event  of  any  importance  took  place  during 
the.  reign  of  Edward  the  First,  whether  of  war  or 
diplomacy,  but  in  which  he  was  concerned.  Se- 
veral facts  might  be  mentioned  which  tend  to 
prove  the  influence  that  he  at  one  time  possessed 
over  the  mind  of  his  sovereign.  According  to 
Fordun,  it  was  by  his  advice  that  Edward  sup- 
ported the  claim  of  Baliol  instead  of  that  of  Bruce  ||, 
in  the  competition  for  the  crown  of  Scotland  ;  and 
he  was  frequently  a  mediator,  not  only  between 
the  King  and  his  barons,  but  between  his  Majesty 
and  his  children.  The  Prelate's  ambition  was 
equal  to  his  resources  ;  and  both  were  evinced  by 
the  splendour  of  his  equipage,  and  the  number  of 
his  followers.  If  his  biographer  *U,  from  whom  Mr. 
Surtees  has  derived  a  great  part  of  his  statements, 
may  be  believed,  the  retinue  with  which  he  at- 
tended the  King  in  his  wars  amounted  to  twenty- 
six  standard-bearers  of  his  household  **  ;  one  hun- 
dred and  forty  knights,  and  five  hundred  horse  ; 
and  one  thousand  foot  marched  under  the  conse- 
crated banner  of  St.  Cuthbert,  which  was  borne  by 
Henry  de  Horncestre,  a  monk  of  Durham.  The 
Bishop's  wealth  and  power  soon,  however,  excited 
the  suspicion  of  the  King  ;  and  the  process  of  *  quo 
warranto  '  was  applied,  with  the  view  of  reducing 
them.  His  temporalities  were  seized,  but  he  re- 
covered them  after  an  appeal  to  Parliament ;  and 
his  palatine  rights  were  confirmed  in  the  most 
ample  manner  by  the  Justices  Itinerant  in  1293. 

*  Royal  Wills,  p.  18,  and  Testamenta  Vetusta,  p.  8. 

t  Dugdale's  Baronage,  vol.  i.  p.  426. 

I  Le  Neve's  Fasti  Ecclesiae  Anglicanae,  p.  353. 

§  Rot.  Parl.  vol.  i.  p.  224. 

||  Wyntown  states  the  same  thing ;  and  the  words  he  puts 
in  the  mouth  of  the  subtle  ecclesiastic  are  highly  compli- 
mentary to  the  spirit  and  military  talents  of  Bruce,  against 
the  consequences  of  which  he  effectually  succeeded  in 
awakening  the  apprehensions  of  Edward. — Vide  vol.  ii.  p. 
45,  46. 

IT  Robert  de  Gledstanes,  who  was  elected  Bishop  of  Dur- 
ham in  1333,  but  was  set  aside  by  the  Pope,  and  died  soon 
afterwards.  His  labours  are  preserved  in  the  Cottonian  MSS. 
Titus,  A.  ii. 

**  "  Habuit  de  familia  sua  xxvj.  vexillarios."  Bannerels 
were  most  probably  meant. 


From  the  proceedings  in  Parliament  in  the  21st 
Edward  I.,  it  seems,  that  on  the  Wednesday  before 
the  feast  of  St.  James  the  Apostle,  in  the  20th 
Edward  I.,  namely,  on  the  23d  July,  1292,  at 
Derlyngton,  and  afterwards  at  Alverton,  and  other 
places,  the  Archbishop  of  York  had  formerly  ex- 
communicated the  Bishop  of  Durham,  he  being 
then  engaged  in  the  King's  service  in  the  North  ; 
for  which  offence  the  Archbishop  was  imprisoned, 
but  pardoned  on  paying  a  fine  of  4000  merks  *. 
Bek's  frequent  quarrels  with  the  Prior  of  Durham, 
whom  he  had  of  his  own  authority  deprived  and 
ejected,  soon  afforded  a  pretext  for  the  royal  inter- 
ference ;  and  a  formidable  attack  was  afterwards 
made  upon  his  possessions.  About  the  same  time 
he  espoused  the  popular  cause  by  joining  the  Earl 
Marshal  and  the  Earl  of  Hereford  against  the 
crown  ;  and  when  charged  by  the  King  with  de- 
serting his  interests,  he  boldly  replied,  '  That  the 
Earls  laboured  for  the  advantage  and  honour  of 
the  sovereign  and  his  realm,  and  therefore  he 
stood  with  them,  and  not  with  the  King,  against 
them.'  In  the  meanwhile  he  obeyed  a  second  cita- 
tion to  Rome,  for  having  deprived  the  Prior,  where 
he  app  ared  with  his  usual  magnificence,  and 
triumphed  over  his  adversaries,  by  obtaining  from 
the  Pontiff  a  confirmation  of  his  visitorial  supe- 
riority over  the  convent.  By  quitting  the  realm 
without  license,  he  exposed  himself  to  the  enmity 
of  the  crown  ;  and  his  vassals  availed  themselves 
of  his  absence  to  urge  then?  complaints.  The  Pala- 
tinate was  seized  into  the  King's  hands  ;  and,  in 
July  1301,  the  temporalities  of  the  see  were  com- 
mitted to  the  custody  of  Robert  de  Clifford.  In 
the  parliament  in  the  following  year,  having  effected 
a  reconciliation  with  his  vassals,  and  submitted  to 
the  King,  the  bishop  obtained  a  restitution  of  his 
temporalities.  But  Bek's  intractable  spirit  soon 
involved  him  in  fresh  disputes  with  the  Prior ;  and 
being  accused  of  having  infringed  on  the  dignity 
of  the  crown,  by  some  instruments  which  he  had 
obtained  from  Rome,  his  temporalities  were,  in 
December  1305,  once  more  seized  ;  and  the  King 
seems  to  have  used  every  exertion,  not  only  to 
humiliate  the  haughty  prelate,  but  to  divest  his 
see  of  some  part  of  its  extensive  territories.  From 
this  time  until  Edward's  demise,  he  continued 
under  the  royal  displeasure  ;  but  no  sooner  was 
Edward  the  Second  on  the  throne,  than  he  added 
to  his  power  and  titles,  by  procuring  the  dignity 
of  King  of  the  Isle  of  Man,  together  with  ample 
restitution  of  what  had  been  arrested  from  him  by 
the  late  monarch. 

"  It  is  here,  however,  necessary  to  refer  to  the 
notice  of  the  Bishop  in  the  poem."  (See  Siege  of 
Carlaverock.)  "  Mr.  Surtees  has  evidently  adopted 
the  translation  given  of  it  in  the  'Antiquarian 
Repertory,'  where  the  words  <uns  plaitz'  are 
rendered  *a  wound,'  as  he  says,  'the  Bishop  of 
Durham  is  described  in  the  roll  of  Carlaverock, 
as  being  absent  from  the  siege  on  account  of  a 
wound  ;  whereas  the  passage  is  presumed  to  have 
meant,  that  the  Bishop  was  detained  in  England  in 
consequence  of  a  treaty  on  some  other  public  trans- 
action. It  appears  that  he  then  sent  the  King  one 
hundred  and  sixty  men-at-arms  ;  and  at  the  battle 
of  Falkirk,  he  is  stated  to  have  led  the  second 
division  of  the  English  army  with  thirty-nine 

*  Rot.  Parl.  vol.  i.  p.  102,  et  seq. 


APPENDIX  D. 


101 


banners  *.  In  the  35th  Edward  I.,  being  sent  to 
Rome  with  other  Bishops  and  the  Earl  of  Lincoln, 
to  present  some  vessels  of  gold  to  the  Pope  from 
the  King,  his  Holiness  conferred  on  him  the  title 
of  Patriarch  of  Jerusalem  -f*.  Thus,  Mr.  Surtees 
remarks,  on  receiving  the  sovereignty  of  the  Isle 
of  Man,  '  his  haughty  spirit  was  gratified  by  the 
accumulated  dignities  of  Bishop,  Count  Palatine, 
Patriarch,  and  King.'  The  last  political  trans- 
action of  his  life  was  his  union  with  the  Earl  of 
Lancaster,  against  Piers  de  Gaveston,  in  1310  ; 
and,  on  the  3d  of  March  following,  1310-11,  he 
expired  at  his  manor  of  Eltham  in  Kent. 

"  The  character  of  Anthony  Bek  is  given  with 
more  elegance  than  truth  in  the  Poem.  '  The 
mirror  of  Christianity'  is  an  emphatic  allusion  to 
his  piety  and  virtue  ;  and  his  wisdom,  eloquence, 
temperance,  justice,  and  chastity  are  as  forcibly 
pointed  out,  as  the  total  absence  of  pride,  covet- 
ousness,  and  envy,  for  which  he  is  said  to  have 
been  distinguished.  But  this  is  rather  a  brilliant 
painting,  than  a  true  portrait  ;  for,  if  all  the  other 
qualities  which  are  there  ascribed  to  him  be  con- 
ceded, it  is  impossible  to  consider  that  humility 
formed  any  part  of  his  merits.  His  latest  bio- 
grapher, Mr.  Surtees,  has  however  described  him 
with  so  much  discrimination  and  elegance,  that 
his  words  are  transferred  to  these  pages,  because 
they  form  the  most  appropriate  conclusion  of  this 
sketch,  and  powerfully  tend  to  redeem  its  many 
imperfections. 

"  *  The  Palatine  power  reached  its  highest  eleva- 
tion under  the  splendid  pontificate  of  Anthony  Bek. 
Surrounded  by  his  officers  of  state,  or  marching 
at  the  head  of  his  troops,  in  peace  or  in  war,  he 
appeared  as  the  military  chief  of  a  powerful  and 
independent  franchise.  The  court  of  Durham 
exhibited  all  the  appendages  of  royalty  ;  nobles 
addressed  the  Palatine  sdvereign  kneeling  ;  and, 
instead  of  menial  servants,  knights  waited  in  his 
presence-chamber  and  at  his  table,  bare-headed 
and  standing.  Impatient  of  control,  whilst  he 
asserted  an  oppressive  superiority  over  the  con- 
vent, and  trampled  on  the  rights  of  his  vassals,  he 
jealously  guarded  his  own  Palatine  franchise,  and 
resisted  the  encroachments  of  the  crown  when  they 
trenched  on  the  privileges  of  the  aristocracy  J. 
When  his  pride  or  his  patriotism  had  provoked  the 
displeasure  of  his  sovereign,  he  met  the  storm  with 
firmness  ;  and  had  the  fortune  or  the  address  to 
emerge  from  disgrace  and  difficulty,  with  added 
rank  and  influence.  His  high  birth  gave  him  a 
natural  claim  to  power  ;  and  he  possessed  every 
popular  and  splendid  quality  which  could  command 
obedience,  or  excite  admiration.  His  courage  and 
constancy  were  shown  in  the  service  of  his  sove- 
reign. His  liberality  knew  no  bounds  ;  and  he 
regarded  no  expense,  however  enormous,  when 
placed  in  competition  with  any  object  of  pleasure 
or  magnificence  §.  Yet,  in  the  midst  of  apparent 

*  This  passage  probably  meant,  that  among  the  Bishop's 
followers  there  were  thirty-nine  bannerets. 

t  Dugdale's  Baronage,  vol.  i.  p.  426. 

t  During  one  of  Edward's  progresses  to  Scotland,  a  pal- 
frey belonging  to  the  royal  train  threw  and  killed  its  rider ; 
and  Anthony  seized  the  palfrey  as  a  deodand:  "  dedeins  sa 
fraunchise  roiale." 

§  He  gave  40s.  for  as  many  fresh  herrings,  "  Aliis  mag- 
natibus  tune  in  Parliaments  ibi  consistentibus  pro  nimia 
caristia  emere  non  curantibus."  Grayst.  c.  14.  On  another 


profusion,  he  was  too  prudent  ever  to  feel  the 
embarrassment  of  Avant.  Surrounded  by  habitual 
luxury,  his  personal  temperance  was  as  strict  as  it 
was  singular  ;  and  his  chastity  was  exemplary,  in 
an  age  of  general  corruption  *.  Not  less  an  enemy 
to  sloth  "f"  than  to  intemperance,  his  leisure  was 
devoted  either  to  splendid  progresses  £  from  one 

occasion,  hearing  one  say,  "  this  cloth  is  so  dear,  that  even 
Bishop  Anthony  would  not  venture  to  pay  for  it ;"  he  imme- 
diately ordered  it  to  be  bought  and  cut  up  into  horse-cloths. 
— Ibid. 

*  "  Castissime  vixit,  vix  mulierum  faciem  fixis  oculis  aspi- 
ciens ;  unde  in  translatione  S.  Willelmi  Eboracensis  cum  alii 
Episcopi  ossa  ejus  timerent  tangere,  remordente  eos  con- 
scientia  de  virginitate  amissa,  iste  audacter  manus  impo- 
suit;  et  quod  negotium  poposcit  reverenter  egit." — Ibid. 

t  "  Quietis  impatiens  vix  ultra  unum  somnum  in  lecto 
expectans,  dixit  ilium  non  esse  hominem  qui  in  lecto  de 
latere  in  latus  se  verteret." — Ibid. 

J  "In  nullo  loco  mansurus,  continue circuibat  demanerio 
in  manerium,  de  austro  in  boream ;  et  equorum,  canum  et 
avium  sectator." — Ibid.  And  here  one  cannot  avoid  being 
reminded  of  the  satirical  lines  of  Piers  Plowman  : — 

"  And  piked  a  boute  on  palfrays  :  fro  place  to  maners 
Have  an  hepe  of  houndes  at  his  ers  :  as  he  a  Lord  were." 

Bishop-Middleham,  then  a  fortress  of  the  first  class, 
appears,  from  the  date  of  several  charters,  to  have  been 
Anthony  Bek's  chief  residence  within  the  county  of  Dur- 
ham. The  reasons  which  led  to  this  preference  are  obvious. 
Defended  by  a  morass  on  two  sides,  and  by  broken  ground 
to  the  north,  the  fortress  presented  an  almost  impregnable 
stronghold  during  the  wars  of  the  Border,  whilst  Auckland 
lay  bare  and  defenceless,  on  the  direct  route  of  Scottish 
invasion.  It  is  no  wonder  that,  in  after  times,  Middleham 
was  deserted  for  the  green  glades  of  Auckland. 

The  following  lines  are  extracted  from  an  inedited  poem 
on  the  "  Superstitions  of  the  North." 

"  There  Valour  bowed  before  the  rood  and  book, 

And  kneeling  Knighthood  served  a  Prelate  Lord ; 
Yet  little  deigned  he  on  such  train  to  look, 

Or  glance  of  ruth  or  pity  to  afford. 
There  time  has  heard  the  peal  rung  out  by  night, 

Has  seen  from  every  tower  the  cressets  stream : 
When  the  red  bale-fife  on  yon  western  height, 

Had  roused  the  Warder  from  his  fitful  dream ; 
Has  seen  old  Durham's  lion-banner  float 

O'er  the  proud  bulwark,  that,  with  giant  pride, 
And  feet  deep  plunged  amidst  the  circling  moat, 

The  efforts  of  the  roving  Scot  defied. 

"  Long  rolling  years  have  swept  those  scenes  away, 

And  peace  is  on  the  mountain  and  the  fell ; 
And  rosy  dawn,  and  closing  twilight  gray, 

But  hears  the  distant  sheep-walk's  tinkling  bell. 
And  years  have  fled  since  last  the  gallant  deer 

Sprung  from  yon  covert  at  the  thrilling  horn  : 
Yet  still,  when  Autumn  shakes  the  forest  sear, 

Black  Hugo's  voice  upon  the  blast  is  borne. 
Woe  to  the  wight  who  shall  his  ire  provoke, 

When  the  stern  huntsman  stalks  his  nightly  round, 
By  blasted  ash,  or  lightning- shivered  oak, 

And  cheers  with  surly  voice  his  spectre  hound." 

Of  this  black  Hugh,  take  the  following  legendary  account : 
"  Sir  Anthon  Bek,  Busshop  of  Dureme  in  the  tyme  of  King 
Eduarde,  the  son  of  King  Henry,  was  the  maist  prowd  and 
masterfull  Busshop  in  all  England;  and  it  was  com'only 
said  that  he  was  the  prowdest  Lord  in  Christienty.  It 
chanced  that,  emong  other  lewd  persons,  this  Sir  Anthon 
entertained  at  his  court  one  Hugh  de  Pountchardon,  that  for 
his  evill  deeds  and  manifold  robberies  had  been  driven  out 
of  the  Inglische  Court,  and  had  come  from  the  southe  to 


LIFE  OF  SIR  WILLIAM  WALLACE. 


manor  to  another,  or  to  the  sports  of  the  field  ; 
and  his  activity  and  temperance  preserved  his 
faculties  of  mind  and  body  vigorous,  under  the 
approach  of  age  and  infirmity. 

"  '  In  the  munificence  of  his  public  works  he 
rivalled  the  greatest  of  his  predecessors.  Within 
the  bishopric  of  Durham  he  founded  the  colleges 
of  Chester  and  Lanchester,  erected  towers  at  Gain- 
ford  and  Coniscliff,  and  added  to  the  buildings  of 
Alnwick  and  Barnard  Castles.  He  gave  Even- 
wood  manor  to  the  convent,  and  appropriated  the 
vicarage  of  Morpeth  to  the  chapel  which  he  had 
founded  at  Auckland*.  In  his  native  county  of 
Lincoln,  he  endowed  Alvingham  priory,  and  built 
a  castle  at  Somerton  f.  In  Kent  he  erected  the 
beautiful  manor-house  of  Eltham,  whose  ruins  still 
speak  the  taste  and  magnificence  of  its  founder. 
Notwithstanding  the  vast  expenses  incurred  in 
these  ^,nd  other  works,  in  his  contests  with  the 
crown  and  with  his  vassals,  in  his  foreign  journeys, 
and  in  the  continued  and  excessive  charges  of  his 
household,  he  died  wealthier  than  any  of  his  prede- 
cessors, leaving  immense  treasures  in  the  riches  of 
the  age  ;  gallant  horses,  costly  robes,  rich  furni- 
ture, plate,  and  jewels  J.' 

"  Anthony  Bek  was  the  first  prelate  of  Durham 
who  was  buried  within  the  walls  of  the  cathedral. 
His  predecessors  had  been  restrained  from  sepul- 
ture within  the  sacred  edifice  by  a  reverential  awe 
for  the  body  of  the  holy  confessor  §  ;  and  on  this 
occasion,  from  some  motive  of  superstition,  the 
corpse  was  not  allowed  to  enter  the  doors,  although 
a  passage  was  broken  through  the  wall^I  for  its 


seek  a  little  bread,  and  to  live  by  stalynge.  And  to  this 
Hughe,  whom  also  he  imployed  to  good  purpose  in  the 
warr  of  Scotland,  the  Busschop  gave  the  lande  of  Thikley, 
since  of  him  caulied  Thikley-Pountchardon,  and  also  made 
him  his  chief  huntsman.  And  after,  this  blake  Hugh  dyed 
afore  the  Busshop  :  and  efter  that  the  Busshop  chasid  the 
•wild  hart  in  Galtres  forest,  and  sodainly  ther  met  with  him 
Hugh  de  Pontchardon  that  was  afore  deid,  on  awythe  horse  ; 
and  the  said  Hugh  loked  earnestly  on  the  Busshop,  and  the 
Busshop  said  unto  him,  '  Hughe,  what  makethe  thee  here  ?' 
and  he  spake  never  word,  but  lifte  up  his  cloke,  and  then  he 
showed.  Sir  Anton  his  ribbes  set  with  bones,  and  nothing 
more ;  and  none  other  of  the  varlets  saw  him  but  the 
Busshop  only  ;  and  the  said  Hughe  went  his  way,  and  Sir 
Anton  toke  corage,  and  cheered  the  dogges;  and  shortly 
efter  he  was  made  Patriarque  of  Hierusalem,  and  he  sawe 
nothing  no  moe ;  and  this  Hughe  is  him  that  the  silly  people 
in  Galtres  doe  call  Le  gros  Venour,  and  he  was  seen  twice 
efter  that  by  simple  folk,  afore  that  the  forest  was  felled  in 
the  tyme  of  Henry,  father  of  King  Henry  that  now  ys." 

*  "  Sed  ipso  mortuo  Radulphus  rilius  Willelmi  Dominus  de 
Graystoke  patronatum  praefatae  Ecclesise  per  litem  obtinuit ; 
et  presentato  per  ipsum  per  Episcopum  admisso  et  institute, 
capella  indotata  remansit." — Grayst.  c.  22.  The  patronage 
still  remains  with  the  heir  of  Greystoke. 

t  Castrum  de  Somerton  curiosissime  aedificavit. — Grayst. 
c.  22. 

t  Ibid. 

§  "  Ante  ilium  enim  ob  reverentiam  corporis  S.  Cuthberti 
non  est  permissum  corpus  mortuum  ingredi  ecclesiam 
Dunelmensem."  Anthony  Bek  was,  therefore,  the  first  who 
dared  to  bring 

"  A  slovenly,  unhandsome  corse, 
Betwixt  the  wind  and  his  nobility." 

IT  If,  however,  the  funeral  of  the  patriarch  Bishop  was 
conducted  with  the  same  solemnities  as  that  of  his  successor 
Cardinal  Langley,  the  breaking  an  entrance  through  the  wall 


reception,  near  the  place  of  interment.  The  tomb 
was  placed  in  the  east  transept,  between  the  altars 
of  St.  Adrian  and  St.  Michael,  close  to  the  holy 
shrine.  A  brass,  long  since  destroyed,  surrounded 
the  ledge  of  the  marble,  and  bore  the  following 
inscription  : — 

'  Presul  magnanimus  Antonius  hie  jacet  imus. 
Jerusalem  strenuus  Patriarch  a  fuit,  quod  opimus 
Annis  vicenis  regnabit  sex  et  j  plenis, 
Mille  trecentenis  Christo  moritur  quoque  denis.' 

"  The  Bishop's  heirs  were  found,  by  the  inqui- 
sition held  after  his  decease,  to  be  his  nephew, 
Robert  de  Willoughby,  son  of  Alice  his  eldest 
sister  ;  and  his  nephew  John  de  Harcourt,  son  of 
his  second  sister  Margaret." 


E. 


EXPEDITION  TO  THE  WEST  HIGHLANDS. 

Page  46. 

IN  this  account  of  the  expedition  to  Loch- A  we, 
the  statements,  as  the  reader  will  perceive,  are  all 
taken  from  the  pages  of  the  Minstrel.  The  writer 
was  induced  to  do  so,  not  from  the  circumstance 
of  Henry  being  the  only  ancient  author  who  has 
recorded  the  transaction,  but  from  the  evidence  of 
its  truth,  which  may  be  found  in  the  traditions  of 
the  country  where  the  conflict  took  place.  These 
have  already  been  alluded  to  in  the  Introduction. 
It  may  not,  however,  be  improper  to  state,  that 
"  Uagh  Mliac  Phadan"  or  M'Fadyan's  cave,  can 
still  be  pointed  out  by  old  Highlanders,  who  add, 
on  the  authority  of  tradition,  that  the  determina- 
tion with  which  the  Irish  leader  defended  himself 
was  such,  that  his  pursuers  had  to  throw  down 
bundles  of  burning  furze  into  the  cave  before  he 
surrendered.  The  rock  on  which  his  head  was 
afterwards  set  up,  still  goes  by  the  name  of  Bein- 
nean  Mhac  Phadan,  the  Peak  or  Pinnacle  of  Mac- 
Fadyan.  In  short,  the  localities  of  the  country  are 
so  correctly  described,  particularly  the  scene  of  the 
battle,  which  appears  to  have  been  on  the  com- 
paratively open  space  between  Crag-an-aradh  and 
the  rock  of  Bradhir  or  Brandir,  as  it  is  called,  for 
the  convenience  of  the  English  reader,  that  few 
who  have  had  an  opportunity  of  contrasting  the 
scenery  with  the  account  of  the  Minstrel,  can  resist 
the  impression  of  its  being  either  the  work,  or 
translated  from  the  work,  of  an  eyewitness.  This, 
taken  in  connection  with  the  evidence  afforded  by 
the  coins  of  Edward  I.,  which  from  time  to  time 
have  been  found  about  the  ruins  of  Ardchattan 
priory,  and  which  have  also  been  previously  ad- 
verted to  in  the  Introduction,  ought  to  be  pretty 
conclusive  as  to  the  occurrence  narrated. 

This  subject  has  already  engaged  the  attention 
of  a  literary  gentleman  *  of  talent  and  intelligence, 
who  has  handled  the  matter  with  no  small  degree 
of  acumen.  The  following  extracts  may  therefore 

was  a  matter  of  necessity  rather  than  superstition,  for  Lang- 
ley's  hearse  was  drawn  into  the  nave  of  the  cathedral  by  four 
stately  black  horses,  which,  with  all  their  housings  of  velvet, 
become  the  official  perquisite  of  the  sacrist. 
*  John  Hay  Allan,  Esq. 


APPENDIX  E. 


103 


be  interesting  to  those  readers  who  have  not  had 
opportunities  for  personal  investigation. 

"  Blind  Harrie  has  very  particularly  related  the 
circumstances  of  MacPhadian's  proceedings  ;  and 
his  account  so  exactly  coincides  with  the  tradition 
and  topography  of  the  district  where  the  facts  are 
said  to  have  been  performed,  that  there  can  be 
little  or  no  doubt  of  the  truth  of  his  narration. 

"  Loch- Awe,  upon  the  banks  of  which  the  scene 
of  action  took  place,  is  thirty-four  miles  in  length. 
The  north  side  is  bounded  by  wide  muirs  and  in- 
considerable hills,  which  occupy  an  extent  of  coun- 
try from  twelve  to  twenty  miles  in  breadth,  and  the 
whole  of  this  space  is  enclosed  as  by  a  circum- 
vallation.  Upon  the  north  it  is  barred  by  Loch- 
Eitive,  on  the  south  by  Loch- A  we,  and  on  the  east 
by  the  deep  and  dreadful  pass  of  Brandir,  through 
which  an  arm  of  the  latter  lake  opens  at  about 
four  miles  from  its  eastern  extremity,  and  dis- 
charges the  river  Awe  into  the  former.  The  pass 
is  about  three  miles  in  length  ;  its  east  side  is 
bounded  by  the  almost  inaccessible  steeps  which 
form  the  base  of  the  vast  and  rugged  mountain  of 
Cruachan.  The  craigs  rise  in  some  places  almost 
perpendicularly  from  the  water  ;  and,  for  their 
chief  extent,  show  no  space  nor  level  at  their  feet, 
but  a  rough  and  narrow  edge  of  stony  beach. 
Upon  the  whole  of  these  cliffs  grew  a  thick  and 
interwoven  wood  of  all  kinds  of  trees,  both  timber, 
dwarf,  and  coppice  ;  no  track  existed  through  the 
wilderness,  but  a  winding  path  which  sometimes 
crept  along  the  precipitous  height,  and  sometimes 
descended  in  a  straight  pass  along  the  margin  of 
the  water.  Near  the  extremity  of  the  dt  file,  a 
narrow  level  opened  between  the  water  and  the 
craig  ;  but  a  great  part  of  this,  as  well  as  the  pre- 
ceding steeps,  was  formerly  enveloped  in  a  thicket, 
which  showed  little  facility  to  the  feet  of  any  but 
the  martins  and  the  wild  cats.  Along  the  west 
side  of  the  pass,  lies  a  wall  of  sheer  and  barren 
craigs  :  from  behind  they  rise  in  rough,  uneven, 
and  heathy  declivities,  out  of  the  wide  muir  before 
mentioned,  between  Loch-Eitive  and  Loch- Awe  ; 
but  in  front  they  terminate  abruptly  in  the  most 
frightful  precipices,  which  form  the  whole  side  of 
the  pass,  and  descend  at  one  fall  into  the  water 
which  fills  its  trough.  At  the  north  end  of  this 
barrier,  and  at  the  termination  of  the  pass,  lies 
that  part  of  the  cliff  which  is  called  Craiganuni  : 
at  its  foot  the  arm  of  the  lake  gradually  contracts 
its  water  to  a  very  narrow  space,  and  at  length 
terminates  at  two  rocks  (called  the  rocks  of  Bran- 
dir), which  form  a  straight  channel,  something  re- 
sembling the  lock  of  a  canal.  From  this  outlet 
there  is  a  continual  descent  toward  Loch-Eitive, 
and  from  hence  the  river  Awe  pours  out  its  current 
in  a  furious  stream,  foaming  over  a  bed  broken 
with  holes,  and  cumbered  with  masses  of  granite 
and  whinstone. 

"  If  ever  there  was  a  bridge  near  Craiganuni 
in  ancient  times,  it  must  have  been  at  the  rocks  of 
Brandir.  From  the  days  of  Wallace  to  those  of 
General  Wade,  there  were  never  passages  of  this 
kind  ;  but  in  places  of  great  necessity,  too  narrow 
for  a  boat,  and  too  wide  for  a  leap,  even  then  they 
were  but  an  unsafe  footway,  formed  of  the  trunk 
of  trees,  placed  transversely  from  rock  to  rock, 
unstripped  of  their  bark,  and  destitute  of  either 
plank  or  rail.  For  such  a  structure  there  is  no 
place  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Craiganuni,  but  at 


the  rocks  above-mentioned.  In  the  lake,  and  on 
the  river,  the  water  is  far  too  wide  ;  but,  at  the 
strait,  the  space  is  not  greater  than  might  be 
crossed  by  a  tall  mountain  pine,  and  the  rocks  on 
either  side  are  formed  by  nature  like  a  pier.  That 
this  point  was  always  a  place  of  passage,  is  ren- 
dered probable  by  its  facility,  and  the  use  of  re- 
cent times.  It  is  not  long  since  it  was  the  common 
gate  of  the  country  on  either  side  the  river  and 
the  pass.  The  mode  of  crossing  is  yet  in  the  me- 
mory of  people  living,  and  was  performed  by  a 
little  currach.  moored  on  either  side  the  water, 
and  a  stout  coble  fixed  across  the  stream  from 
bank  to  bank,  by  which  the  passengers  drew  them- 
selves across,  in  the  manner  still  practised  in  places 
of  the  same  nature.  It  is  no  argument  against  the 
existence  of  a  bridge  in  former  times,  that  the 
above  method  only  existed  in  ours,  rather  than  a 
passage  of  that  kind  which  might  seem  the  more 
improved  expedient.  The  contradiction  is  suffi- 
ciently accounted  for,  by  the  decay  of  timber  in 
the  neighbourhood.  Of  old,  both  oaks  and  firs  of 
an  immense  size  abounded  within  a  very  incon- 
siderable distance  ;  but  it  is  now  many  years  since 
the  destruction  of  the  forests  of  Glen-Eitive  and 
Glen-Urcha  has  deprived  the  country  of  all  the 
trees  of  a  sufficient  size  to  cross  the  strait  of 
Brandir  ;  and  it  is  probable,  that  the  currach  was 
not  introduced  till  the  want  of  timber  had  disena- 
bled the  inhabitants  of  the  country  from  maintain- 
ing a  bridge.  It  only  further  remains  to  be  no- 
ticed, that  at  some  distance  below  the  rock  of 
Brandir  there  was  formerly  a  ford,  which  was  used 
for  cattle  in  the  memory  of  people  yet  living. 
From  the  narrowness  of  the  passage,  the  force  of 
the  stream,  and  the  broken  bed  of  the  river,  it 
was,  however,  a  dangerous  pass,  and  could  only 
be  attempted  with  safety  at  leisure,  and  by  expe- 
rience. 

"  Such  is  the  topography  of  the  country  in 
which,  tradition  says,  that  Sir  Niel  Campbell  made 
his  retreat  and  refuge.  It  now  remains  to  show, 
what  correspondence  there  is  between  its  features, 
and  the  relation  given  by  Blind  Harrie.  The 
words  of  the  Minstrel  are  as  follows  : 

'  Ye  knycht  Cambell  maid  gud.defens  for  yi 
Till  Craigunyn  with  thre  hunder  he  zeid, 
Yat  strenth  he  held  for  all  his  *  cruel  deed, 
Syne  brak  ye  bryg  quhar  yai  mycht  not  out  pass 
Bot  throuch  a  furd  quhar  narow  passage  was 
Ahandounly  Cambell  agayne  yaim  baid 
Fast  upon  Avis  yat  was  bathe  deep  and  braid, 
Makfadzan  was  apon  ye  toyir  syd, 
And  yar  on  force  behutfyt  hym  for  to  byd, 
For  at  ye  furd  he  durst  nocht  entir  out, 
For  gud  Cambell  mycht  set  hym  yan  in  dout, 
Mak  Fadzane  socht,  and  a  small  passage  fond 
Had  he  lasar  he  mycht  pass  off  yat  land 
Betwix  a  roch  and  ye  gret  wattir  syd 
Bot  four  in  frount  na  ma  mycht  gang  or  ryd.' 

Bookvii.  Chap.  iv.  (Edin.  Edit.  1758.) 

"  The  correspondence  between  the  above  de- 
scription and  the  account  which  I  have  before 
given  of  the  topography  of  the  Pass  of  Brandir, 
must  be  evident  to  every  examiner.  But  the  iden- 
tity of  that  place  and  the  one  mentioned  in  the 
poem,  is  confirmed  to  a  degree  of  certainty  ;  first, 
by  the  fact,  that  such  a  correspondence  can  be 

*  MacPhadian's. 


104 


LIFE  OF  SIR  WILLIAM  WALLACE. 


found  in  no  other  part  of  the  neighbouring  dis- 
tricts ;  and,  secondly,  by  the  mention  which  is 
made  in  the  description  of  the  poem,  of  names 
which  now  exist  in  the  appellation  of  the  place  to 
which  it  is  supposed  to  apply.  '  Avis '  is  well 
known  to  have  been  the  ancient  name  of  Loch 
Awe  *,  and  is  often  met  with  in  old  poems  which 
make  mention  of  that  lake  ;  and  Cragunyn  is  clearly 
but  a  mis-spelling  of  *  Craiganuni,'  the  name  of 
the  rocks  at  the  extremity  of  the  Pass  of  Brandir. 
The  error  is  merely  owing  to  the  ignorance  of  the 
transcribers  of  the  poem,  who  did  not  understand 
Gaelic  orthography.  Except  by  persons  very  com- 
petently masters  of  the  language  of  the  country, 
there  is  scarcely  a  name  in  the  Highlands  more 
correctly  written  at  the  present  day. 

"  It  is  easy  to  show  the  solecism  of  the  corre- 
spondence between  Blind  Harry's  description  of  the 
position  of  Sir  Kiel,  and  the  topography  of  the 
Pass  of  Brandir.  In  the  eighth  line  of  the  passage 
above  quoted,  it  is  said,  that  when  the  Campbell 
had  gained  the  craig  to  which  he  retreated,  he 
'  baid '  (abode)  fast  upon  Loch- Avis.  From  whence 
it  is  plain,  that  this  post  was  immediately  above 
the  shore  of  Loch- Awe.  In  the  brief  notices  of 
MacPhadian's  situation  at  the  same  period,  it  is 
equally  evident,  that  he  was  entangled  in  a  narrow 
and  dangerous  pass,  bounded  on  one  side  by  rocks, 
and  on  the  other  side  by  the  lake.  It  is  expressly 
said  that  he  was  on  the  opposite  side  from  the 
Campbells.  The  water  was  then  between  them, 
and  yet  their  positions  were  communicable  by  a 
bridge  and  a  ford.  In  the  whole  sixty-eight  miles, 
which  form  the  circuit  of  Loch- Awe,  there  is  not  a 
spot  where  these  circumstances  could  have  existed 
except  in  the  Pass  of  Brandir.  On  no  part  of  the 
shore  is  there  a  pass  of  the  nature  and  difficulty 
implied  in  Blind  Harry's  notices  of  MacPhadian's 
embarrassment  except  there.  Neither  is  there  any 
part  of  the  lake  which  could  be  interposed  between 
two  bodies  of  men,  and  yet  rendered  evadable  by  a 
bridge,  except  the  arm  which  terminates  in  the 
river  Awe.  In  all  other  places  the  water  is  from 
one  to  three  miles  wide,  and  does  not  contract  into 
any  stream  or  inlet  which  could  prolong  its  barrier 
sufficiently  to  prevent  it  from  being  turned,  and 
yet  admit  of  its  being  evaded  by  a  passage  of  the 
nature  above  mentioned.  But  in  the  Pass  of 
Brandir  all  these  particulars  are  identically  to  be 
traced.  The  narrowing  of  the  lake  to  an  incon- 
siderable channel,  and  its  prolongation  into  the 
river  Awe,  by  which  the  former  might  be  inter- 
posed as  a  barrier,  and  yet  evaded  by  an  immediate 
crossing  ;  the  bridge  mentioned  by  Blind  Harry  as 
having  existed  at  the  foot  of  Craigunyn,  and  the 
probability  that  one  formerly  did  exist  in  the  cor- 
responding spot  of  Craiganuni  ;  the  ford  described 
as  having  been  the  only  remaining  communication 
in  the  separating  water,  its  dangerous  character, 
and  the  actual  being  of  a  pass  of  the  same  nature, 
and  the  same  relative  position  in  the  water  of  Awe, 
all  give  the  strongest  evidence  of  the  truth  of  the 
Minstrel's  relation,  and  the  application  of  the  scene 
which  he  has  described.  Having  then  established 
so  much  from  the  circumstances  of  the  poem  and 
the  nature  of  the  country,  we  may  draw  a  clear 
deduction  of  the  proceedings  and  motives  of  Sir 
Niel  Campbell  previous  to  his  entering  Craiganuni." 

*  In  this  instance,  it  would  rather  seem  that  Henry  has 
merely  preserved  the  name  as  he  found  it  Latinized  by  Blair. 


"  Allowing  that  this  spot  was  the  place  to  which 
that  chief  retreated  from  MacPhadian,  it  follows 
as  a  necessary  consequence,  from  the  situation  of 
the  latter  at  the  breaking  of  the  bridge,  that  he 
must  have  made  his  pursuit  round  the  east  end  of 
Loch- Awe  ;  and  it  will  very  clearly  appear,  that 
he  could  not  have  chosen  this  direction,  had  he 
not  been  enticed  into  it  by  a  similar  route  in  the 
flight  of  the  Campbell.  The  proof  that  Mac- 
Phadian did  take  the  direction  which  I  have  ad- 
vanced, is  sufficiently  decisive.  We  are  expressly 
told,  that  when  Sir  Niel  had  gained  Craiganuni,  he 
was  stopped  in  his  pursuit  on  the  opposite,  or  east 
side  of  the  water  beneath.  Now,  as  he  possessed 
no  vessels  on  Loch- Awe,  he  could  not  have  gamed 
this  side  of  the  arm  of  the  water  which  runs  under 
Craiganuni,  had  he  not  come  to  it  by  encircling 
the  east  end  of  the  whole  lake,  which  is  only  four 
miles  distant.  The  conviction  of  this  fact  leads 
decisively  to  discover  the  march  of  Sir  Niel.  It 
is  perfectly  evident  that  he  must  have  entered  the 
heights  from  the  same  side  as  that  on  which  it  is 
apparent  MacPhadian  endeavoured  to  follow  him  ; 
for,  had  he  proceeded  to  Craiganuni  by  the  west 
end  of  the  lake,  or  crossed  the  water  any  where 
west  of  the  Pass  of  Brandir,  his  enemy  could  have 
had  no  motive  in  taking  the  eastern  route.  In 
the  first  instance,  he  would  have  marched  in  an 
opposite  direction  to  those  whom  he  was  pursuing  ; 
and  in  the  second,  he  would  have  taken  a  road, 
which,  allowing  it  might  have  been  the  shortest, 
would  have  placed  between  him  and  his  enemy  an 
impassable  barrier,  and  have  entangled  him  in  a 
strait  and  dangerous  labyrinth,  where  his  numbers 
would  have  become  useless,  his  attacks  impracti- 
cable, and  his  retreat  dangerous.  Among  such 
difficulties,  it  is  not  to  be  supposed  that  MacPha- 
dian would  voluntarily  and  unnecessarily  have  ha- 
zarded his  success  and  his  safety  ;  he  could  only, 
therefore,  have  been  enticed  into  them,  by  the  al- 
lurement of  pursuing  upon  the  footsteps  of  his  ene- 
mies. The  proceedings  of  Sir  Niel  are  thus  re- 
duced to  a  degree  of  certainty,  and  leave  no  alter- 
native from  the  circumstances  which  I  have  pointed 
out. 

"  He  observed,  that  entered  from  the  east,  and 
having  his  enemy  on  that  side,  Craiganuni  was  the 
most  inaccessible  and  advantageous  hold  in  all 
Argyleshire  ;  but  that  entered  and  attacked  from 
the  opposite  direction,  all  the  securities  of  the  place 
were  converted  into  dangers.  Placed  then  on  this 
quarter,  it  was  only  by  a  stratagem  that  he  could 
win  the  desired  advantage  ;  and  in  prosecution  of 
its  attainment,  he  adopted  the  only  plan  which 
could  have  been  unforeseen  by  his  enemy,  and 
carried  into  execution  with  a  certainty  of  success. 
At  the  approach  of  MacPhadian  into  Nether  Loch- 
Awe,  he  fled  before  him  along  the  south  side,  and 
towards  the  east  end  of  the  lake.  Drawn  after 
him  by  the  consciousness  of  superiority,  and  the 
facility  of  the  pursuit,  the  Irish  Captain  followed 
him  with  no  thought  but  the  eagerness  of  capture. 

"  The  advantages,  however,  of  Sir  Niel  in  point 
of  time,  was  sufficient  to  prevent  him  from  falling 
into  his  hands  in  the  open  district  from  Inch-Con- 
nel  to  Glen-Urcha  ;  and  suddenly  turning  the  head 
of  the  lake,  and  circling  towards  the  west,  he  dived 
down  the  Pass  of  Brandir,  crossed  the  water,  broke 
down  the  bridge,  ascended  the  height,  and  threw 
between  him  and  his  pursuers,  the  craigs,  the 


APPENDIX  E. 


105 


rivers,  and  the  lakes.  It  was  then  that  the  plan  of 
the  chief  was  seen  in  all  its  superiority. 

"  Had  he  passed  round  the  west  end  of  the  lake, 
or  crossed  it  westward  of  the  Pass  of  Brandir,  he 
would  have  entered  that  wide  and  open  country 
which  I  have  before  described, — a  country  every 
where  untenable,  and  so  surrounded  by  natural 
barriers,  that  it  would  have  been  almost  impossible 
for  him  to  have  evacuated  it  under  the  closeness 
of  his  pursuit.  Craiganuni,  which  had  been  be- 
fore him,  would  have  been  not  only  totally  unser- 
viceable to  him,  from  the  direction  in  which  he 
entered  ;  but  its  barriers  lying  wholly  in  his  rear, 
would  have  made  it  the  most  dangerous  situation. 
Had  he  been  beset  in  the  moors,  the  multitude  of 
his  enemies  had  devoured  him  ;  had  he  been  over- 
taken at  the  craig,  his  flight  would  have  been  cut 
off  by  the  gulf  below  ;  and  those  who  had  fled 
from  the  sword  would  have  been  driven  over  the 
precipices,  and  plunged  into  the  water.  Had  he 
escaped  these  alternatives  of  ruin,  every  hardship 
would  have  been  presented  to  his  retreat.  The 
country  round  the  pass  was  wild  and  barren,  even 
to  horror  and  desolation  ;  and  had  he  succeeded 
in  gaining  it  with  security,  he  must  have  pursued 
his  flight,  hopeless  of  reinforcement  and  straitened 
for  subsistence.  By  the  tactic  upon  which  he  acted, 
he  not  only  avoided  all  the  evils,  but  converted  the 
whole  of  their  disadvantages  to  the  inconvenience 
of  his  enemy.  The  instant  he  had  occupied  Craig- 
anuni, and  broken  down  the  bridge  over  the  mouth 
of  the  river,  he  was  inaccessible  on  every  side, 
and  possessed  in  his  rear  a  tract  of  nearly  three 
hundred  square  miles,  wholly  open  to  his  opera- 
tions, but  secured  from  his  enemies  by  the  same 
barriers  which  rendered  himself  unapproachable. 
In  front,  the  depth  of  the  water,  and  the  preci- 
pices of  the  pass,  were  an  insurmountable  barrier  ; 
on  the  north,  Loch-Eitive  continued  the  line  of 
circumvallation  from  the  sea  to  Beann  Starabh  ; 
and  on  the  south  it  was  extended  by  Loch- Awe 
from  Lorn  to  Glen-Urcha.  Sir  Niel  was  thus  en- 
compassed by  a  formidable  barrier  of  seventy- 
three  miles  in  circumference  ;  and  from  the  ob- 
stacles of  this  cordon,  and  the  security  of  the  wide 
space  in  his  rear,  he  could  at  pleasure  have  eva- 
cuated his  position  under  cover  of  the  night,  and 
have  retreated,  in  unmolested  security,  to  Loch- 
Fine,  from  whence  he  might  have  proceeded  in  his 
galleys  to  the  coast  of  Airshire,  and  here  joined 
himself  with  the  successful  associates  of  the  late 
victorious  Wallace. 

"  I  have  said  nothing  of  the  ford  through  the 
Awe,  by  which  there  was  an  approach  to  the  posi- 
tion of  Sir  Niel,  nor  of  the  capability  of  Mac 
Phadian,  to  have  passed  Loch-Eitive  by  means  of 
his  fleet ;  of  the  first,  the  enemy  feared  to  avail 
himself  from  the  danger  of  the  passage,  and  the 
want  of  discipline  among  his  troops  ;  and  from 
the  second,  he  could  have  reaped  little  avail,  since, 
in  the  consumption  of  time  necessary  to  have 
brought  round  these  vessels  from  the  sea,  Sir  Niel 
might  have  abandoned  his  position,  and  in  one 
night  have  made  good  his  retreat  beyond  Loch- 
Awe. 

"  Thus  baffled  and  out-manoeuvred,  MacPhadian 
not  only  failed  in  his  object  of  offence,  but  found 
himself  drawn  into  an  intricate  and  desolate  laby- 
rinth, where  his  multitude  encumbered  them- 
selves ;  the  want  of  subsistence  prevented  him 


from  remaining  to  blockade  Sir  Niel,  and  his  igno- 
rance of  the  clues  of  the  place  made  it  difficult 
to  extricate  himself  by  a  retreat.  In  this  exigence 
he  was  desirous  of  returning  to  Nether  Loch- Awe, 
where  there  was  abundance  of  cattle  and  game  for 
the  support  of  his  men.  At  length  he  discovered 
a  passage  between  the  rocks  and  the  water  ;  the 
way  was  only  wide  enough  for  four  persons  to  pass 
abreast  ;  yet  as  they  were  not  in  danger  of  pursuit, 
they  retired  in  safety,  and  effected  their  march  to 
the  south  side  of  the  lake  *. 

"  Here  we  must  leave  MacPhadian,  and  return 
to  Duncan  of  Lorn.  In  his  youth  the  latter  had 
been  a  school-companion  of  Wallace  at  Dundee  ; 
and  he  now  determined  to  resort  to  him,  and  make 
use  of  their  old  acquaintance  to  prevail  on  the 
champion  of  Scotland  to  come  to  the  assistance  of 
Sir  Niel  Campbell.  As  soon,  therefore,  as  Mac 
Phadian  had  evacuated  the  Pass,  Duncan  de- 
scended from  Craiganuni,  and  pursued  his  way  for 
the  Low  country,  attended  only  by  a  single  fol- 
lower, named  Gillemichel.  This  faithful  clansman 
was  an  aged  man,  but  even  in  his  age  was  still 
famous  for  an  uncommon  speed  of  foot  *f<,  and  on 
their  return  performed  good  service  for  his  master. 
When  Duncan  arrived  in  the  Low  country  he 
found  the  Wallace  at  Dundaff,  with  Sir  John  the 
Grseme.  The  patriot  chieftain  had  just  returned 
from  the  overthrow  of  the  English  in  the  Barns 
of  Air  and  the  city  of  Glasgow  ;  and  besides  the 
friends  and  forces  who  had  come  to  him  upon  those 
occasions,  he  had  been  joined  by  Malcolm,  Earl  of 
Lennox,  and  Richard  of  Lundi,  who  brought  with 
them  a  considerable  number  of  their  followers. 
No  sooner  had  Wallace  heard  the  tidings  of  Dun- 
can MacDougall,  than  he  resolved  to  go  to  the  aid 
of  Sir  Niel  Campbell ;  and,  assembling  his  force, 
he  instantly  set  out  upon  his  march.  He  directed 
his  course  by  Stirling,  either  to  gather  increase  of 
followers,  or  apprehensive  of  leaving  behind  him 
an  English  garrison  on  the  threshold  of  the  High- 
lands. The  castle,  however,  was  not  a  place  to  be 
taken  in  a  day  ;  and  bent  upon  the  destruction  of 
MacPhadian,  Wallace  would  not  delay  his  march 
to  pursue  the  siege  in  person,  but,  leaving  the  Earl 
of  Lennox  to  carry  on  that  service,  he  determined 
to  push  forward  his  expedition  into  Argyleshire. 
Having  assembled  his  forces  at  the  bridge  of  Stir- 
ling, and  found  them  to  amount  to  two  thousand 
men,  '  worthi  and  wycht,'  he  hastened  forward 
,011  his  way.  Duncan  of  Lorn  acted  as  his  guide  ; 
and  while  they  pursued  their  march,  he  sent  for- 
ward his  man  Gillemichel  to  discover  intelligence 
of  the  enemy.  Blind  Harrie  proceeds  to  relate, 
that  as  the  army  proceeded,  it  became  fatigued 
with  its  march,  that  a  great  part  of  the  men  and 
horses  were  incapable  to  continue  their  way  with 
that  speed  which  the  urgency  of  the  expedition 
required.  Upon  this  Wallace  determined  to  divide 
the  weary  from  the  strong,  and  to  hasten  forward 
with  the  latter  only,  and  surprise  the  enemy  before 
they  could  have  the  opportunity  of  choosing  a  posi- 
tion, where  their  superiority  of  numbers  could  be 
displayed  to  its  advantage.  For  this  purpose  he 
divided  his  host  into  two  bodies  ;  the  first,  consist- 
ing of  seven  hundred  men,  he  chose  to  haste  for- 
ward with  himself  ;  and  the  second,  which  con- 
tained but  five  hundred,  and  which  was  spent  with 


Book  vii.  1.  G60. 


t  Book  vii.  1.  674. 


106 


LIFE  OF  SIR  WILLIAM  WALLACE. 


fatigue,  he  left  in  the  rear  to  follow  as  well  as  they 
might.  Before  they  continued  their  march  Wal- 
lace again  separated  the  first  division  into  three 
companies  ;  the  first,  consisting  of  one  hundred 
men,  his  own  chosen  West  country  veterans,  he 
led  in  person  as  the  advance  guard  ;  the  second, 
of  the  same  numbers,  he  committed  to  Sir  John 
the  Graeme  ;  and  the  last,  to  the  amount  of  five 
hundred,  he  gave  to  Richard  of  Lundi,  with  whom 
he  joined  Wallace  of  Richardtown,  his  cousin. 
After  this  disposition,  the  two  grand  divisions 
separated :  that  under  the  leading  of  Wallace 
hastened  forward  on  its  march,  and,  crossing  the 
mountain  in  their  front,  lost  sight  of  their  feeble 
comrades.  In  Glen-Dochart  they  were  met  by 
Gillemichel  the  scout  ;  with  him  came  Sir  Niel 
Campbell,  who  had  escaped  from  Craiganuni,  and 
at  the  head  of  his  three  hundred  clansmen  had 
hastened  to  join  the  approaching  aid  of  Wallace. 

"  In  this  part  of  Blind  Harrie's  poem  there  is 
an  error,  which  throws  some  confusion  upon  the 
traces  of  the  march  of  Wallace.  It  appears,  how- 
ever, to  have  been  the  fault  of  the  transcriber  or 
reciter,  and  I  think  may  be  satisfactorily  explained. 
The  mistake  consists  in  the  contradiction  of  the 
name  of  the  place  where  the  host  of  Wallace  began 
to  fail  with  fatigue,  and  of  that  in  which  it  is  said, 
that  he  afterwards  met  Sir  Niel  Campbell.  The 
words  of  the  poem  are  thus  : — 

'  Be  our  party  was  passit  Straithfulan, 
Ye  small  fute  folk  began  to  irk  ilk  ane.' 

Book  vii.  1.  763. 

To  which  it  is  subsequently  said 

'  In  Glendowchar  yair  spy  met  yaim  agayne, 
With  lord  Cambell,'  &c. 

Ib.  1.  785. 

"  Straith-Phillan  opens  from  the  west  end  of 
Glen-Dochart  towards  the  north-west;  and  conse- 
quently, as  Wallace  came  from  the  south-east,  it 
must  have  been  the  second  of  the  two  places  in 
the  succession  of  his  march,  and  could  not,  as  it 
stands  in  the  poem,  have  been  the  first.  1  shall 
presently  show,  that  there  is  every  evidence  from 
the  narrative  of  the  Minstrel,  and  the  evidence  of 
tradition,  that  Wallace  did  not  pass  through  Straith- 
Phillan  in  any  part  of  his  march.  The  mention  of 
the  name,  in  this  place,  must  therefore  have  been 
an  error  altogether,  arising  either  from  the  care- 
lessness of  the  transcriber,  or  from  the  confusion 
of  two  appellations,  something  similar  in  import. 
I  am  inclined  to  lean  to  the  latter  opinion.  At 
the  northern  extremity  of  Straith-Earn,  between  the 
Glen  and  Loch-Earn,  the  mountains  form  a  little 
amphitheatre,  in  the  middle  of  which  there  is  a 
small  conical  hill,  once  sacred  to  St.  Phillan,  and 
still  called  by  his  name.  Near  its  summit  was  a 
holy  spring,  distinguished  also  by  the  name  of  the 
apostle,  and  at  its  foot  was  a  small  cell  of  religious, 
formed  originally  by  his  disciples.  It  appears  to 
me  highly  probable,  that  Wallace  entered  the 
Highlands  by  Straith-Earn  ;  that  it  was  at  St.  Phil- 
lan's  Hill  that  his  men  became  fatigued  ;  and  that 
it  was  this  place  which  the  reciter  or  transcriber  of 
Blind  Harrie's  poem  confounded  with  Straith-Phil- 
lan. This  supposition  is  much  supported  by  the 
correspondence  between  the  circumstances  men- 
tioned by  the  Minstrel  respecting  the  march  of 
Wallace,  and  the  route  between  Straith-Earn  and 


Glen-Dochart.  A  few  miles  north  of  St.  Phillan's 
Hill,  the  old  and  short  track  of  the  country  emerges 
from  the  level  side  of  Loch-Earn,  and,  passing 
over  the  transverse  mountains  at  its  extremity, 
enters  into  Glen-Dochart,  at  the  foot  of  Bean  Mor, 
and  near  the  eastern  extremity  of  the  lake. 

"  This  was  the  common  Pass  used  of  old  by  the 
Highlanders,  before  the  construction  of  the  roads. 
It  is  a  wild  and  pathless  track,  but  is  still  used  by 
shepherds,  and  is  shorter  than  the  modern  <  Rad 
mor  an  righ '  *  by  some  miles.  The  mention  which 
Blind  Harrie  makes  of  the  march  of  Wallace,  after 
the  separation  from  his  weary  men,  agrees  very 
much  with  this  path,  and  its  direction  : — 

'  Yus  Wallace  ost  began  to  tak  ye  hycht, 
Our  a  montayne  sone  passit  off  yar  sycht. 
In  Glendowchar  yair  spy  met  yaim  agayne 
With  lord  Cambell,  yan  was  our  folk  rycht  fayne.' 
Book  vii.  1.  783. 

"  The  correspondence  is  made  still  more  near  by 
the  hint  which  is  given  of  the  spot  where  the  men 
of  Wallace  met  Sir  Niel  Campbell.  It  appears  to 
have  happened  immediately  upon  their  entering 
Glen-Dochart ;  and,  after  having  described  the 
meeting  of  the  two  parties,  when  the  Minstrel  tells 
us,  that  they  resumed  their  march,  he  says — 

'  By  Louthdochyr  full  sodynlye  yaim  drew.' 

Ib.  1.  792. 

"  From  this  it  would  appear,  that  Wallace  en- 
tered the  glen  near  the  extremity  of  the  lake,  and 
this  is  the  exact  point  where  the  mountain  path 
enters  from  Loch-Earn. 

"  From  this  period  of  the  poem  to  the  conclusion 
of  the  episode  of  MacPhadian,  the  relation  of  the 
Minstrel  is  clear  and  consistent ;  and,  by  the  aid 
of  the  tradition  of  the  country,  the  route  pursued 
by  Wallace  may  be  well  identified  with  the  locali- 
ties of  its  existent  topography.  The  oral  account, 
handed  down  in  Argyleshire,  states,  that  at  the 
coming  of  Wallace,  MacPhadian  and  his  host  were 
posted  in  the  northern  extremity  of  the  Pass  of 
Brandir  ;  and  that  they  were  there  attacked  and 
overthrown  by  Sir  William  and  the  Campbells.  It 
will  be  found,  that  this  account  is  much  confirmed 
by  the  correspondence  between  the  nature  of  the 
country  from  Glen-Dochart  to  Loch-Awe,  and  the 
particulars  of  the  route  described  by  Blind  Harrie, 
as  having  been  pursued  by  Wallace  from  the  latter 
place  to  the  hold  where  he  encountered  MacPha- 
dian :  it  is  still  farther  avouched  by  the  exact  con- 
formity between  the  description  of  the  scene  of 
battle,  in  the  poem,  and  that  marked  as  its  site  by 
the  tradition.  Immediately  after  passing  Loch- 
Dochart,  and  consequently  leaving  that  glen,  the 
Minstrel  describes  the  host  of  Wallace  as  entering 
a  moss  of  such  an  extent  and  difficulty,  that  it  pre- 
vented the  farther  march  of  the  horses,  and  obliged 
the  men  to  dismount  and  pursue  their  way  on  foot. 

'  Yan  Wallace  ost  upon  yair  fute  yai  lycht, 
Yair  hors  yai  left  yocht  yai  war  neuir  so  wycht : 
For  moss  and  crag  yai  mycht  na  langer  dre 
Yan  Wallace  said  quha  gangs  best  let  se.' 

Book  vii.  1.  803. 

**  A  short  distance  beyond  the  west  end  of  Glen- 
Dochart,  there  is  a  high  and  wide  tract  of  moss 

*  King's  highway. 


APPENDIX  E. 


107 


and  moor,  called  *  The  Churan  Beag,'  which  occu- 
pies the  most  considerable  extent  of  the  space 
between  Glen-Dochait  and  Glen-Urcha,  the  en- 
trance to  Loch- Awe.  It  is  difficult  to  conceive  a 
more  desolate  spot,  nor  one  which  could  more  cor- 
respond with  the  moss  noticed  by  Blind  Harrie. 
Its  whole  extent  is  a  vast  waste  of  swamps,  gullies, 
and  broken  peat-hags  ;  and  its  outlets  and  entrances 
are  by  rugged  and  steep  declivities,  embarrassed 
with  fragments  of  rocks,  and  torn  into  vast  chasms 
by  the  torrents  which  rise  on  the  moss  above. 
Through  this  miserable  region  lies  the  shortest 
path  from  Glen-Dochart  to  Glen-Urcha;  and 
though  impassable  for  horses,  yet,  in  the  olden  time, 
when  these  were  little  used  by  the  Highlanders,  it 
was  the  most  common  thoroughfare  between  the 
above-mentioned  places,  and  is  still  used,  on  ac- 
count of  its  brevity,  by  the  shepherds  of  the  country, 
and  foot-travellers  who  require  expedition.  It  is 
several  miles  shorter  than  the  way  by  Straith-Phil- 
lan  and  Glen-Lochie  ;  for  this  reason,  and  also  for 
its  utter  solitude,  it  is  highly  probable  that  it 
should  have  been  the  route  chosen  by  Wallace  in 
preference  to  the  other.  In  addition  to  the  proofs 
offered  in  its  favour,  by  the  correspondence  of  its 
features  with  those  of  the  road  mentioned  by  Blind 
Harrie,  there  is  the  negative  confirmation,  that 
no  place  of  the  same  nature  occurs  within  the 
neighbourhood  of  Glen-Dochart  in  any  direction 
by  which  it  is  pix>bable  that  the  march  of  Wallace 
could  have  been  destined.  For  this  reason,  it  is, 
as  I  have  before  hinted,  impossible  that  he  could 
have  passed  through  Straith-Phillan  ;  for  in  the 
whole  way  from  Glen-Dochart,  to  Gleu-Urcha  by 
that  road,  there  is  neither  moss  nor  muir,  but  plain 
straith  and  narrow  glen.  From  all  these  circum- 
stances, it  seems  very  conclusive,  that  it  was 
through  the  moss  of  '  the  Churan  Beag  '  that  Wal- 
lace took  his  march,  after  his  junction  with  Sir 
Niel  Campbell  in  Glen-Dochart.  But  to  return  to 
the  relation  of  the  Minstrel. 

"  Previous  to  the  entrance  of  Wallace  upon  the 
muir,  he  mentions  that  Gillemichel  had  been  again 
sent  forward  to  reconnoitre  the  route.  He  had 
not  been  long  entered  the  moss,  when  he  met  a 
scout  of  MacPhadian,  doubtless  sent  to  discover 
the  approach  of  Wallace.  At  the  appearance  of 
Gillemichel,  the  foeman  fled  ;  but  his  speed  was 
not  sufficient  to  enable  him  to  outstrip  the  fleet 
foot  of  his  pursuer,  and  he  was  overtaken  and 
slam.  Delivered  from  this  danger  of  a  discovery, 
the  host  of  Wallace  effected  their  march  through 
the  Churan  in  perfect  secrecy,  and  reached  the 
hold  of  MacPhadian  before  their  approach  was 
even  known.  It  may,  perhaps,  be  remarked,  that 
the  paucity  of  the  Minstrel,  in  his  relation  of  this 
part  of  the  march  of  Wallace,  is  inconsistent  with 
the  description  of  the  country  through  which  tra- 
dition supposes  it  to  have  been  made  ;  since  the 
poem  makes  no  mention  of  the  progress  of  the  ex- 
pedition through  the  intermediate  space  of  ten 
miles,  which  lies  between  the  Churan  and  the  pass 
of  Brandir,  but,  from  declaring  Wallace's  delivery 
from  the  moss,  immediately  proceeds  to  commu- 
nicate his  entrance  to  the  hold,  without  taking  any 
notice  of  his  arrival  on  the  shore  of  Loch- Awe. 
But  it  is  to  be  observed,  that,  through  the  whole 
march  of  Wallace,  it  describes  those  situations 
only,  the  circumstances  of  which  affect  the  inci- 
dents of  the  story.  The  space  from  the  Churan 


being  destitute  of  any  feature  dangerous  or  advan- 
tageous, and  the  grand  interest  of  the  episode  be- 
ing the  hold  of  MacPhadian,  the  Minstrel  appears 
to  have  been  absorbed  in  that  object,  and  to  have 
passed  without  regard  the  intervening  way.  This 
is  palpably  the  fact,  by  the  certain  evidence,  that, 
wherever  the  post  of  MacPhadian  was  situated, 
there  was  between  its  entrance  and  the  moss  passed 
by  Wallace,  a  space  of  water  which  has  not  been 
mentioned  by  the  Minstrel. 


'  Then  Wallace  said  quha  gangs  best  let  se, 
Throuchout  ye  moss  deliverly  yai  zeid, 
Syne  tuk  ye  hauld  quharof  yai  had  maist  dreid, 
Endlong  ye  schoir  ay  four  in  front  yai  past,'  &c. 

Book  vii.  1.  806. 

"  From  this  notice  of  the  shore,  it  is  here  evident 
that  Wallace  arrived  on  the  banks  of  some  water 
immediately  previous  to  entering  the  position  of 
his  enemy,  and  that  Blind  Harrie  has  neglected  to 
mention  the  circumstance.  His  omission  of  the 
mention  of  Loch-Awe  in  his  description  of  the 
march  of  Wallace,  is  therefore  no  objection  that 
the  latter  was  not  made  in  the  route  affirmed  by 
tradition. 

"  From  the  arrival  of  Wallace  in  the  hold  of 
MacPhadian,  the  account  of  Blind  Harrie  corre- 
sponds entirely  with  the  accounts  of  the  oral  re- 
cord, and  the  nature  of  the  pass  of  Brandir.  The 
place  in  which  the  old  people  of  the  country  point 
out  the  site  of  the  battle,  is  that  narrow  stripe  of 
open  space  which  lies  near  the  northern  extremity 
of  the  pass,  between  the  foot  of  Cruachan  and  the 
narrowing  of  the  lake  to  the  rock  of  Brandir.  The 
Minstrel  coincides  with  this  account. 

'  Endlong  ye  schoir  ay  four  in  front  yai  past, 
Quhill  yai  within  assemblyt  at  ye  last.' 

Ib.  1.  810. 

"  From  this  narrowness  of  the  column,  and  the 
number  of  Wallace's  men,  the  whole  host  could 
not  have  entered  within  the  pass,  till  the  head  had 
arrived  as  far  as  the  space  before  mentioned.  The 
description  of  the  straitened  situation  of  the  posi- 
tion also  agrees  with  the  pass  of  Brandir  : 

1  Her  is  na  gait  to  fle  zone  pepil  can, 
Bot  rockis  heich  and  wattir  depe  and  wan.' 

Book  vii.  1.  814. 

"  As  soon  as  the  men  of  Wallace  arrived  at  the 
post  of  their  enemies,  they  fell  upon  them  with  the 
utmost  fury.  Their  scouts  having  been  slain,  as 
before  mentioned,  MacPhadian's  followers  were 
completely  surprised  and  taken  at  disarray.  Un- 
dismayed, however,  by  this  ill  fortune,  they  snatched 
up  their  arms,  and  rushed  to  defend  the  pass  with 
the  boldest  resolution.  At  the  first  onset,  the 
Scots  bore  back  their  enemies  over  five  acres  of 
ground  ;  and  Wallace,  with  his  iron  mace,  made 
a  fearful  havoc  among  the  enemy.  Encouraged, 
however,  by  MacPhadian,  the  Irish  came  to  the 
rescue  ;  the  battle  thickened  with  more  stubborn 
fury  ;  and  for  two  hours  was  maintained,  with  such 
obstinate  eagerness  on  both  sides,  that  neither 
party  had  any  apparent  advantage  ;  and,  says  the 
Minstrel,  the  fiercest  found  '  eneuch '  of  fighting. 
At  length  the  cause,  and  the  valour  of  Wallace, 
prevailed.  The  Irish  gave  way  and  fled  ;  and  the 
Scots  of  their  party  threw  down  their  arms,  and 


108 


LIFE  OF  SIR  WILLIAM  WALLACE. 


kneeling  for  mercy,  Wallace  commanded  them  to 
be  spared  for  their  birth's  sake,  but  urged  forward 
the  pursuit  upon  the  Irish.  Pent  in  by  the  rocks 
and  the  water,  the  latter  had  but  little  hope  in 
flight.  Many  were  overtaken  and  slain  as  they 
enueavoured  to  climb  the  craigs  ;  and  two  thou- 
sand were  driven  into  the  lake  and  drowned.  Mac- 
Phadian,  with  fifteen  men,  fled  to  a  cave,  and 
hoped  to  have  concealed  himself  till  the  pursuit 
was  over  ;  but  Duncan  of  Lorn  having  discovered 
his  retreat,  pursued  and  slew  him  with  his  com- 
panions ;  and  having  cut  off  the  head  of  the  leader, 
brought  it  to  Wallace,  and  set  it  upon  a  stone 
high  in  one  of  the  craigs,  as  a  trophy  of  the  vic- 
tory." 

*»«  Before  the  writer  met  with  the  work  whence  the  pre- 
ceding extract  is  made,  he  entertained  the  belief  that  he  was 
the  first  who  had  studied  the  topography  and  tradition  of 
this  romantic  district,  with  a  view  of  illustrating  the  labours 
of  the  Minstrel,  and  hence  bringing  into  notice  a  portion  of 
our  history  hitherto  overlooked  by  all,  save  that  ill-requited 
author.  Under  this  impression,  he  was  arranging  the  mate- 
rials he  had  collected,  when  he  became  aware  of  his  being 
anticipated  by  a  more  able  hand.  On  comparing  his  notes 
with  the  details  of  Mr.  Allan,  the  similarity  of  their  views 
appears  too  striking  to  be  supposed  accidental ;  and  unwilling 
to  incur  the  charge  of  appropriating  to  himself  the  merits 
of  another,  he  has  suppressed  his  own  observations,  in  de- 
ference to  the  ingenious  author  of  the  "  Bridal  of  Caol- 
chairn." 


F. 


MEMOIRS   OF   JOHN,  EARL   OF    WARREN — LORD    HENRY 
DE    PERCY — AND    LORD    ROBERT   DE   CLIFFORD. 

I.   WARREN. 

Page  46. 

IT  is  presumed  the  writer  will  not  be  far  wrong, 
if  he  anticipates  a  little  curiosity  on  the  part  of  the 
reader,  respecting  the  personal  history  of  so  con- 
spicuous a  character  as  the  conqueror  of  Dunbar  ; 
and  as  our  English  neighbours  consider  it  a  matter 
of  difficulty,  for  a  Scotsman  to  be  impartial  when 
the  conduct  of  an  enemy  of  his  country  happens 
to  be  the  subject  of  his  investigation,  we  shall, 
without  either  denying  or  admitting  the  truth  of 
this  allegation,  endeavour  to  escape  from  the  charge, 
by  giving  the  following  biographical  notice  in  the 
elegant  language  of  one  of  their  own  countrymen*  : 
"  John,  Earl  of  Warren  and  Surrey,  was  the  son 
of  William,  Earl  of  Warren  and  Surrey,  by  his 
second  wife,  Maud,  widow  of  Hugh  Bigot,  Earl 
of  Norfolk,  and  sister  and  coheiress  of  Anselm 
Marshal,  Earl  of  Pembroke.  In  1240,  being  then 
five  years  of  age,  he  succeeded  his  father  in  his 
dignities.  In  1247  he  married  Alice,  daughter  of 
Hugh  le  Brun,  Count  of  March,  and  uterine  sister 
of  King  Henry  the  Third  ;  and  in  the  following 
year,  though  he  could  not  have  been  above  thirteen 
years  of  age,  he  is  said  to  have  attended  the  Par- 
liament which  met  at  London  in  the  octaves  of  the 
Purification.  During  the  reign  of  Henry  the 
Third,  he  is  stated  to  have  filled  those  stations 
which,  from  his  high  rank,  naturally  devolved  upon 

*  N.  H.  Nicolas,  Esq. 


him,  and  at  the  battle  of  Lewes  he  served  in  the 
van  of  the  royal  army  with  Prince  Edward  ;  but, 
together  with  the  Earl  of  Pembroke,  disgracefully 
deserted  him  at  the  commencement  of  the  action, 
and  fled  first  to  Pevensey  Castle,  and  from  thence 
to  France.  Their  flight  is  thus  quaintly  alluded 
to  by  Peter  de  Langtoft '*  : 

"  Ifce  €de  of  saiarenne,  31  toote,  be  sfcapea  otiec  t^e  ge, 
2lna  £u-  J;»alj  TttStsote  alg  tottfj  t&e  (Erie  flea  fje. 

"  In  May  following  he  returned,  and  claimed  the 
restitution  of  his  possessions,  which,  notwithstand- 
ing his  treachery  to  the  Prince,  the  rebellious 
Barons  had  declared  to  have  been  forfeited.  The 
refusal  of  his  demand  induced  him  once  more  to 
change  sides,  and  he  confederated  with  the  Earl 
of  Gloucester  for  the  restoration  of  the  King's 
power,  and  was  present  with  the  royal  forces  at 
the  battle  of  Evesham.  Thus  his  interest,  rather 
than  his  honour,  seems  to  have  been  his  sole  rule 
of  action ;  and  unfortunately,  such  conduct  was 
then  far  too  general  to  entail  upon  those  who 
adopted  it  either  punishment  or  reproach.  In 
1268  he  had  a  dispute  with  Henry,  Earl  of  Lin- 
coln ;  and  about  the  same  time  became  involved  in 
a  serious  affray  with  Alan  Lord  Zouche,  relative 
to  some  lands.  This  affair  was  attended  with  great 
violence  ;  for,  finding  that  he  must  submit  to  the 
judgment  of  a  court  of  law,  he  abused  his  adver- 
sary and  his  son  in  the  strongest  terms,  and  then 
assaulted  them  in  such  an  outrageous  manner  in 
Westminster-Hall,  that  he  nearly  killed  the  baron, 
and  severely  wounded  his  son.  Neither  his  power 
nor  influence  could  save  the  Earl  from  the  ven- 
geance of  the  laws  he  had  so  flagrantly  violated  ; 
and,  though  he  retired  to  his  castle  at  Ryegate, 
he  was  closely  pursued  by  Prince  Edward  with  a 
strong  force,  and,  finding  that  opposition  would  be 
useless,  he  met  the  Prince  on  foot,  and  implored 
the  royal  clemency  with  great  humility.  For  his 
offence  he  was  fined  ten  thousand  marks  ;  but  this 
sum  was  afterwards  reduced  to  eight  thousand  four 
hundred,  and  he  was  permitted  to  pay  it  by  annual 
instalments  of  two  hundred  marks  each. 

"  Immediately  after  the  solemnization  of  the 
funeral  of  Henry  the  Third  at  Westminster,  the 
Earl  of  Warren  and  the  Earl  of  Gloucester  pro- 
ceeded to  the  high  altar,  and  swore  fealty  to  his 
son  and  successor,  King  Edward  the  First.  In 
the  3d  Edward  I.  he  received  that  monarch  at  his 
castle  of  Ryegate  in  so  honourable  a  manner,  upon 
his  return  from  Gascony,  that  Edward  was  in- 
duced to  remit  him  one  thousand  marks  of  the 
sum  which  he  had  been  fined  for  the  affair  with 
Lord  de  Zouche. 

"  The  next  circumstance  recorded  of  the  Earl, 
is  one  in  which  that  proud  and  sturdy  spirit  for 
which  he  was  celebrated,  was  displayed  in  a  man- 
ner so  consonant  to  the  feelings  of  the  present  day, 
that  this  nobleman  has  always  been  a  favourite 
character  in  English  biography  ;  and  the  pencil 
was  on  one  occasion  employed  to  perpetuate  his 
independent  conduct.  After  the  enactment  of  the 
statute  of  quo  warranto,  the  Earl  of  Warren  was, 
under  its  provisions,  questioned  by  what  title  he 
held  his  lands  ;  to  which  inquiry,  first  unsheathing 
an  old  sword,  he  is  said  to  have  replied,  "  Behold, 

*  Vol.  i.  p.  218. 


APPENDIX  F.                                                               109 

my  Lords,  here  is  my  warranty.     My  ancestors 

*stce  3To!jan  QTount  De  iffacepn  gpsft  pep, 

coming  into  this  land  with  William  the  Bastard, 

JDteu  De  #a  alme  ett  meccp  . 

did  obtain  their  lands  by  the  sword  ;  and  with  the 
sword  I  am  resolved  to  defend  them  against  whom- 

Kp puc  #a  alme  putera, 
tZEcots  mill  joucg  De  pacDon  abeca.' 

soever  that  shall  endeavour  to  dispossess  me.     For 

"  Of  the  subject  of  this  article,  but  little  that  is 

that  King  did  not  himself  conquer  the  land  and 

favourable  to  his  memory  can  be  said  ;  though  his 

subdue  it,  but  our  progenitors  were  sharers  and 

faults,  or  more  properly  his  vices,  were  those  of 

assistants  therein.' 

the  age  in  which  he  lived.     His  treachery  at  the 

"  In  the  23d  Edward  I.,  the  Castle  of  Bamburgh 

battle  of  Lewes    has,  to  apply  the  beautiful  ex- 

was intrusted  to   his  custody  ;  and,  in  the  24th 

pression  of  a  distinguished  statesman  of  the  pre- 

Edward I.,  he  commanded  the  forces  sent  to  re- 

sent day,  '  left  indelible  stains  upon  his  character, 

duce  Dunbar  Castle,  which,  after  a  siege  of  three 

which  all  the  laurels  of  Dunbar  '  cannot  cover, 

days,  surrendered  to  him  ;  and  having  met  the 

nor  its  blood  wash  away  ;'  whilst  his  subsequent 

Scotch  army  which  came  to  its  relief,  he  defeated 

conduct  was  invariably  marked  by  a  turbulent  and 

them  on  Friday,  the  27th  April,  and  pursued  them 

intractable  spirit.      Not  only  was  he  frequently 

several  miles  from  the  field  of  battle,  when  the 

embroiled  in  disputes  both  with  his  compeers  and 

enemy  sustained  a  loss  of  10,000  men.     Soon  after 

his  sovereign,  but,  with  almost  unparalleled  har- 

this event,  the  Earl  was  appointed  Regent  of  Scot- 

dihood, he  dared,  in  a  court  of  justice,  to  use  per- 

land ;   and  in  the  following  year  was  constituted 

sonal  violence  towards  a  baron  of  the  realm.    That 

general  of  all  the  English  forces  north  of  the  Trent. 

he  should  acquire  renown  in  the  field,  and  conse- 

But his  previous  good  fortune  now  deserted  him  ; 

quently  become  possessed  of  the  King's  esteem,  is 

and  his  army  sustained  a  signal  overthrow  at  the 
battle  of  Stirling,  in  September  1297- 

perfectly  consistent  with  that  impetuous  temper 
for  which  he  is  celebrated.     Bravery  is,  however, 

"His  misfortune  did  not,  however,  lessen  him 

but  one  redeeming  trait  in  a  picture,  where  all  be- 

in Edward's  esteem,  for  he  was  immediately  after- 

sides is  dark  and  repulsive  ;  and  even  the  bold 

wards  reappointed  to  the  command  of  the  English 

answer  relative   to  his  right  to  his  lands,  when 

forces  ;   and,  in  the  28th  Edward  I.,  was  made 

properly  considered,  affords  no  room  for  praise  ; 

Governor  of  Hope  Castle,  in  the  county  of  Derby. 

for  the  same  resolute  opposition  to  such  an  inquiry 

In  that  year,  also,  he  commanded  the  second  squa- 
dron at  the  siege  of  Carlaverock,  .at  which  time  he 

would,  there  is  no  doubt,  be  as  readily  evinced  to 
defend  any  part  of  his  property,  if  it  had  been 

must  have  been  about  sixty-five  years  of  age. 

acquired  by  the  most  flagrant  injustice  on  his  part, 

"  In  the  29th  Edward  I.,  the  Earl  was  appointed, 

instead  of  on  that  of  his  ancestors. 

jointly  with  the  Earl  of  Warwick  and  others,  to 

"  A  proof  of  the  estimation  in  which  the  Earl 

treat  with  the  agents  of  the  King  of  France,  rela- 

was held  by  Edward  the  First,  is  afforded,  in  Dug- 

tive  to  a  peace  between  England  and  Scotland  ; 

dale's  opinion,  by  the  fact,  that  the  King  issued 

and  in  the  same  year  he  was  a  party  to  the  letter 

precepts,   directed  to  the  Bishops  of  Canterbury 

from  the  barons  to  Pope  Boniface  VIII.,  in  which 

and  London,  and  to  several  Abbots,  commanding 

he  is  only  styled  "  Comes  Warenne,"  though  on 

them  to  cause  masses  to  be  said  for  his  soul  ;  but 

his  seal  he  is  also  properly  called  Earl  of  Surrey  *. 

this  testimony  of   the  royal  consideration  might 

On  the  5th  calends  of  October,  32  Edward  I.,  i.e. 

have  arisen  from  the  near  connection  between  the 

27th   September,  1304,  being  then,  according  to 

Earl  and  his  Majesty,  as  is  shown  by  the  annexed 

Peter  de  Langtoftf,  employed  in  Scotland,  he  died. 

table  :— 

'  The  moneth  of  September  yolden  was  Strivelyn, 

King  John  =  Isabel,  daughter,  and  heir-  =  Hugh  le  Bran, 

Edward  may  remembre  the  travaille  and  the  pyn. 

I  ess   of   Aymer,  Count  of       Count  of  March, 

With  many  grete  encumbre  of  in  hard  stoure, 

j  Angoulesme.                            2d  husband. 

At  Brustwick  opon  Humbre  there  he  mad  sojoure. 
Sir  Jon  of  Warenne  that  ilk  tyme  gan  deie, 

King  Henry  III.  =                             Alice=  John  Earl  of 
I                                        i    Warren. 

His  body  was  redy  then  in  grave  for  to  leie, 
After  the  enterment  the  King  tokhis  way, 

King  Edward  I. 

To  the  south,'  &c. 

1 

"  But,  according  to  the  registry  of  the  Priory  of 

u  By  the  said  Alice  le  Brun,  who  died  on  the 

Lewes,  the    Earl  died  that   day   at   Kennington, 

9th  February,  1291,  the  Earl  of  Warren  had  issue, 

having,  says  Dugdale,  been  Earl  of  Surrey  no  less 

William,  who  died  in  his  father's  lifetime,  leaving 

than  fifty-four  years  ;  though,  as  he  succeeded  his 

his  wife  enceinte  with  John,  his  son  and  heir,  who 

father  in  1240,  it  is  evident  he  must  have  borne 

succeeded  his  grandfather  in  his  honours.  Alianor, 

that  title  sixty  -four  years.     He  was  buried  in  the 

who  married,  first,  Henry  Lord  Percy,  by  whom 

midst  of  the  pavement,  in  the  quire  of  the  Abbey 

she  had  Henry   Lord  Percy,    spoken  of  in  the 

of  Lewes,  before  the  high  altar,  and  the  following 

poem    (i.e.   Carlaverock   Castle),    as    the  Earl's 

epitaph  was  engraved  upon  his  tomb. 

'  nevou  ;'  and,  secondly,  the  son  of  a  Scotch  Ba- 

ron ;   and  Isabel,  wife  of  John  Baliol.  King  of 

'  fflfousf  qe  pa22ej  ob  lioticlje  dose, 

Scotland*. 

JPnej  puc  celp  fee  cp  repose  : 

QEn  bte  come  bousf  egtist  jaotg  fu, 

II.   PERCY. 

OEt  bouss  ttelgeccetj  comeje  gu. 

"  If  the  biographer  of  an  ancient  warrior,"  says 

TIT           XT'          1                 Ct    •         •                              1                                                                                                * 

Mr.  Nicolas,  "  is  in  any  degree  influenced  by  that 

*  See  some  Remarks  on  the  Titles  and  .Surname  of  this 

1 

Earl  in  the  Archaeologia,  vol.  xxi.  p.  195,  196. 

*  Vide  Siege  of  Carlaverock,  edited  by  N.  H.  Nicholas, 

t  P.  327, 

Esq. 

110 


LIFE  OF  SIR  WILLIAM  WALLACE. 


enthusiasm  which  deeds  of  chivalrous  courage  are 
calculated  to  excite,  it  is  only  by  more  than  ordi- 
nary restraint  upon  his  feelings  that  he  is  enabled 
to  relate  them  in  the  sober  and  chastened  language 
suitable  to  historical  truth  ;  and,  perhaps,  in  no 
instance  is  that  caution  so  necessary,  as  when  any 
member  of  the  house  of  Percy  is  the  subject  of  his 
pen.  In  the  age  to  which  Henry  de  Percy  be- 
longed, as  well  as  in  a  few  succeeding  centuries, 
that  name  was  synonymous  with  almost  uncon- 
trollable power,  impetuous  valour,  and  all  those 
stern  military  virtues  which  characterized  the  time  ; 
and  the  difficulty  of  successfully  detailing  the  ca- 
reer of  an  individual  is  considerably  increased, 
when,  as  in  the  case  of  this  Baron,  the  merits  of 
his  descendants  have  been  sung,  not  only  by  rude 
contemporary  bards,  but  have  been  immortalized 
by  the  greatest  dramatic  genius  that  ever  existed. 
"  Henry  de  Percy  was  the  third  son  of  Henry 
Lord  Percy,  by  Eleanor,  daughter  of  John,  Earl 
of  Warren  and  Earl  of  Surrey,  and  succeeded  to 
the  barony  upon  the  death  of  his  brother,  John  de 
Percy,  who  died  under  age  soon  after  the  year 
1272,  at  which  time  he  appears  to  have  been  very 
young.  The  first  circumstance  recorded  of  him  is, 
that,  in  the  15th  Edward  I.,  being  then  in  ward, 
on  the  King's  expedition  into  Wales,  he  was  ac- 
quitted of  120£.  required  from  him  for  scutage.  In 
the  22d  Edward  I.  1294,  he  made  proof  of  his  age, 
obtained  livery  of  his  lands,  and  was  summoned  to 
attend  the  King  into  Gascony  ;  and  in  March,  1296, 
having  accompanied  Edward  hi  his  invasion  of 
Scotland,  he  received  the  honour  of  knighthood 
before  Berwick.  He  was  present  at  the  battle  of 
D  unbar,  and  was  soon  afterwards  appointed  Go- 
vernor of  Galloway  and  Aire  in  Scotland  ;  and  in 
1297,  being  with  Lord  Robert  Clifford,  commander 
for  the  King  of  England  in  the  eastern  parts  of 
Scotland,  they  were  appointed  to  re'ceive  Margery, 
daughter  of  Robert  Brus,  Earl  of  Carreck,  as  an 
hostage  for  his  fidelity  to  Edward.  About  the 
same  time  he  was  sent  by  the  Earl  Warren,  then 
General  of  all  the  English  army  beyond  the  Trent, 
with  the  forces  at  Carlisle  into  Scotland  ;  and 
having  entered  Annandale  with  300  men-at-arms, 
and  40,00a  foot,  about  the  19th  August  he  pro- 
ceeded to  Aire,  where  he  endeavoured  to  persuade 
the  inhabitants  of  Galloway  to  submit.  Finding 
that  a  party  of  Scots  were  on  their  route  to  oppose 
him,  he  marched  towards  them  ;  but  from  the  in- 
feriority of  their  numbers,  they  surrendered  upon 
condition  of  being  pardoned. 

"  In  the  26th  Edward  I.,  Lord  Percy  was  again 
in  the  wars  of  Scotland,  in  which  year  he  obtained 
a  grant  of  the  lands  forfeited  by  Ingelrom  de  Um- 
freville  ;  and  in  the  following  year  he  was  present 
at  the  siege  of  Carlaverock — a  fact  unnoticed  by 
either  of  the  writers  just  mentioned — when  he 
must  have  been  about  forty-two  years  of  age.  The 
poet  alludes  to  his  determined  hostility  against  the 
Scots,  which  feeling  appears  to  have  been  inherited 
by  his  descendants,  and  describes  him  as  the 
'  nevou '  of  the  Earl  of  Warren,  which,  like  the 
word  *  nepos,'  seems  to  have  been  used  for  grand- 
son as  well  as  nephew,  he  being  the  son  of  Eleanor, 
the  daughter  of  that  nobleman.  In  February,  28th 
Edward  I.,  1301,  he  was  a  party  to  the  letter  from 
the  Barons  to  Pope  Boniface,  wherein  he  is  styled 
'  Lord  of  Topclive  ;'  and  in  the  34th  Edward  I., 
was  again  sent  into  Scotland,  to  oppose  Robert 


Bruce,  against  whom  he  valiantly  defended  Kenteir. 
In  the  35th  Edward  I.,  he  was  a  party  to  the  treaty 
of  peace  with  Scotland. 

"  On  the  accession  of  Edward  the  Second,  he 
was,  in  common  with  the  other  peers  of  the  realm, 
summoned  to  attend  that  monarch's  coronation  ; 
and  in  the  3d  Edward  II.,  he  purchased  the  cele- 
brated castle  of  Alnwick,  which  is  now  possessed 
by  his  representative  the  Duke  of  Northumberland 
In  the  5th  Edward  II.,  he  succeeded  John  de 
Segrave,  as  Constable  of  Nottingham  Castle,  and 
Justice  of  the  Forests  beyond  the  Trent,  and  about 
the  same  period  was  constituted  Governor  of  Scar- 
borough and  Bamburgh  Castles.  From  a  writ 
tested  on  the  14th  September,  1309,  it  appears 
that  he  was  then  Constable  of  the  Castle  of  York, 
and  in  that  and  the  preceding  years  he  was  again 
in  the  wars  of  Scotland. 

"  Lord  Percy  distinguished  himself  by  his  enmity 
to  Piers  de  Gaveston,  and  it  is  perhaps  just  to  con- 
sider that  his  hostility  arose  from  patriotic  motives  ; 
but  there  is  a  suspicion  attached  to  his  behaviour 
towards  the  unhappy  favourite,  which  the  biassed 
historian  of  the  house  of  Percy  has  rather  increased 
than  lessened,  by  his  laboured  attempt  to  remove. 
It  appears  that  Gaveston  was  besieged  in  Scar- 
borough Castle  by  the  Earl  of  Pembroke  ;  that  he 
surrendered  upon  condition  that  his  life  and  person 
should  be  secured  ;  and  that  both  the  Earl  and 
Percy  solemnly  pledged  themselves  to  that  effect. 
Through  a  false  reliance,  however,  on  the  Earl's 
honour,  by  Percy,  as  Collins  relates  it,  the  promise 
was  speedily  broken,  and  Gaveston  perished  on  the 
scaffold  at  Warwick  Castle.  This  is  a  version  of 
the  tale,  which  so  partial  a  biographer  as  that 
writer  uniformly  shows  himself,  would  naturally 
give  ;  but  although  the  impossibility  of  ascertaining 
the  real  merits  of  the  case  render  it  unjust  to  pass 
a  positive  censure  upon  Percy's  conduct,  it  is  at 
least  equally  unfair  to  conclude  that  the  whole 
shame  of  the  transaction  belongs  to  his  colleague, 
and  that  his  only  error  arose  from  a  misplaced 
confidence.  Certain,  however,  it  is,  that  the  King 
considered  him  guilty  of  Gaveston's  death,  for  he 
issued  special  precepts,  tested  on  the  30th  and  31st 
July,  1312,  for  his  apprehension,  and  for  the  sei- 
zure of  all  his  lands,  tenements,  and  chattels. 
Towards  the  end  of  that  year,  however,  Percy  was 
included  in  the  treaty  between  the  King  and  the 
barons  ;  and  on  making  his  submission  his  offence 
was  pardoned,  and  his  lands  restored  to  him.  The 
acquittance  of  the  King  to  Thomas  Earl  of  Lan- 
caster, Guy  Earl  of  Warwick,  Robert  de  Clifford, 
and  this  Baron,  of  the  jewels  and  horses  that,  be- 
longed to  Gaveston,  dated  on  the  6th  February, 
1313,  6.  Edw.  II.,  by  which  he  acknowledges  to 
have  received  from  them  the  articles  therein  men- 
tioned, by  the  hands  of  Humphrey,  Earl  of  Here- 
ford, is  still  preserved.  The  document  is  highly 
curious  ;  and  with  the  hope  of  relieving  the  dulness 
of  this  memoir,  the  following  interesting  extracts 
from  it  are  introduced  : 

'  Un  anel  d'or,  od  un  saphir,  lequel  seint  Dunstan 

forga  de  ses  mayns. 
Une  boiste  d'argent  en  d'orrez  pur  porter  eynz  un 

anel  entour  le  col  de  un  homme. 
Une  grant  rubi  hors  d'or,  que  fust  trove  sur  sire 

Piers  de  Gavaston  quant  il  fust  pris  ;  le  pris  de 

mille  livres. 


APPENDIX  F. 


Ill 


Trois  granz  rubis  en  aneaux,  une  amiraude,  un 

diamaund  de  grant  pris,  en  une  boiste  d'argent 

enamille,  que  fust  trove  sur  le  dit  Pierres  quant 

il  fust  pris. 
Deux  seaux  un  grant  e  un  petit  ;  e  un  petit  seal 

une  clief  pendaunte,  un  esterling  plie,  et  un  cal- 

cedoyne  ;  les  queux  furent  trovez  en  la  burse 

quant  il  fuit  pris. 
En  un  cofre,  lie  de  feer,  une  mirour  d'argent  ena- 

maille  ;  un  pigne  ;  un  priket,  que  fust  donne*  au 

Roi  par  la  Countesse  de  Bar  a  Gant. 
Un  coronal  d'or  od  diverse  perie,  pris  de  cent  mars. 
Un  chapelet  d'argent  garnis  de  diverse  perie,  pris 

de  doze  soutz. 
En  un  autre  cofre,  un  grant  pot  d'argent  od  trois 

peiz  pur  chaufer  eawe,  que  poise  sis  livres  quinze 

soutz  dis  deners. 
Trois  plates   d'argent    por  especierie,    e   poisent 

quatre  livres. 
Deux  plates  d'argent  pur  fruit,  des  armes  de  roy 

d'Engleterre,  que  poisent  sessant  dis  oit  souz 

quatre  deners. 
Une  burse  de  drap  d'or  ove  deux  pierres  de  Jerlm' 

dedenz. 
Un  mors  d'argent  od  quatre  botons  d'orrez,  od 

deux  lions  pur  chaq'e  de  cuir. 
Un  veil  seal  entaille,  e  un  pere  de  Calcedoine. 
Trois  furchesces  d'argent  pur  mangier  poires. 
Une  ceinture  de  fil  de  argent  blank. 
Une  chapelet  de  Paris,  pris  de  sis  souz  oit  deners. 
En  un  sak  un  bacenet  burny  od  surcils. 
En  autre  saak  une  peire  de  treppes  des  armes  de 

dit  Pieres. 

Deux  cotes  de  velvet  pur  plates  coverir. 
Une  Nouche  pur  palefrei,  des  armes  du  Roy. 
Quatre  chemises  et  trois  brais  de  Gascoigne  or- 

fresez. 

Une  veille  banere  des  armes  le  dit  Piers. 
Quarant  Un  destres  et  coucers  e  un  palefrei. 
Noef  Somers.     Duze  chivauz  charetters. 
Deux  charettes  od  tut  le  herneis  *.' 

«  Fcedera,  N.  E.  vol.  ii.  n.  203. 

The  following  translation  may  be    acceptable  to  some 
readers : — 

One  gold  ring,  and  a  sapphire  prepared  by  the  hands  of  St. 
Dunstan. 

One  silver  box,  gilt,  for  containing  a  ring,  to  be  worn 
round  the  neck  of  a  man. 

A  large  ruby,  not  set  in  gold,  which  was  found  on  Sir  Piers 
de  Gaveston  when  he  was  taken ;  value  one  thousand 
livres. 

Three  large  rubies,  set  in  rings,— an  emerald,— a  diamond 
of  great  value  (in  a  silver  box  enamelled),  which  was 
found  on  the  said  Piers  when  he  was  taken. 

Two  seals,  one  large  and  one  small ;  and  one  little  seal,  (une 
clief  pendaunte} — a  key  attached  to  it,  one  crooked  Ster- 
ling (i.  e.  silver  penny),  and  a  chalcedony,  which  were 
found  in  the  purse  when  he  was  taken. 

In  a  coffer,  iron-bound,  one  silver  mirror,  enamelled;  one 
comb ;  one  tooth-pick,  which  had  been  given  to  the  King 
by  the  Countess  de  Bar  at  Ghent. 

One  coronal  of  gold,  and  sundry  precious  stones,  valued  at 
one  hundred  marcs. 

One  chapelet  of  silver,  ornamented  with  sundry  precious 
stones,  valued  at  twelve  sols  (doze  soutz) 

In  another  coffer,  a  large  silver  pot,  and  three  utensils  (peiz} 
for  heating  water,  weighing  six  livres  fifteen  sols  and  ten 
deniers. 

Three  silver  dishes  for  spiceries,  and  weighing  four  livres. 

Two  silver  fruit-dishes,  with  the  arms  of  the  King  of  Eng- 
land, weighing  seventy-eight  sols  four  deniers. 


"  Great  part  of  Gaveston's  plate  was  marked 
with  an  eagle,  and  several  articles  of  jewellery 
were  in  that  form,  his  arms  being,  Vert,  six  eayles 
displayed,  Or. 

"  The  little  that  remains  to  be  said  of  this  Baron, 
may  be  related  in  a  very  few  words.  In  1313  he 
received  letters  of  safe  conduct  from  the  King,  for 
all  his  dominions  ;  in  June  in  the  following  year 
he  was  present  at  the  fatal  battle  of  Bannockburn, 
and  was  regularly  summoned  to  parliament  from 
the  6th  February,  27th  Edward  I.  1299,  to  the 
29th  July,  8th  Edward  II.  1314.  He  died  in  1315, 
and  was  buried  in  the  Abbey  of  Fountains  in  York- 
shire ;  and  by  Eleanor  his  wife,  daughter  of  John, 
Earl  of  Arundel,  who  survived  him,  he  left  issue, 
Henry  his  eldest  son,  then  aged  sixteen  years ;  and 
William,  who  was  made  a  Knight  of  the  Bath, 
20th  Edward  II.  and  died  in  1355."— Siege  of  Car- 
laverock. 

III.    CLIFFORD. 

u  Robert  de  Clifford  was  the  eldest  son  of  Roger 
de  Clifford,  who  was  accidentally  slain  between 
Snowden  and  Anglesey  in  1280.  He  was  born 
about  Easter,  April,  1274,  and  in  the  14th  Ed- 
ward I.,  1286,  he  succeeded  his  grandfather  in  his 
baronial  honours,  being  then  twelve  years  of  age. 
In  the  13th  Edward  I.,  he  was  found  to  be  one  of 
the  heirs  of  Ralph  de  Gaugy,  and  paid  WQl.  for  his 
relief ;  after  which,  the  next  circumstance  which 
has  been  found  recorded  of  him  is,  that  he  was 
summoned  to  attend  the  King,  with  horse  and 
arms,  on  his  expedition  beyond  the  sea  on  the 
4th  May,  25th  Edward  I.  1297  ;  and  on  the  26th 
September  following,  he  was  ordered  to  be  at  Car- 
lisle, similarly  equipped,  to  serve  against  the  Scots, 
at  the  ensuing  Feast  of  Pentecost ;  but  Dugdale 
asserts,  that  he  was  present  at  the  battle  of  Dunbar, 
in  24th  Edward  I. ;  that  in  the  25th  Edward  I.,  he 
was  sent  with  a  hundred  men-at-arms  and  twenty 
thousand  foot  from  Carlisle  to  plunder  in  Scotland  ; 
and  that,  after  much  slaughter,  he  returned  with 
considerable  booty  on  Christmas  eve.  In  that  year 
he  was  also  appointed  Justice  of  all  the  King's 
forests  beyond  the  Trent ;  in  26th  Edward  I.,  he 
was  made  governor  of  Nottingham  Castle  ;  and  on 
the  27th  Edward  I.,  being  constituted  the  King's 
Lieutenant  and  Captain-General  in  the  counties 
of  Cumberland,  Westmoreland,  and  Lancaster 
and  throughout  Annandale  and  the  Marches  of 
Scotland,  he  was  joined  in  commission  with  the 
Bishop  of  Durham  and  others,  to  consider  of  the 

One  purse,  of  cloth    of  gold,   containing  two  Jerusalem 

stones. 
One  silver  bit,  and  four  gilt  buttons,  and  two  lions  for  each, 

of  leather. 

One  old  seal  cut,  and  a  stone  of  chalcedony. 
Three  silver  forks  for  eating  pears. 
One  white  girdle  of  silver  lace. 
One  chapelet  de  Paris,  value  six  sols  eight  deniers. 
In  a  bag,  one  burnished  bacinet  and  vizor  (od  surcils). 
In  another  bag,  one  pair  trappings  with  the  arms  of  said 

Piers. 

Two  surcoats  of  velvet  for  covering  armour. 
One  bridle  for  palfrey,  with  the  King's  arms. 
Four  shirts  and  three  kerchiefs  de  Gascoigne  embroidered. 
An  old  banner  with  the  arms  of  said  Piers. 
Forty-one  stallions  and  hunters,  and  one  palfrey. 
Nine  sumpter-horses.    Two  cart-horses. 
Two  carts  and  all  the  harness. 


112 


LIFE  OF  SIR  WILLIAM  WALLACE. 


means  of  garrisoning  the  castles  in  that  kingdom, 
and  for  guarding  the  marches.  Clifford  was  again 
summoned  to  the  Scottish  wars  on  the  7th  May, 
27th  Edward  I.  1299,  and  received  his  first  writ 
to  parliament  on  the  29th  December  in  the  same 
year. 

"  As  Clifford  did  not  attain  his  majority  till 
1295,  he  consequently  could  not  have  been  above 
twenty-five  when  he  was  thus  honoured  with 
his  sovereign's  confidence, — a  fact  which  speaks 
forcibly  in  his  praise.  It  was  at  this  period  of  his 
life  that  he  was  noticed  in  the  poem  *  ;  and  as  his 
conduct  at  Carlaverock  is  wholly  passed  over  by 
his  former  biographer,  it  claims  especial  regard  in 
this  memoir.  After  stating  that  he  served  in  the 
third  squadron,  which  was  led  by  the  King  in 
person,  and  extolling  Clifford's  valour,  descent,  and 
prudence,  the  writer  adds,  that  if  he  were  a  young 
maiden,  he  would  bestow  on  him.  his  heart  and 
person,  in  consideration  of  his  renown.  During 
the  siege,  we  are  told  that  he  particularly  distin- 
guished himself,  and  was  rewarded  by  being  ap- 
pointed Governor  of  the  Castle  when  it  surrendered  ; 
in  consequence  of  which,  his  banner  was  placed  on 
its  battlements.  Clifford  was  a  party  to  the  letter 
from  the  Barons  to  Pope  Boniface,  in  the  29th 
Edward  I.,  February  1301,  in  which  he  is  described 
as  "  Castellanus  de  Appelby ;"  and,  in  the  34th 
Edward  I.,  in  recompence  for  his  numerous  ser- 
vices, he  obtained  a  grant  of  the  borough  of  Har- 
tlepole,  and  of  all  the  lands  of  Robert  de  Brus. 
In  the  same  year,  he  was  sent  with  Aymer  de 
Valence  against  the  said  Robert,  who  had  then 
assumed  the  title  of  King  of  Scotland  ;  about  which 
time  the  lands  of  Christopher  de  Seyton  were 
granted  to  him.  Clifford  attended  the  deathbed  of 
the  King  in  1307,  and  received  the  dying  monarch's 
injunctions  to  prevent  the  return  of  Gaveston  into 
the  realm.  In  the  1st  Edward  II.,  he  was  again 
made  Governor  of  Nottingham  Castle,  and  con- 
stituted Earl  Marshal  of  England  ;  and,  on  the 
31st  January  1308,  he  joined  several  other  Lords 
in  an  engagement  to  support  the  title  and  honour 
of  the  young  King  with  their  lives  and  fortunes. 
In  the  2d  Edward  II.  he  was  constituted  Warden 
of  the  Marches  of  Scotland,  and  soon  afterwards 
Governor  of  that  kingdom ;  and  on  the  17th  March 
1309-10,  was  one  of  the  Peers  selected  to  regulate 
the  royal  household.  Several  valuable  grants  of 
lands  were  bestowed  upon  him  in  the  3d  and  4th 
Edward  II.,  in  consideration  of  his  merits  ;  and  he 
was  again  summoned  to  serve  in  Scotland,  in  the 
4th  Edward  II.  In  the  6th  Edward  II.  he  was 
joined  in  commission  with  the  Earl  of  Hereford 
and  others,  to  continue  a  treaty  begun  at  Margate 
with  the  Count  of  Eureux  and  the  Bishop  of 
Poitou,  upon  some  important  affairs.  On  the  6th 
February  1313,  he  received  an  acquittance  from 
the  King,  for  the  jewels,  horses,  &c.  belonging  to 
Piers  de  Gaveston  ;  and  he  firmly  adhered  to 
Thomas,  Earl  of  Lancaster,  against  the  unfor- 
tunate favourite,  for  his  agency  in  whose  death  he 
afterwards  procured  the  royal  pardon. 

"  Lord  Clifford  was  regularly  summoned  to  par- 
liament from  the  29th  December,  28th  Edward  I. 
1299,  to  the  26th  November,  7th  Edward  II.  1313  ; 
and  he  terminated  his  career  in  a  manner  strictly 
consistent  with  his  life,  for  he  fell  in  the  battle  of 

*  Siege  of  Carlaverock,  by  Walter  of  Exeter. 


Bannockburn,  on  the  25th  June  1314,  at  the  early 
age  of  forty  years.  His  body  was  sent  to  King 
Edward  at  Berwick,  and  is  supposed  to  have  been 
buried  at  Shapp  Abbey,  in  Westmoreland. 

"  Clifford  married  Maud,  daughter,  and  even- 
tually coheir  of  Thomas  de  Clare,  steward  of 
Waltham-Forest,  son  of  Thomas,  younger  son  of 
Richard  de  Clare,  Earl  of  Gloucester  and  Hert- 
ford, by  whom,  who  survived  him,  and  remarried 
Robert,  Baron  Welles,  he  had  issue  Roger,  his 
successor  in  the  barony,  then  aged  fifteen  years, 
but  who  died,  s.  p.  in  1337  ;  Robert,  brother  and 
heir  of  Roger,  and,  according  to  some  pedigrees, 
two  other  sons,  John  and  Andrew  ;  and  a  daugh- 
ter, Idonea,  the  wife  of  Henry,  Lord  Clifford. 

"  From  Robert  de  Clifford,  the  second  son  of 
the  subject  of  this  article,  descended  the  baronial 
line  of  Clifford,  which,  in  the  reign  of  Henry  the 
Eighth,  was  elevated  to  the  earldom  of  Cumber- 
land. The  barony  of  Clifford  is  now  possessed  by 
Edward  Southwell,  the  present  Lord  de  Clifford, 
the  abeyance  having  been  terminated  in  favour  of 
his  Lordship's  father  in  1776  *." 


HUGH    DE    CRESSINGHAM. 


Page  49. 

RESPECTING  this  avaricious  and  time-serving  mi- 
nion, few  particulars  are  known.  The  historians 
of  his  country  appear  to  have  left  his  memory  in  a 
state  between  obloquy  and  oblivion,  and  the  odium 
he  drew  upon  himself,  during  his  short  administra- 
tion in  Scotland,  remains  unrelieved  by  the  relation 
of  any  redeeming  circumstances  on  the  part  of 
those  who  may  be  supposed  intimately  acquainted 
with  his  character.  Sir  Walter  Scott,  in  his 
Border  Antiquities,  mentions,  that  he  was  Rector 
of  Ruddely,  Chief  Justiciary  of  York  Assizes,  and 
Prebendary  of  many  churches. 

But  his  numerous  ecclesiastical  duties  were 
totally  neglected,  for  the  more  congenial  pursuits 
afforded  by  the  cabinet  and  the  camp  ;  and  it  is 
stated,  that  though  in  the  possession  of  so  many 
lucrative  benefices,  he  never  assumed  the  garb 
peculiar  to  his  sacred  profession.  In  his  character 
of  Treasurer,  he  incurred  a  degree  of  detestation, 
which  does  not  appear  to  have  been  attached  to 
any  of  the  other  officers  appointed  by  Edward  to 
the  management  of  affairs  in  Scotland.  Among 
his  own  countrymen,  his  peculation  occasioned 
disgust,  and  in  many  instances  desertion  ;  while 
his  short-sighted  rapacity  chafed  the  impatient  and 
angry  feelings  of  a  people  smarting  under  the  in- 
fliction of  a  yoke  to  which  they  had  been  hitherto 
unaccustomed,  and  greatly  contributed  in  raising 
that  spirit  of  insurrection  in  which  his  aggressions 
met  with  the  vengeance  they  had  provoked. 


H. 

ORIGINAL   LETTER   FROM   SIR   WILLIAM   WALLACE  AND 
SIR  ANDREW    MURRAY. 

Page  51. 

IT  affords  the  writer  no  little  pleasure,  to  be  able 
to  lay  before  his  readers  the  following  authentic 

*  Vide  Siege  of  Carlaverock,  edited  by  N.  H.  Nicolas,  Esq. 


APPENDIX  H. 


113 


document,  which  establishes  beyond  a  doubt  the 
early  and  deep  interest  which  Wallace  took  in  the  re- 
establishment  of  the  commercial  prosperity  of  Scot- 
land. As  this  important  writing,  however,  has  not 
hitherto  appeared  in  the  works  of  either  English 
or  Scottish  historians,  nor  even  been  alluded  to  in 
any  former  account  of  Wallace,  it  will  be  neces- 
sary to  give  some  explanation  respecting  the 
source  from  which  it  has  been  obtained.  In  the 
Foreign  Quarterly  Review  for  August,  1829,  the 
following  notice  appeared  : — "  Our  Scottish  anti- 
quarian friends  will  be  gratified  to  hear,  that  Dr. 
Lappenburg  of  Hamburg,  in  his  researches  among 
the  ancient  records  of  that  city,  has  discovered  a 
letter,  of  the  date  1287,  addressed  by  Robert  Wal- 
lace and  Andrew  Murray  to  Hamburg  and  Lubec." 
An  intimation  of  this  kind  could  not  fail  to  excite 
a  considerable  degree  of  interest  in  the  writer  ; 
and  the  possibility  that  a  mistake  might  have  oc- 
curred respecting  the  date,  as  well  as  the  name 
of  one  of  the  parties,  encouraged  the  hope,  that  a 
letter  of  William  Wallace  and  Andrew  Murray, 
with  which  the  public  were  unacquainted,  might 
still  be  in  existence.  Under  this  impression,  the 
writer  communicated  with  an  intelligent  friend, 
through  whose  means  application  was  made  to 
Dr.  Lappenberg  on  the  subject,  who,  with  that 
genuine  politeness  which  seldom  fails  to  accompany 
distinguished  merit,  promptly  communicated  a 
copy  of  the  letter  in  question,  taken  from  the 
original,  which  still  exists  among  the  archives  of 
the  Hanseatic  city  of  Lubec.*  The  letter  is  to  the 
following  effect  : — 

"  Andreas  de  Morauia  et  Willelmus  Wallensis, 
duces  exercitus  regni  Scotie  et  communitas  eius- 
dem  Regni,  prouidis  viris  et  discretis  ac  amicis  di- 
lectis,  maioribus  et  communibus  de  Lubek  et  de 
Hamburg  salutenvet  sincere  dilectionis  semper  in- 
crementum.  Nobis  per  fide  dignos  mercatores 
dicti  regni  Scotie  est  intimatum,  quod  vos  vestri 
gratia,  in  omnibus  causis  et  negociis,  nos  et  ipsos 
mercatores  tangentibus  consulentes,  auxiliantes  et 
favorabiles  estis,  licet  nostra  non  precesserint  me- 
rita,  et  ideo  magis  vobis  tenemur  ad  grates  cum 
digna  remuneracione,  ad  que, vobis  volumus  obli- 
gari  ;  rogantes  vos,  quatenus  preconizari  facere  ve- 
litis  inter  mercatores  vestros,  quod  securum  acces- 
sum  ad  omnes  portus  regni  Scotie  possint  habere 
cum  mercandiis  suis,  quia  regnum  Scotie,  Deo  re- 
graciato,  ab  Anglorum  potestate  bello  est  recupera- 
tum.  Valete.  Datum  apud  Badsingtonam  in  Sco- 
tia, undecimo  die  Octobris,  Anno  gracie,  millesimo 
ducentesimo  nonagesimo  septimo.  Rogamus  vos 
insuper  vt  negocia  Johannis  Burnet,  et  Johannis 
Frere,  mercatorum  nostrorum  promoueri  digne- 
mini,  prout  nos  negocia  mercatorum  vestrorum 
promovere  velitis.  Valete.  dat.  ut  prius." 

TRANSLATION. 

"  Andrew  Murray  and  William  Wallace,  com- 
manders of  the  army  of  the  kingdom  of  Scotland, 
and  the  community  of  the  same  kingdom — To  the 
prudent  and  discreet  men,  and  well-beloved  friends, 
the  Mayors  and  Commonwealths  of  Lubeck  and 

*  In  the  recovery  of  a  document  connected  with  the  hero 
of  Scotland,  which  had  thus  lain  in  obscurity  for  so  long  a 
period,  the  writer  feels  himself  particularly  called  upon  to 
express  his  grateful  acknowledgments  to  T.  G.  Repp,  Esq. 
of  the  Advocates'  Library,  and  his  friend  E.  K.  Sieveking, 
Esq.,  Syndic  of  the  city  of  Hamburgh. 


of  Hamburg,  greeting,  and  perpetual  increase  of 
sincere  friendship. 

"  To  us  it  has  been  intimated,  by  trust-worthy 
merchants  of  the  said  kingdom  of  Scotland,  that, 
as  a  mark  of  your  regard,  you  have  been  favour- 
able to,  counselling  and  assisting  in,  all  matters  and 
transactions  relating  to  us  and  said  merchants, 
though  [such  good  offices]  may  not  have  been  pre- 
ceded by  our  deserts,  and  on  that  account  we  are 
the  more  bound  to  tender  you  our  thanks,  and  a 
suitable  return.  This  we  have  willingly  engaged 
ourselves  to  [perform  towards]  you,  requesting, 
that  in  so  far  you  would  cause  your  merchants  to  be 
informed,  that  they  will  now  have  safe  access  to  all 
the  ports  of  the  kingdom  of  Scotland  with  their 
merchandise,  as  the  kingdom  of  Scotland,  thanks 
to  God,  has  during  the  war  been  recovered  from 
the  power  of  the  English.  Farewell. — Given  at 
Badsingtoii  [Haddington  *  ?],  in  Scotland,  this 
eleventh  day  of  October,  in  the  year  of  grace  one 
thousand  twelve  hundred  and  ninety-seven. — We 
have  moreover  to  request,  that  you  would  conde- 
scend to  forward  the  interests  of  our  merchants 
John  Burnet  and  John  Frere  in  their  business,  in 
like  manner  as  you  may  wish  us  to  act  towards 
your  merchants  in  their  commercial  transactions. 
Farewell — Dated  as  above." 

Dr.  Lappenberg,  in  his  valuable  communication, 
remarks,  that  this  letter  "  appears  to  be  the  oldest 
document  existing  relative  to  the  intercourse  of 
Hamburg  and  Lubec,  or  other  Hanseatic  cities, 
with  Scotland  f."  As  the  reader  will  perceive,— a 
mistake  had  occurred  in  the  date,  and  also  in  the 
name  of  Wallace. 

From  the  above  interesting  muniment,  various 
important  points  in  our  history  may  be  established. 
In  the  first  place,  it  seems  evident,  that  Wallace 
and  Murray,  up  to  the  llth  October  1297,  acted  only 
as  "  duces  exercitus  regni  Scotie,"  in  behalf  of  the 
community  of  said  kingdom ;  and  that  the  commission 
from  John  Baliol,  authorizing  them  to  act  under 
his  sanction,  must  have  been  received  by  them  on 
their  march  to  England,  or  during  the  time  the  devas- 
tation of  that  country  was  going  forward ;  that  is  to 
say,  between  the  llth  October  and  7th  November, 
on  which  day  the  charter  was  granted  to  the  monks 
of  Hexham  £,  where  we  find  "  the  name  of  the 
illustrious  Prince  John  by  the  Grace  of  God  King  of 
Scotland,"  is  added  to  the  authorities  mentioned 
in  the  above  letter.  And  again,  that  between  the 
7th  November,  1297,  and  the  29th  March,  1298, 
another  commission  must  have  been  forwarded  from 


*  The  writer  is  inclined  to  beiieve,  that,  in  copying  the 
antiquated  original,  Badsington  has  been  put  down  by  the 
transcriber  in  a  mistake  for  Haddington.  He  has  left  it 
however,  in  charge  of  a  note  of  interrogation,  for  the  pur- 
pose of  inviting  his  readers  to  the  exercise  of  their  critical 
acumen. 

t  Our  readers  will  be  gratified  to  learn,  that  Dr.  Lappen- 
burg has'been  for  some  time  engaged  on  a  highly  interesting 
work  relating  to  the  origin  of  the  Hanseatic  League,  in  the 
course  of  which  there  will  appear  upwards  of  400  documents 
which  have  escaped  the  research  of  former  writers,  illustra- 
tive of  the  state  of  commerce  among  the  nations  of  Europe 
between  1170  and  1370.  A  considerable  number  of  these 
documents,  we  understand,  relate  to  the  mercantile  transac- 
tions of  England  and  Scotland ;  and  a  publication  of  this 
kind  cannot  fail  to  be  anxiously  looked  for,  by  all  who  set  a 
value  upon  well-authenticated  historical  information. 

t  Seep.  115. 

I 


114 


LIFE  OF  SIR  WILLIAM  WALLACE. 


Baliol  to  Wallace,  constituting  him  the  sole  Regent 
of  the  kingdom  of  Scotland,  as  we  find  him  on  tliat 
day  at  Torphichen,  granting,  in  that  capacity,  a 
charter  to  Alexander  Scrimgeor,  and  affixing  to  it 
the  seal  of  Baliol ;  which  circumstance  is  mentioned 
in  the  charter,  while  no  mention  is  made  of  any 
seal  being  used  in  that  at  Hexham  *. 

From  the  circumstance  of  Andrew  Murray's 
name  having  precedence  in  the  letter  to  the  Hanse 
Towns,  and  in  the  charter  of  Hexham,  it  may  with 
great  probability  be  inferred,  that  these  two  docu- 
ments were  either  written  by  Wallace  himself,  or 
under  his  direction.  That  he  was  qualified  for  the 
task  is  evident,  from  the  care  which  had  been 
bestowed  on  his  education  ;  first  by  his  uncle,  and 
afterwards  by  the  seminary  of  Dundee.  If  Murray 
had  either  written  them,  or  ordered  them  to  be 
written,  it  is  not  likely  that  he  would  have  placed 
his  own  name  before  one  whose  merits  were  so 
generally  acknowledged,  as  to  procure  him  the 
appointment  of  Regent  in  so  short  a  time  after- 
wards ;  while  Wallace,  in  placing,  or  causing  the 
name  of  Murray  to  be  placed,  before  his  own, 
appears  acting  in  perfect  consistency  with  those 
amiable  traits  in  his  character  which  we  have 
already  noticed.  As  these  writings  are  also  free 
from  that  monkish  pedantry,  and  mystification 
which  pervades  the  literature  of  that  age,  they 
may  with  great  probability  be  considered  as  the 
composition  of  the  talented  Liberator  f". 


*  By  the  above  letter,  the  writer  is  also  enabled  to  correct 
a  mis-statement  at  page  56.  The  election  of  Wallace  to 
the  Regency  did  not  (as  is  there  mentioned)  take  place  before 
his^ advance  into  England.  The  authority  by  which  he 
and*  Sir  Andrew  Murray  made  the  preparations  for  the  in- 
vasion, appear  to  have  been  derived  from  the  community 
of  Scotland,  and  "  duces  exercitus  regni  Scoiie"  the  highest 
title  they  considered  themselves  invested  with  at  the  time. 

t  Under  the  impression  that  the  letter  and  charters  alluded 
to  above  are  the  composition  of  Wallace,  we  conceive  some 
of  our  readers  may  not  be  displeased  with  the  following 
attempt  at  a  translation  of  the  charter  in  favour  of  Scrym- 
geour,  as  they  will  then  have  in  this  volume  English  ver- 
sions of  every  known  document  that  can  with  any  proba- 
bility be  considered  as  emanating  from  the  pen  of  Wallace. 

"  Charter  of  Sir  William  Wallace,  Guardian  of  Scotland,  in 
the  name  of  King  John  Baliol,  with  the  seal  of  the 
same  John. 

"  William  Walays,  Knight,  Guardian  of  the  Kingdom  of 
Scotland,  and  Leader  of  the  Armies  of  the  same,  in  the 
name  of  the  excellent  Prince  Lord  John,  by  the  Grace  of 
God,  the  illustrious  King  of  Scotland, — with  the  consent  of 
the  community  of  the  same  kingdom. — To  all  trusty  men  of 
the  said  kingdom,  to  whom  the  present  writing  may  come, 
Eternal  Salvation  in  the  Lord. — Be  it  known  to  You  all,  that 
We,  in  the  name  of  our  foresaid  Lord  the  King  of  Scotland, 
by  the  consent  and  approbation  of  the  Grandees  of  said 
kingdom,  Give  and  Concede,  and  that  self-same  donation 
and  concession  by  the  present  charter,  Do  confirm,  to  Alex- 
ander, named  Skirmischur,  six  merks  of  land  in  the  terri- 
toiy  of  Dundee,  namely,  that  land  which  is  called  the  Upper 
Field  near  the  town  of  Dundee,  on  the  north  side,  with  those 
acres  in  the  west  field,  commonly  fronting  the  Royal 
Grounds,  near  the  town  of  Dundee,  on  the  west  side,  and 
also  the  Royal  Meadow  in  the  foresaid  territory  of  Dundee, 
and  also  the  Constabulary  of  the  Castle  of  Dundee,  with  the 
rights,  liberties,  and  privileges  belonging  thereto,  without 
any  reservation  whatsoever,  on  performing  homage  to  the 
foresaid  Lord  and  King,  and  his  heirs  or  his  successors ; 
and  lor  the  faithful  service  and  assistance  rendered  to  his 


It  may  be  remarked,  that  the  envy  which  a 
number  of  the  magnates  of  Scotland  entertained 
towards  the  Guardian,  seems  to  have  arisen  after 
his  appointment  to  the  Regency,  How  Sir  Andrew 
Murray  demeaned  himself  on  the  occasion,  does 
not  appear  ;  but  the  conduct  and  feelings  of 
Cumyn,  his  near  relation  *,  were  too  unequivocally 
expressed  to  be  misunderstood. 

The  above  letter,  besides  affording  a  good  spe- 
cimen of  the  diplomatic  talents  of  our  hero,  is  at 
the  same  time  highly  complimentary  to  the  friendly 
feelings  and  mercantile  integrity  of  the  merchants 
of  the  two  Hanse  cities,  and  exhibits  a  singular 
contrast  to  the  policy  of  Philip,  who,  though  bound 
by  treaties,  allowed  his  allies  to  struggle  on  against 
their  powerful  adversary,  without  affording  them 
the  slightest  assistance. 


I. 

MEMOIR  OF  PATRICK  EARL  OF  DUNBAR  f. 

Page  52. 

THIS  powerful  and  warlike  baron  was  descended 
from  Gospatrick,  the  Governor  of  Northumberland, 
in  the  tune  of  William  the  Norman,  who  deprived 
him  of  that  office  in  consequence  of  his  joining  the 
Danes  in  1069,  on  their  invasion  of  England.  He 
afterwards  retired  to  Scotland,  and  sought  the 
protection  of  Malcolm  III.,  who  conferred  on  him 
the  Castle  of  Dunbar  and  the  lands  adjoining.  In 
virtue  of  this  grant,  his  descendants  were  styled 
Earls  of  March,  and  sometimes  of  Dunbar;  the 
former  title  being  derived  from  the  lands,  the  latter 
from  the  name  of  the  principal  castle  belonging  to 
the  family.  They  were  also  possessed  of  the  castle 
of  Coldbrands-path,  a  fortress  of  almost  equal 
importance. 

Patrick,  or  (Corspatrick,  as  he  is  sometimes 
called),  the  subject  of  the  present  notice,  was  the 
eighth  Earl  of  Dunbar  ;  he  succeeded  to  his  father 
in  1289,  being  then  about  forty-seven  years  of  age. 
He  was  one  of  the  nobles  who  consented  to  the 
projected  marriage  between  Prince  Edward  and 

foresaid  kingdom,  in  bearing  the  Royal  Standard  in  the 
Army  of  Scotland,  at  the  time  the  present  writing  has  been 
drawn  up. — Securing  and  preserving  to  the  foresaid  Alex- 
ander and  his  heirs,  from  our  said  Lord  the  King,  and  his 
heirs  or  his  successors,  free,  quiet,  entire,  peaceable,  and 
honourable  possession,  in  perpetuity,  with  all  the  rights, 
liberties,  and  privileges  belonging  to  said  land,  meadow 
above  named,  and  forementioned  Constabulary,  fronting  as 
at  present,  or  in  what  manner  soever  in  future,  on  perform- 
ing annually  therefore  to  the  Lord  the  King,  and  his  heirs 
or  successors,  namely,  for  the  foresaid  land,  meadow,  and 
Constabulary,  with  their  rights,  liberties,  and  privileges,  the 
service  attached  to  said  Constabulary,  as  well  as  for  all  that 
in  future  may  be  required  on  account  of  the  foresaid.  In 
testimony  of  which,  the  common  seal  of  the  _foresaid  king- 
dom of  Scotland  has  been  affixed  to  the  present  writing. 
Given  at  Torphichen,  on  the  29th  day  of  March,  in  the  year 
of  Grace  1298." 

*  Sir  Andrew  Murray,  who  was  killed  at  the  battle  of 
Stirling,  was  married  to  a  sister  of  Cumyn,  Lord  of  Bade- 
noch. — Vide  Scottish  Baronage. 

t  The  arms  of  the  Earl  of  Dunbar,  were  gules,  a  lion 
rampant,  argent,  within  a  bordure  of  the  second,  charged 
with  a  rose  of  the  first.  The  banner  of  the  son,  at  the  siege 
of  Carlaverock,  was  the  same  as  that  of  the  father,  with  the 
addition  of  a  blue  label. 


APPENDIX  I.— K. 


115 


Margaret  the  young  Queen  of  Scotland.  In  1291, 
he  put  in  his  claim  to  the  crown,  among  the  other 
competitors,  founding  his  right  on  being  the  great- 
grandson  of  Ilda  or  Ada,  the  daughter  of  William 
king  of  Scots.  On  the  commencement  of  hostili- 
ties between  Edward  and  Baliol,  he  adhered  to 
the  former  ;  but  his  castle  of  Dunbar  being  left  in 
possession  of  his  wife  Margery,  daughter  of  Alex- 
ander Comyn,  Earl  of  Buchan,  she  delivered  it 
over  to  Baliol — conceiving  the  duties  she  owed  her 
country  paramount  to  the  injunctions  of  her  hus- 
band. 

•  Whatever  blame  maybe  attached  to  this  Earl, 
for  the  active  part  he  took  against  the  interest  of 
Scotland,  still  the  merit  of  consistency  must  be 
awarded  to  him  in  the  crooked  line  of  policy  he 
adopted ;  for,  having  sworn  fealty  to  Edward 
in  1291,  he  adhered  to  the  interests  of  his  over- 
lord with  zeal  and  fidelity.  The  answer  *  which  he 

*  "  Lychtly  he  lowch,  in  scorn  as  it  had  beyn, 
And  said ;  '  He  had  sic  message  seyldyn  seyne, 
That  Wallace  now  as  gouernowr  sail  ryng : 
Her  is  gret  faute  off  a  gud  prince  or  kyng. 
That  king  off  Kyll  I  can  nocht  wndirstand ; 
Off  him  1  held  neuir  a  fur  off  land. 
That  bachiller  trowis,  for  fortoun  schawis  her  quhell, 
Thar  with  to  lest ;  it  sail  nocht  lang  be  weill. 
Bot  to  yow,  lordis,  and  ye  will  wndirstand, 
I  mak  yow  wyss,  I  aw  to  mak  na  band, 
Als  fre  I  am  in  this  regioun  to  ryng, 
Lord  off  myn  awne,  as  euyr  was  prince  or  king. 
In  Ingland  als  gret  part  off  land  I  haiff; 
Manrent  tharoff  thar  will  no  man  me  craiff. 
Quhat  will  ye  mar  1    I  warne  yow,  I  am  fre  ; 
For  your  somoundis  ye  get  no  mar  off  me.' " 

In  corroboration  of  an  insolent  answer  having  been  returned 
by  the  Earl  of  Dunbar,  Dr.  Jamieson  quotes  the  following 
authority :  "  When  summoned  by  the  guardian  of  Scotland 
to  attend  a  convention  at  Perth,  he  contemptuously  refused. 
Blind  Harrie  is  supported  by  the  Tower  Records."  Cale- 
donia, ii.  p.  246. 
Also  on  the  following  lines  of  the  answer, 

"  That  King  off  Kyll  I  can  nocht  wndirstand ; 
Off  him  I  held  neuir  a  fur  off  land," 

the  Doctor  remarks  "  I  need  scarcely  say,  that  the  earl  had 
given  Wallace  this  contemptuous  designation,  as  being  a 
native  of  the  district  of  Kyle  in  Ayrshire."  It  is  with  much 
reluctance  we  hazard  an  opinion  at  variance  with  so  learned 
and  respectable  an  authority  as  Dr.  Jamieson,  more  particu- 
larly where  the  subject  is  one  connected  with  a  study,  in 
the  pursuit  of  which  he  has  acquired  a  lasting  and  well- 
merited  reputation.  That  the  scoffing  Earl  intended  any 
allusion  to  the  birth-place  of  Wallace,  by  styling  him  "  King 
of  Kyle,"  we  would  feel  inclined  to  question,  even  if  it  had 
been  established  that  he  was  a  native  of  that  district.  Kyle, 
as  well  as  Carrick  (two  neighbouring  districts  of  Ayrshire), 
are  derived  from  the  Celtic  words,  C6ille,  and  Carraig :  the 
former  signifying  a  forest,  or  woody  district,  and  the  latter 
the  rocky  portion  of  the  country,  two  terms  perfectly  de- 
scriptive of  the  localities  of  both  districts.  Wallace  had 
always  been  spoken  of,  by  the  English  and  their  emissaries, 
as  a  leader  of  a  banditti.  Langtoft  calls  him  "  William 
Waleis  that  maister  was  of  theves  ;"  and  they  represented 
him  as  a  sort  of  Robin  Hood,  who  had  established  his  autho- 
rity in  the  woods  of  Scotland,  in  the  same  manner  as  the 
"  King  of  merry  Sherwood"  had  done  in  the  forest  of  that 
name.  When  Gospatrick,  therefore,  called  Wallace  "  King 
of  Kyll,"  we  presume  he  meant  to  call  him  "  King  of  the 
Forest,"  which  implied  a  king  of  robbers  and  outlaws ;  and 
that  this  was  the  sense  in  which  it  was  understood  by  him 
and  the  Scottish  nobles,  is  evident  from  the  indignation  it 
excited,  and  the  instant  determination  of  the  Guardian  to 


returned  to  Wallace  and  the  Scottish  barons  as- 
sembled at  Perth,  is  quite  in  accordance  with  that 
tone  of  independence  assumed  by  the  family,  and 
which,  according  to  Lord  Hailes,  was  so  prejudicial 
to  Scotland. 

After  being  driven  from  Scotland,  as  has  already 
been  stated,  he  continued  to  molest  his  countrymen 
as  he  found  occasion.  In  1298,  he  was  actively 
engaged  in  the  Scottish  wars,  and  in  November 
was  appointed  one  of  Edward's  Lieutenants  in 
Scotland.  In  1300,  he  and  his  son  *,  a  youth  at 
that  time  about  15  years  of  age,  were  present  at 
the  siege  of  Carlaverock  castle,  when  he  must  have 
been  at  least  58  years  old.  In  33d  Edward  I., 
he  was  to  have  attended  the  parliament  as  one  of 
the  representatives  of  the  Commons  of  Scotland ; 
but  from  some  reason  or  other,  he  did  not  appear. 
On  the  30th  September,  1308,  he  was  commanded 
by  Edward  II.  to  assist  in  suppressing  the  insur- 
rection of  Bruce,  but  what  efforts  he  made,  cannot 
well  be  ascertained.  In  the  following  year  he  died, 
and  was  succeeded  by  Patrick,  his  son  by  the 
daughter  of  the  Earl  of  Buchan. 


K. 

CHARTER   OF    PROTECTION     GRANTED     TO    THE     PRIOR 
AND    CONVENT   OF    HEXCELDSHAM. 

Page  53. 

"  ANDREAS  de  Moravia  et  Willelmus  Wallensis, 
Duces  exercitus  Scotice,  nomine  prceclari  Principis 
Domini  JoJiannis,  Dei  gratia,  Regis  Scotice  illustris, 
de  consensu  communitatis  regni  ejusdem,  omnibus 
hominibus  dicti  regni  ad  quos  prsesentes  literse 
pervenerint,  salutem.  Sciatis,  nos,  nomine  dicti 
Regis,  Priorem  et  Conventum  de  Hexhildesham  in 
Northumbria,  terras  suas,  homines  suos,  et  uni- 
versas  eorum  possessiones,  ac  omnia  bona  sua, 
mobilia  et  immobilia,  sub  firma  pace  et  protectione 
ipsius  Domini  Regis,  et  nostra,  juste  suscepisse. 
Quare  firmiter  prohibemus,  ne  quis  eis  in  personis, 
terris,  seu  rebus,  malum,  molestiam,  injuriam,  seu 
gravamen  aliquod,  inferre  praesumat,  super  ple- 
naria  forisfactura  ipsius  Domini  Regis,  aut  mortem 
eis,  vel  alicui  eorum,  inferat,  sub  poena  amissionis 
vitae  et  membrorum  ;  prsesentibus  post  annum 
minime  valituris.  Dat.  apud  Hexhildesham,  vii. 
die  Novembris." — W.  Hemingford,  t.  i.  p.  135  f. 

revenge  the  insult  which  had  been  thus  offered  to  himself 
and  those  under  his  authority.  To  have  called  him  the 
king  of  the  place  in  which  he  was  born,  could  not  be  con- 
sidered by  Wallace  as  a  very  grievous  insult,  considering  the 
situation  he  occupied.  That  Cdille  was  at  one  time  gene- 
rally used  all  over  Scotland  to  designate  a  wood  or  forest,  is 
evident  from  the  names  of  many  places  in  which  the  word 
can  still  be  traced.  It  is,  however,  sometimes  improperly 
confounded  with  Cill  (a  place  of  interment).  We  are  afraid 
that  the  above  etymology  will  not  meet  the  approbation  of 
the  favourers  of  the  pretensions  of  Old  King  Coilus,  but 
this  we  cannot  help;  and  have  only  to  regret  that  the 
ancient  language  of  the  country  has  been  so  little  consulted 
by  those  who  engage  to  write  its  history. 

*  This  youth  succeeded  to  his  father's  honours  in  1309, 
being  then  twenty-four  years  of  age.  The  foreign  predilec- 
tions of  the  old  baron,  for  a  long  time  regulated  the  conduct 
of  the  son  ;  and  it  was  owing  to  him  that  Edward  II.  escaped 
the  pursuit  of  Bruce,  after  the  Battle  of  Bannockburn. 

t  A  translation  of  the  above  document  has  been  given  by 
i  2 


116 


LIFE  OF  SIR  WILLIAM  WALLACE. 


L. 

Page  54. 

THE  intentions  of  Edward  to  curtail  the  power  of 
his  barons,  and  render  them  more  subservient  to 
his  will,  were  most  unequivocally  displayed  in  his 
proceedings  towards  Bigod,  Earl  of  Norfolk,  im- 
mediately after  his  return  from  the  conquest  of 
Scotland.  The  imperious  language  of  the  tyrant, 
and  the  bold  and  determined  conduct  of  the  vassal, 
the  reader  will  find  narrated  in  the  extracts  from 
Dr.  Lingard,  inserted  in  the  concluding  chapter  of 
the  narrative.  The  plans  of  Edward  for  the  ex- 
tinction of  British  freedom,  were  such  as  have 
been  generally  resorted  to  by  other  despots,  who 
have  encroached  upon  the  rights  of  their  subjects 
or  neighbours.  While  the  Scots  w§re  summoned 
to  fight  his  battles  in  France,  the  Welsh  were 
marched  to  Scotland  to  assist  in  the  subjugation  of 
that  country  ;  and  had  the  former  remained  passive 
under  the  yoke,  there  is  every  reason  to  believe 
that  they  would  soon,  in  their  turn,  have  been 
employed  to  enforce  the  arbitrary  measures  of  the 
ambitious  monarch  upon  the  subjects  of  his  native 
kingdom.  Thus  Scotland,  England,  and  Wales, 
would  have  mutually  assisted  in  rivetting  the  fetters 
of  each  other. 


M. 


THE   SETONS. 

Page  55. 

WITH  respect  to  the  fate  of  Cristell  of  Seyton, 
some  little  inquiry  may  be  necessary.  It  is  well 
known,  that  a  person  of  his  name  appears  to  great 
advantage  in  the  history  of  the  struggles  of  Bruce, 
and  afterwards  became  a  martyr  in  his  cause  ;  of 
course,  he  could  not  have  been  the  individual  men- 
tioned in  the  text.  It  appears  from  various  sources, 
that  there  were  three  of  the  Seyton  family,  of  the 
name  of  Christell,  grandfather,  father,  and  son.  If 
any  of  these  were  killed  in  the  above  battle,  it  must 
have  been  the  second,  for  the  first,  "  a  man  given 
more  to  devotion  nor  worldliness,"  died  in  the 
reign  of  Alexander  III.  As  the  other  two  were 
both  engaged  in  the  contest  for  independence  along 
with  Wallace,  the  following  account  of  them  may 

the  writers  nearly  to  the  following  effect : — "  Andrew  Mur- 
ray and  William  Wallace,  commanders  of  the  army  of  Scot- 
land, in  the  name  of  the  excellent  Prince  Lord  John,  by  the 
Grace  of  God,  the  illustrious  King  of  Scotland,  with  the  con- 
sent of  the  community  of  the  same  kingdom,  to  all  men  of 
the  said  kingdom,  greeting.  Know  ye,  that  we,  in  the  name 
of  the  said  King,  have  taken  the  Prior  and  Convent  of  Hex- 
hildesham  in  Northumberland,  their  lands,  men,  posses- 
sions, and  all  their  goods,  moveable  and  immoveable,  under 
the  firm  peace  and  protection  of  the  said  Lord  the  King  and 
ours.  Wherefore  we  strictly  forbid  you  to  do  any  hurt,  mis- 
chief, or  injury  whatsoever,  to  them,  in  persons,  lands,  or 
goods,  under  penalty  of  forfeiture  of  your  own  goods  and 
estates  to  the  said  Lord  the  King,  or  to  kill  them,  or  any  of 
them,  under  pain  of  death.  These  presents  to  remain  in 
force  for  one  year,  and  no  longer.  Given  at  Hexhildesham 
the  7th  day  of  November." 


be  interesting  to  the  reader.  It  is  taken  from  the 
History  of  the  House  of  Seyton,  by  Sir  Richard 
Maitlaud  of  Lethington,  and  lately  printed  by  the 
Maitland  Club,  from  the  MS.  in  the  Advocates' 
Library. 

"OFF    CHRISTELL   SEYTOUN, 
The  secund  of  that  name. 

"  Christell  the  secund  of  that  name  succedit  to 
Christell  the  first,  his  father,  in  the  tyme  of  Allex- 
ander  the  Thryd,  and  was  ane  nobill  man,  and  did 
mony  gud  actis  aganis  the  Inglismen,  quhen  the 
Crowne  was  desolat  and  in  pley  betuix  the  Bruce 
and  the  Balioll.  Quhilk  Christell,  quhen  he  micht 
nocht  brouk  the  lawland  of  Lowthyane,  quhair  was 
his  duelling  place,  duelt  and  remainit  wyth  his  kyn 
and  freyndis  in  Jedburgh  forrest,  ay  awating  his 
tyme  contrare  the  Inglismen  ;  and  deit  in  the  tyme 
of  William  Wallace." 

"OFF    CHRYSTELL   SEYTOUN, 
The  thryd  of  that  name. 

"Christell  the  thryd  succedit  to  Christell  the 
secund,  his  father,  hi  the  tyme  of  Williame  Wal- 
lace ;  quhilk  Christell  was  efter  maid  knycht  be 
King  Robert  Bruce,  and  for  his  rnonye  gude  actis 
done  againis  the  Inglismen,  was  callit  Gud  Sr 
Christell.  Quha  quhen  King  Robert  Bruce  was 
tane  presonare  in  handis  be  the  Inglismen  at  ane 
feild  besyde  Methven,  and  thay  that  tuke  him  cryit 
in  scorne  and  derisioun,  Quha  will  help  the  new 
maid  King  ?  quhilk  cry  the  said  Sr  Chrystell  hard, 
and  come  in  all  haist  and  straik  at  erd  him  that 
had  the  king  in  handis  ;  and  thair  he  and  his 
freindis  reskewit  the  said  King  Robert,  and  pat 
him  to  Jibertie.  This  Chrystell  maryit  the  said 
King  Robert  Bruce  sister,  and  thairfor  the  said 
King  Robert  gaif  to  the  said  Sr  Chrystell  the 
dowbil  tresour  of  flour  de  lycis,  to  be  worne  about 
his  armes  and  the  armes  of  his  posterite,  lyk  as 
the  King  weris  thame.  Efter  mony  grit  and  nota- 
bill  actis  done  be  the  said  Sr  Chrystell  contrair 
Ingland,  he  was  tane  at  the  last,  and  had  to  Lon- 
doun,  and  thair  put  to  deid  in  maist  cruell  maner. 
In  this  mene  tyme,  King  Robert  Bruce  hapnit  to 
be  in  the  toun  of  Dunfreis,  and  passand  furth  till 
ane  lytill  knoll  besyd  the  said  toun  to  tak  the  air, 
quhair  the  word  and  tythingis  come  to  him  of  the 
crewell  slauchter  of  the  said  Sr  Chrystell,  quhilk 
the  king  heirand  maid  grit  lamentatioun  wyth  sum 
teiris,  saying,  It  is  ane  piet6  that  sa  nobill  ane 
knycht  suld  die  sa  crewell  ane  deid.  And  incon- 
tinent, in  the  samin  place  quhair  he  wes  standand 
quhen  the  tythingis  come  to  him,  gart  found  ane 
chapell  in  honour  of  the  Virgene  Marie  ;  and  hi 
remembrance  of  the  said  Sr  Chrystell  foundit  ane 
preist  to  do  devyne  service  thairin  perpetuallie, 
and  pray  for  the  said  Schir  Chrystell ;  and  gaif  to 
the  said  preist  and  his  successouris  the  sowme  of 
fyve  pundis  Streviling,  to  be  tane  of  the  ba- 
ronie  of  Carlauerok,  for  thair  sustentatioun. 
Quhilk  fundatioun  I  haue  had  oft  in  my  handis, 
and  red  it  sindrie  tymes.  The  quhilk  chapell 
was  standand  haill  and  vndecayit  in  the  yeir  of 
God  Jm  vc  lii  yeiris,  as  I  saw  my  self ;  and  as  I 
beleve  standis  yit  in  the  samin  maner,  and  is  callit 
be  all  the  inhabitaris  in  that  cuntr<J  Christallis 
chapell. 


APPENDIX  N.— 0. 


117 


"  ANE    EIK    OF    SB    CHRISTOPHER   OF    SETOUN, 
The  thrid  of  that  name. 

"  It  is  to  wit  that  efter  that  I  had  wryttin  the 
Historic  of  the  Hous  of  Setoun,  I  haue  fund  in  the 
greit  Cronicles  of  Ingland,  set  furth  sen  I  wret 
the  historic  of  Setoun,  quhilk  ar  as  efter  followis  : 

"  Efter  this  was  the  castell  of  Lochdore  taiken, 
and  wythin  it  Christopher  Seitoun,  that  had  ma- 
ried  the  sister  of  Robert  le  Bruce  ;  [and  bicause 
he  was  no  Scot,  but  an  Englishman  borne,]  the 
King  of  Ingland  commandit  that  he  suld  be  led 
wnto  Dunfreis,  quhar  he  had  killit  on  of  the  Kingis 
knychtis,  and  thair  to  be  haiigit  draw  in  and  quar- 
terit :  The  wyf  of  this  Christopher  Seitoun  he 
apoyntit  to  be  keipit  in  the  monesterie  of  Thixell 
in  Lyndsay." — "  Morouer,  the  manor  of  Seitoun, 
in  Quhytbestroud,  he  gaue  wnto  the  Lord  Edmonde 
de  Mawlay,  and  those  wther  landis  that  belongeth 
to  the  said  Christopher  Seitoun  in  Northumberland 
he  gaue  wnto  the  Lord  Williame  Latemer." 

"  And  howbeit  that  I  wret  of  before  as  I  was  in- 
formit  for  the  tyme,  That  the  first  tyme  that  King 
Robert  the  Bruce  com  to  Dunfreiss  efter  that  Sr 
Christopher  Setoun  was  crewellie  slane  in  Ingland, 
that  in  the  sam  place  quhar  the  King  was  quhen 
the  thydingis  com  till  him  he  garde  bige  ane  cha- 
pell,  and  dottit  the  samyng  perpetuallie  to  pray  for 
the  said  Sr  Christopher  ;  bot  now  it  apeiris  be  the 
Inglis  Cronicles,  That  quhan  the  said  King  com  to 
Dunfreis,  that  quhan  it  was  reportit  till  him  be  the 
inhabeturis  of  the  said  toun  the  crewell  marter- 
dome  of  the  said  Sr  Christopher,  that  he  garde 
bige  the  said  chapell  in  the  samyng  place  quhar  the 
said  Sr  Christopher  was  pute  to  deid  and  executtit. 
Of  the  quhilk  chapell  I  haue  red  the  foundatioun 
and  infythment  of  ane  priest  onder  the  saidis 
kingis  greit  seill  ;  and  hes  hard  Mes  in  the  samyng 
chapell,  quhilk  staudis  as  I  beleif  to  this  present 
day."— P.  18-21. 


N. 

MEMOIR   OF    FITZ-MARMADUKE. 

Page  57. 

"THIS  stern  soldier  was  the  eldest  son  of  Mar- 
maduke  Fitz-Geoffrey,  Lord  of  Hordene,  in  the 
bishoprick  of  Durham,  who,  in  the  45th  Henry 
III.,  1260-1,  obtained  the  King's  license  to  em- 
battle his  mansion-house  there.  In  August  1282, 
John  Fitz-Marmaduke,  with  nine  other  knights, 
performed  services  due  from  the  Bishop  of  Dur- 
ham, who  styled  him,  on  another  occasion,  '  Nostre 
tres  cher  bachelier,  Monsr  Jehan  le  Fitz-Marma- 
duk  ;'  but  from  that  time  nothing  is  recorded  of 
him,  until  February,  1301,  when  he  was  a  party 
to  the  Letter  from  the  Barons  to  the  Pontiff,  in 
which  he  is  called  '  Lord  of  Hordene,'  except- 
ing that  he  was  at  the  siege  of  Carlaverock  in 
June,  1300,  where  his  bravery  was  particularly 
conspicuous.  He  came,  we  are  told,  to  assail  the 
castle  with  a  great  and  full  troop  of  good  and  select 
bachelors,  and  stood  as  firm  as  a  post,  and  his 
banner  received  many  a  rent  difficult  to  mend. 

"  It  is  most  extraordinary,  that  for  nearly  twenty 
years,  no  notice  can  be  found  in  the  records  of  an 
individual  who,  at  the  end  of  that  period,  was  a 


party  to  an  instrument  from  the  Baronage  of  the 
realm  ;  and  it  was  from  this  circumstance,  the 
similarity  of  their  arms,  and  his  surname,  that  he 
was  confounded  with  Marmaduke  de  Thweng  in 
the  "  Synopsis  of  the  Peerage." 

"  In  the  3lst  Edward  I.,  Fitz-Marmaduke  was 
commanded  to  appear  before  the  King  on  the  first 
Sunday  in  Lent,  with  full  powers  from  the  com- 
munity of  the  Bishoprick  of  Durham  to  accept 
his  Majesty's  mediation  between  them  and  the 
Bishop  ;  and,  in  April  in  the  same  year,  he  was 
appointed  a  Commissioner  of  Array.  On  the  30th 
September,  1st  Edward  II.  1307,  he  was  ordered, 
with  others,  to  proceed  to  Galloway,  to  repress 
the  rebellion  of  Robert  de  Brus  ;  and,  in  October 
following  he  was  commanded  to  serve  with  horse 
and  arms  against  the  Scots  ;  after  which  time  his 
name  does  not  occur  among  the  writs  of  service. 
He  continued  in  the  wars  of  Scotland,  "  comme 
une  estache  ;"  and,  on  the  21st  June  1308,  was 
again  enjoined  to  oppose  the  attempts  of  Bruce. 
On  the  16th  February,  3d  Edward  II.  1310,  he 
was  authorized,  , with  others,  to  treat  with  the 
Scots  for  a  truce.  Fitz-Marmaduke  died  in  1311, 
at  which  time  he  was  governor  of  St.  John's  Town 
of  Perth  ;  and  a  very  curious  fact  is  recorded 
respecting  his  funeral.  He  particularly  requested 
to  be  interred  within  the  precincts  of  the  cathedral 
of  Durham,  but,  as  the  state  of  the  country 
prevented  the  removal  of  his  corpse  in  the  usual 
manner,  his  domestics  adopted  the  expedient  of 
dismembering  the  body,  and  then  boiling  the  flesh 
from  the  bones  ;  by  which  means  they  preserved 
his  reliques,  until  an  opportunity  offered  of  trans- 
mitting them  with  safety  across  the  border.  For 
this  outrage  against  an  ecclesiastical  canon,  which 
had  been  promulgated  in  consequence  of  the 
frequency  of  the  practice,  Cardinal  Berengarius, 
Bishop  of  Jerusalem,  imposed  on  the  offenders  the 
mild  penance  of  attending  their  master's  obsequies 
in  the  cemetery  of  the  cathedral  of  Durham,  having 
first  used  the  authority  of  the  church  to  ensure  the 
quiet  transportation  of  his  remains. 

"  Fitz-Marmaduke  was  twice  married  ;  first,  to 
Isabella,  sister  and  heiress  of  Robert  Brus  of  Stan- 
ton,  by  whom  he  had  Richard,  his  son  and  heir, 

and  a  daughter,  Mary,  who  married Lumley ; 

and,  secondly,  Ida,  who  survived  him,  and  was 
living  his  widow  in  1313.  Richard  Fitz-Marma- 
duke was  Seneschal  of  the  Bishoprick  of  Durham, 
and  was  slain,  in  1318,  by  his  kinsman  Robert 
Neville,  on  the  Old  Bridge  of  Durham,  as  he  was 
riding  to  hold  the  county  court,  which  event  is  de- 
scribed as  "  a  most  strange  and  detestable  action." 

Though  married  to  Alianora ,  he  died  without 

children,  when  Mary,  his  sister,  became  his  heiress. 
She  left  issue  Robert  Lumley  of  Ravensholm, 
who  married  Lucia,  the  daughter  and  coheiress  of 
Marmaduke  de  Thweng.  They  had  issue  a  son, 
Marmaduke  Lumley,  whose  representative  is  the 
present  Earl  of  Scarborough." — Siege  of  Carla- 
xerock. 


0. 

MEMOIR   OF    BRIAN   FITZ-ALAN. 

Page  58. 

"  BRIAN  Fitz-Alan  succeeded    his  father    Brian 
before  the  5th  Edward  I.,  and  on  the  6th  April. 


118 


LIFE  OF  SIR  WILLIAM  WALLACE. 


10th  Edward  I.  1282,  and  14th  June  1287,  was 
summoned  to  serve  with  horse  and  arms  in  Wales. 
In  the  19th  Edward  I.  he  obtained  permission  to 
make  a  castle  of  his  house  at  Kilwardeby  in  York- 
shire ;  and  in  the  following  year,  being  one  of 
King  Edward's  vicegerents  in  Scotland,  he,  with 
others,  received  that  monarch's  precept  to  give 
John  de  Balliol  possession  of  the  kingdom.  He 
was  a  witness  to  that  personage's  surrender  of  his 
crown  on  the  10th  July  1296,  about  which  time  he 
was  constituted  the  King's  Lieutenant  in  Scotland. 
Fitz-Alan  was  present  at  the  siege  of  Carlaverock 
in  June  1300  ;  and  in  the  ensuing  February,  was 
a  party  to  the  Letter  from  the  Barons  to  Pope 
Boniface,  in  which  he  is  styled,  "  Lord  of  Bedale." 
His  seal  affixed  to  that  document  has  been  the 
subject  of  remark,  for  instead  of  containing  his 
arms,  it  presents  a  whimsical  assemblage  of  ani- 
mals, apparently  consisting  of  two  birds,  a  rabbit, 
a  stag,  and  a  pig  or  boar,  all  of  which  are  looking 
to  the  dexter  excepting  the  latter,  which  is  regard- 
ing the  chief,  and  is  inscribed  with  this  curious 
legend, 

TOT .  CAPITA  .  TOT .  SENTENCIE. 

"  The  inference  to  be  drawn  from  this  singular 
seal  tends  to  establish,  that  its  owner  was  eccen- 
tric or  satirical  ;  for  it  must  either  have  been  used 
from  unmeaning  caprice,  or  with  the  intention  of 
ridiculing  the  devices  in  the  signets  of  his  contem- 
poraries. The  allusion  in  the  poem  (The  Siege 
of  Carlaverock)  to  the  arms  of  Fitz-Alan,  is  too 
important  to  be  allowed  to  pass  unnoticed.  It  not 
only  informs  us  of  an  event  in  his  life,  by  proving 
that  he  had  been  involved  in  a  dispute  with  Hugh 
Poyntz,  but  shows  that  it  was  always  one  of  the 
fundamental  laws  of  arms,  that  no  two  persons 
should  bear  the  same  ensigns,  and  that  there  was 
then  sufficient  pride  felt  on  the  point  to  resent  its 
infringement. 

"  All  that  is  farther  known  of  Fitz-Alan  is,  that 
he  was  summoned  to  Parliament  from  the  23d 
June,  23d  Edward  I.  1295,  to  the  22d  January, 
33d  Edward  I.  1305,  though  he  died  in  1302.  The 
name  of  his  wife  is  not  stated,  but  it  is  almost  cer- 
tain that  he  married  late  in  life  ;  for,  according  to 
a  note  of  the  inquisition  held  on  his  death,  Maud 
his  daughter  was  his  heir  ;  though,  at  the  death 
of  his  brother  Theobald  Fitz-Alan,  on  the  1st 
Edward  II.  1307-8,  his  heirs  are  said  to  have  been 
Maud  and  Katherine,  the  daughters  of  his  brother 
Brian  Fitz-Alan,  the  former  of  whom  was  then 
aged  seven  years,  and  the  latter  five  ;  so  that 
Katherine,  who  made  proof  of  her  age  on  the  12th 
Edward  II.,  was  probably  a  posthumous  child.  A 
discrepancy,  however,  exists  on  the  subject ;  for, 
agreeable  to  a  note  of  the  inquisition  on  the  death 
of  this  baron,  his  daughter  Maud  was  then  eight 
years  old,  and  Dugdale  says  that  Katherine  was 
at  the  same  time  aged  six,  which,  if  the  other  state- 
ment be  correct,  was  impossible.  Of  these  daugh- 
ters, Maud  married  Sir  Gilbert  Stapleton,  and, 
according  to  a  pedigree  in  Dodsworth's  MSS., 
secondly  Thomas  Sheffield ;  and  Katherine  became 
the  wife  of  John  Lord  Grey  of  Rotherfield.  Brian 
Fitz-Alan  was  buried  in  the  south  aisle  of  Bedale 
church  in  Yorkshire,  and  a  sumptuous  monument 
was  there  erected  to  his  memory,  a  beautiful  en- 
graving and  accurate  description  of  which  are  given 
in  Blore's  "  Monumental  Remains."  Sir  Brian  is 


said  to  have  possessed  a  very  elegant  figure,  and 
manners  highly  polished  for  the  age." — Siege  of 
Carlaxerock . 


P. 

MEMOIR  OF  AYMER  DE  VALLENCE,  EARL  OF  PEMBROKE. 

Page  66. 

"  AYMER  DE  VALENCE  was  the  third  son  of  William 
de  Valence,  who  was  created  Earl  of  Pembroke  by 
his  uterine  brother  King  Henry  the  Third.  He 
was  born  about  1280,  and  succeeded  his  father  in 
his  honours  on  the  13th  June  1296,  both  of  his 
elder  brothers  having  previously  died  without  issue. 
The  earliest  notice  of  him  which  is  recorded,  is, 
that  on  the  26th  January,  25th  Edward  I.  1297,  he 
was  summoned  to  Parliament  as  a  baron,  though, 
according  to  modern  opinions  on  the  subject,  he 
was  fully  entitled  to  the  earldom  of  Pembroke,  nor 
was  the  title  ever  attributed  to  him  in  public 
records,  until  the  6th  November,  1st  Edward  II. 
1307  5  and  the  first  writ  to  Parliament  addressed 
to  him  as  "  Earl  of  Pembroke,"  was  tested  on 
the  18th  of  the  following  January.  Upon  this 
remarkable  circumstance,  some  observations  have 
been  recently  made  ;  but  it  is  wholly  impossible  to 
explain  the  cause  of  the  anomaly  in  a  satisfactory 
manner.  Although  never  styled  "  Earl  of  Pem- 
broke" until  the  accession  of  Edward  II.,  it  is 
manifest,  that  from  the  death  of  his  father,  he 
ranked  above  all  barons  excepting  Henry  of  Lan- 
caster, who  being  of  the  blood  royal,  is  uniformly 
mentioned  next  to  Earls  ;  hence  it  appears,  that 
notwithstanding  his  claim  was  not  positively  ac- 
knowledged, he  was  considered  to  be  entitled  to  a 
higher  degree  of  precedency  than  belonged  to  the 
baronial  dignity.  In  the  25th  Edward  I.,  he  was 
in  the  expedition  into  Flanders,  and,  in  the  same 
year,  was  appointed  a  commissioner  to  ratify  an 
agreement  between  the  King  and  Florence,  Count 
of  Holland,  relative  to  some  auxiliaries  from  the 
Count  in  that  war  ;  and  was  likewise  one  of  the 
ambassadors  sent  by  Edward  to  treat  for  a  truce 
between  England  and  France.  In  the  26th  and 
27th  Edward  I .,  he  was  in  the  Scottish  wars,  and 
in  June  1300,  in  the  28th  Edward  I.,  was  present 
at  the  siege  of  Carlaverock,  when  he  must  have 
been  about  twenty-one  years  of  age  ;  but  the  poet 
pays  him  no  other  compliment  than  what  a  pun 
upon  his  name  suggested. 

1  Le  Valence  Aymars  li  Vaillans.' 

"  In  the  following  year,  he  was  a  party  to  the 
Barons'  letter  to  the  Pope,  in  which,  though  his 
name  occurs  immediately  after  that  of  the  Earl  of 
Arundel,  and  before  Henry  de  Lancaster's,  he  is 
only  styled  *  Lord  of  Montmiac.'  Shortly  after- 
wards, he  was  appointed  to  treat  with  the  ambas- 
sadors of  the  King  of  France  on  the  subject  of 
peace.  In  the  31st  Edward  I.,  he  was  again  in 
the  wars  of  Scotland  ;  and,  in  the  same  year,  re- 
ceived permission  to  leave  the  realm  upon  his  own 
affairs.  He  obtained  a  grant,  in  1305,  of  the  Cas- 
tles of  Selkirk  and  Traquair,  and  of  the  borough 
of  Peebles  in  Scotland,  to  hold  by  the  service  of 
one  knight's  fee,  together  with  other  possessions 
in  that  kingdom  ;  and,  in  the  34th  Edward  I., 
was  constituted  Guardian  of  the  Marches  of  Scot- 


APPENDIX  P. 


119 


land  towards  Berwick,  when  he  was  intrusted  with 
the  sole  command  of  the  English  forces  which  had 
been  levied  against  Robert  Bruce.  In  the  instru- 
ment by  which  he  was  appointed  to  that  important 
duty,  as  well  as  in  most  others,  he  is  styled 
"  Dilectum  consanguineum  et  fidelem  nostrum." 
The  appellation  of  "  Cousin "  was  not  then  a  mere 
title  of  honour,  when  addressed  to  a  peer,  but  was 
used  in  its  most  literal  sense  ;  and  Aymer  de 
Valence's  claim  to  it  is  shown  by  the  following 
slight  pedigree. 


Hugh    le    Brun,=Isabel,  daughter,  and  heir-=King  John, 


ess   of  Aylmer,  Count  of 
Angouleme. 


ob.  1216, 
1st  hus- 
band. 


William  de  Valence,  created^ King  Henry  III.  ob.  1272.= 
Earl  of  Pembroke,  ob.  1296. 1  | 


|  ! 

AYMER  DE  VALENCE,  EARL=KING  EDWARD  I.  ob.  1307_ 
OF  Pembroke,  ob.  1323.  I 

I 
KING  EDWARD  II. 

"  The  successes  which  attended  this  nobleman 
against  Robert  Bruce,  are  described  by  a  contem- 
porary chronicler  ;  and  it  is  said  that  Valence, 
after  a  severe  contest,  pursued  Bruce,  and  pre- 
suming that  he  would  take  refuge  in  Kildrummie 
castle,  he  gained  possession  of  that  place,  but 
finding  only  Nigel  de  Bruce,  brother  of  Robert, 
there,  he  caused  him  and  all  who  were  with  him, 
to  be  immediately  hung.  This  action  has  given 
rise  to  some  pertinent  remarks  by  the  able  bio- 
grapher of  the  Earl  in  the  beautiful  work  before 
noticed  *,  who  has  satisfactorily  shown  that  Nigel 
was  not  put  to  death  by  him,  but  that  at  least  the 
forms  of  law  were  practised  on  the  occasion.  On 
the  deathbed  of  Edward. I.,  Pembroke,  with  some 
other  personages,  received  the  King's  dying  injunc- 
tions to  afford  his  son  their  counsel  and  support, 
and  not  to  permit  Piers  de  Gaveston  to  return  into 
England.  His  strict  adherence  to  this  command, 
naturally  excited  the  favourite's  displeasure  ;  and 
he  is  said,  in  derision  of  his  tall  stature  and  pallid 
complexion,  to  have  termed  him  '  Joseph  the  Jew.' 
In  the  first  year  of  the  young  monarch's  reign, 
Valence  was,  as  has  been  before  observed,  allowed 
and  summoned  to  Parliament  by  his  proper  title  of 
Earl  of  Pembroke  ;  and  at  the  coronation  of  that 
monarch,  he  carried  the  King's  left  boot,  but  the 
spur  belonging  to  it  was  borne  by  the  Earl  of  Corn- 
wall. In  the  same  year,  after  performing  homage 
upon  the  death  of  his  mother  for  her  lands,  he  was 
joined  with  Otho  de  Grandison  in  an  embassy  to 
the  Pope  ;  and  in  the  3d  Edward  II.,  was  found 
heir  to  his  sister  Agnes,  or  more  probably  Anne. 
It  has  been  considered,  from  the  circumstance  of 
the  Earl  being  a  witness  to  the  instrument  by 
which  the  King  recalled  Gaveston,  and  bestowed 
the  possessions  of  the  Earl  of  Cornwall  upon  him, 
that  he  approved  of,  or  at  least  consented  to,  those 
acts  ;  but  this  idea  rests  upon  far  too  uncertain 
evidence  to  be  relied  upon  ;  and  if  he  ever  changed 
his  opinion,  it  was  of  short  duration,  for  in  the 
3d  Edward  II.,  he  joined  the  Earl  of  Lancaster 

*  Blore's  "  Monumental  Remains." 


against  Gaveston,  and  when  he  was  banished  the 
realm  in  1311,  the  Earl  of  Pembroke  was  one 
of  the  persons  deputed  to  petition  the  King  that  he 
should  be  rendered  incapable  of  ever  holding  any 
office. 

"  In  the  6th  Edward  II.,  he  was  again  sent  on  a 
mission  to  Rome,  and  in  the  same  year  obtained  a 
grant  of  lands  in  London,  in  which  was  included 
the  New  Temple.  In  the  7th  Edward  II.  he  was 
appointed  Gustos  and  Lieutenant  of  Scotland,  until 
the  arrival  of  the  King,  and  was  present  at  the 
fatal  battle  of  Bannockburn.  Two  inedited  MSS. 
cited  in  the  ( Monumental  Remains,'  allude  to 
the  Earl's  conduct  on  that  occasion,  in  words  fatal 
either  to  his  loyalty  or  his  courage  :  the  one  stating 
that  'Insuper  Comes  de  Pembrok,  Henricus  de 
Bellomonte,  et  multi  magnates,  cordetenus  Pharisei, 
a  certamine  recesserunt ;'  and  the  other,  that 
'  in  pedibus  suis  evasit  ex  acie  et  cum  Valensibus 
fugientibus  se  salvavit.'  In  all  probability,  how- 
ever, the  language  was  in  both  instances  that  of 
an  enemy,  and  deserves  but  little  credit  ;  though, 
even  if  it  were  true, '  there  is  no  great  disgrace,'  as 
the  learned  biographer,  from  whose  memoir  these 
extracts  are  taken,  has  truly  remarked,  'in  seeking 
safety  by  flight  when  defeat  was  inevitable,  and  the 
whole  army  pursued  a  similar  course.' 

"  In  the  9th  Edward  II.,  the  Earl  was  a  com- 
missioner for  holding  a  Parliament  in  the  King's 
absence,  and  he  took  an  active  part  in  the  proceed- 
ings therein.  Being  sent  to  Rome  on  a  mission 
to  the  Pontiff,  a  singular  misfortune  befel  him,  as 
he  was  taken  prisoner  on  his  return  by  a  Burgun- 
dian  called  John  de  Moiller  with  his  accomplices, 
and  sent  to  the  Emperor,  who  obliged  him  to  pay 
a  ransom  of  20,000  pounds  of  silver,  upon  the 
absurd  pretence  that  Moiller  had  served  the  King 
of  England  without  being  paid  his  wages.  Edward 
used  every  exertion  to  procure  the  Earl's  liberty, 
and  wrote  to  several  sovereign  princes,  soliciting 
them  to  interfere  on  the  subject  ;  but  he  did  not 
immediately  succeed.  In  the  llth  Edward  II., 
Pembroke  was  once  more  in  the  Scottish  wars, 
and  was  appointed  governor  of  Rockingham  castle  ; 
and  upon  the  King's  purposed  voyage  in  the  13th 
Edward  II.,  to  do  homage  to  the  King  of  France 
for  the  Duchy  of  Acquitaine,  he  was  constituted 
Guardian  of  the  realm  during  his  absence,  being 
then  also  Custos  of  Scotland.  In  the  15th  Ed- 
ward II.,  he  sat  in  judgment  on  the  Earl  of  Lan- 
caster at  Pontefract ;  and  for  his  conduct  on  the 
occasion,  was  rewarded  with  the  grant  of  several 
manors. 

"  In  March,  1309,  the  Earl  of  Pembroke  was  one 
of  the  peers  appointed  to  regulate  the  royal  house- 
hold ;  in  the  5th  Edward  II.,  he  was  commanded 
not  to  approach  the  place  where  the  Parliament 
was  held  with  an  armed  retinue,  or  in  any  other 
manner  than  was  observed  in  the  time  of  the  late 
King  ;  in  the  8th  Edward  II.,  he  was  a  commis- 
sioner to  open  and  continue  a  parliament  at  York  ; 
in  the  12th  Edward  II.,  he  was  sent  to  Northampton 
with  others  to  treat  with  the  Earl  of  Lancaster,  for 
the  better  government  of  the  realm,  and  was  one 
of  the  peers  then  appointed  to  be  about  the  King's 
person,  at  which  time  he  signed  the  agreement 
between  the  King  and  that  Earl ;  he  advised  the 
reversal  of  the  judgment  against  Hugh  le  De- 
spencer  the  younger  ;  by  writ  tested  on  the  19th 
January,  14  Edward  II.  1321,  he  was  appointed  a 


120 


LIFE  OF  SIR  WILLIAM  WALLACE. 


commissioner  to  treat  for  peace  with  Robert  de 
Brus  ;  and  in  the  18th  Edward  II.,  the  Earl,  as 
Justice  in  Eyre  of  the  Forest  of  Essex,  claimed 
the  appointment  of  Marshal  thereof. 

"The  Earl  of  Pembroke  accompanied  Isabel, 
Queen  of  England,  to  France  in  1323  ;  and  is  said 
to  have  lost  his  life  in  that  year,  at  a  tournament 
given  by  him,  to  celebrate  his  nuptials  with  his 
third  wife,  Mary,  daughter  of  Guy  de  Chastillon, 
Count  of  St.  Paul's  ;  though,  from  the  obscure 
manner  in  which  his  death  is  mentioned  by  some 
chroniclers,  and  the  attempt  which  they  have  made 
to  consider  it  as  a  mark  of  the  vengeance  of  heaven 
for  his  conduct  relative  to  the  Earl  of  Lancaster, 
Dugdale  asserts  that  he  was  murdered  on  the  23d 
June,  1324,  '  by  reason  he  had  a  hand '  in  that 
affair.  But  the  former  statement  his  recent  bio- 
grapher considers  to  be  corroborated  by  the  fol- 
lowing lines  in  a  long  MS.  poem,  containing  a  Life 
of  the  Earl,  in  the  Cottonian  collection,  written  by 
Jacobus  Nicholaus  de  Dacia,  who  calls  himself  a 
scholar  of  Mary  de  St.  Paul,  Countess  of  Pembroke  ; 
by  which  he  probably  meant  that  he  belonged  to 
Pembroke  Hall,  which  she  had  founded. 

'  Mors  Comitem  Comitum  necuit,  mors  ipsa  cruenta 
Ipsa  cruore  rubrum  campum  facit  et  rubicundum.' 

"  From  the  annexed  account  of  the  Earl's  death, 
however,  by  another  contemporary  writer,  it  would 
appear  that  he  died  of  apoplexy  : 

" '  Ea  vero  tempestate  primorum  consultu  direxit 
ad  partes  transmarinas  Rex  Almaricum  de  Va- 
lencia Comitem  de  Penbrokia,  virum  siquidem  ad 
queque  nepharia  peragenda  iuxta  sue  propinqui- 
tatis  nequiciam  continue  paratum,  regis  Franco- 
rum  presencie  nuncium  super  dictis  negociis  as- 
sisteudum  vt  eiusdem  regis  Francorum  animum  ab 
inceptis  revocaret,  ut  ipsius  benevolenciam  affec- 
tum  regis  Anglorum  varijs  blandiciis  inclinaret. 
Quo  perveniente,  ac  iuxta  proposita  suorum  verbo- 
rum  responsis  acceptis,  per  Pykardiam  rediens,  ad 
quoddam  inunicipium  mi.  villa,  id  est,dimidia  villa, 
nuncupatum,  tribus  leucis  a  Compyne  distans,  in 
vigilia  Sancti  Johannis,  declinavit  pransurus,  ubi 
Christus  voluit  virum  sanguineum  et  dolosum  non 
dimidiare  dies  suos.  Sed  finita  refectionis  hora 
thalamum  ingreditur,  deambulando  statim  in  atrio 
corruit,  ac  sine  confessione  et  viatico  salutari  in- 
felicem  animam  subito  in  solo  sutHavit  *.' " 

The  following  account  of  the  Earl  of  Pembroke 
is  from  the  pen  of  Hutchinson.  "  This  Earl " 
(Adomer  de  Valence)  "  seemed  to  have  a  divine 
interdict  depending  over  him,  and  the  immediate 
vindictive  hand  of  Providence  to  be  upon  him  and 
his  posterity  for  his  atrocious  deeds.  He  was  a 
tool  to  his  prince,  and  servilely  submitted  to  the 
mandate  of  the  crown,  contrary  to  the  dictates  of 
humanity,  honour,  and  justice.  He  sat  in  judgment 
on  Thomas,  Earl  of  Lancaster,  and  impiously  ac- 
quiesced in  his  sentence.  He  was  a  chief  instru- 
ment in  apprehending  the  famous  Scottish  patriot 
Wallace  in  1305  ;  accomplishing  his  capture  by 
the  treachery  of  his  most  intimate  associates,  and 
those  in  whom  he  placed  his  utmost  confidence,  Sir 
John  Menteith  and  others  of  infamous  memory. 
Adomer,  on  his  bridal  day,  was  slain  in  a  tourna- 
ment, held  in  honour  of  his  nuptials  ;  and  left  a 

*  "  Siege  of  Carlaverock." 


wife  at  once  a  maiden,  bride,  and  widow.  It  is  said 
that,  for  several  generations  of  this  family,  a  father 
was  never  happy  enough  to  see  his  son,  the  proscribed 
parent  being  snatched  off  by  the  hand  of  death 
before  the  birth  of  his  issue."  (Hutchinson's  His- 
tory of  Northumberland.) 

It  may  be  also  remarked  as  a  singular  coinci- 
dence, the  fatality  which  attended  the  Stuarts  after 
they  came  to  the  throne,  not  one  of  whom,  fot- 
many  generations,  died  a  natural  death.  John 
Menteith  was  the  son  of  Walter  Stuart,  Earl  of 
Menteith,  and  of  the  same  family  which  afterwards 
swayed  the  Scottish  sceptre. 

Aymer,  or  Adomer  de  Valence,  is  likewise 
charged  by  the  Minstrel,  as  being  the  instrument 
made  use  of  for  corrupting  the  fidelity  of  Men- 
teith ;  and  he  mentions,  that  the  infamous  bargain 
was  finally  concluded  in  "  Ruglyne  Kirk,"  where 
the  two  met  by  appointment,  and  that  Menteith 
received  from  Vallence  three  thousand  crowns  of 
gold  as  the  price  of  his  friend.  "  Ruglyne  "  is  si- 
tuated nearly  mid-way  between  Both  well  and  Dum- 
barton castles  ;  the  former  being  the  place  where 
the  Earl  of  Pembroke  usually  resided  when  in 
Scotland,  and  was  quite  convenient  for  his  keeping 
an  appointment  at  f(  Ruglyne  "  with  the  governor  of 
Dumbarton  Castle.  When  it  is  recollected,  that 
John  Comyn,  who,  according  to  "  Douglas's  peerage" 
married  a  sister  of  Vallence,  was  hatching  the 
treason  which  he  afterwards  put  in  practice  against 
Bruce,  at  the  time  when  his  brother-in-law  was 
tampering  with  the  friend  of  Wallace,  it  will  not 
be  doing  him  great  injustice,  if  we  suppose  him  at 
least  in  the  secret  of  the  infamous  transaction  with 
Menteith.  In  fact,  both  of  these  deeds  of  dark- 
ness appear  to  have  been  part  of  the  same  plan  for 
placing  Comyn,  and  consequently  the  sister  of  the 
Earl  of  Pembroke,  on  the  Scottish  throne. 

The  Earl  was  thrice  married  ;  first,  to  Beatrix, 
daughter  of  Ralph  de  Noel,  Constable  of  France  ; 
secondly,  to  a  daughter  of  the  Earl  of  Barre  ;  and 
thirdly,  to  Mary,  daughter  of  Guy  de  Chastillon, 
Count  of  St.  Paul ;  but  he  had  no  issue  ;  and  the 
descendants  of  his  sisters,  Isabel,  the  wife  of  John 
Baron  Hastings,  and  Joan,  who  married  John  Co- 
myn of  Badenoch,  are  consequently  his  represen- 
tatives. His  eldest  sister,  Anne,  married,  first, 
Maurice  Fitz-Gerard  ;  secondly,  Hugh  de  Balliol ; 
and,  lastly,  John  de  Avennes  ;  and  probably  died, 
s.  P.  in  the  3d  Edward  II. 

Mary,  Countess  of  Pembroke,  is  chiefly  known 
to  the  present  age  by  an  action,  which  seldom  fails 
to  ensure  immortality.  She  was  the  foundress  of 
a  College  for  the  purposes  of  learning  and  religion, 
which  still  bears  the  name  of  Pembroke  Hall  ;  and 
was  likewise  a  benefactress  to  several  religious 
houses.  She  died  about  1376  ;  and  on  the  13th 
March  in  that  year  made  her  will  at  Braxted,  in 
Essex,  by  which  she  ordered  her  body  to  be  buried 
in  the  church  of  the  sisters  of  Denny,  where  she 
had  caused  her  tomb  to  be  made  ;  and  bequeathed 
to  the  church  of  the  Abbey  of  Westminster,  where 
her  husband  was  interred,  a  cross,  with  a  foot  of 
gold  and  emeralds,  which  Sir  William  de  Valence, 
Knight,  brought  from  the  Holy  Land. 

The  body  of  the  Earl  of  Pembroke  was  con- 
veyed to  England,  and  buried  in  Westminster  Ab- 
bey ;  but  upon  the  beautiful  tomb  erected  to  his 
memory,  it  is  unnecessary  to  say  a  single  word, 
ample  justice  having  been  done  to  it  by  the  artist 


APPENDIX  Q, 


121 


and  the   author  of  a  biographical  notice,   which 
accompanies  a  recent  engraving  of  his  tomb. 

Siege  of  Carlaverock. 


I 


Q. 


MEMOIR   OF    HENRY    DE   LACY,    EARL   OP    LINCOLN. 

Page  69. 

"  HENRY  DE  LACY  was  the  eldest  son  of  Edmund 
de  Lacy,  Earl  of  Lincoln,  by  Alice,  the  daughter  of 
the  Marquess  of  Saluces,  in  Italy.  He  succeeded 
his  father  in  the  earldom  in  1257,  at  which  time 
he  was  probably  about  nine  years  of  age,  his  pa- 
rents having  been  married  in  May,  1247-  The 
first  circumstance  relating  to  the  Earl  after  his 
birth,  of  which  we  have  any  notice,  was  his  mar- 
riage, in  1256,  to  Margaret,  the  eldest  daughter 
and  co-heiress  of  William  de  Longespee,  the  co- 
venants of  which  are  given  by  Dugdale.  In  1269, 
the  Earl  became  involved  in  a  dispute  about  some 
lands  with  John,  Earl  Warren,  and  each  party  pre- 
pared to  establish  his  claim  by  force  of  arms  ;  but 
their  intention  becoming  known  to  the  King,  he 
commanded  his  Justices  to  hear  and  determine  the 
cause,  who  decided  it  in  favour  of  the  Earl  of 
Lincoln.  William  de  Longespee,  his  wife's  father, 
died  in  the  52d  Henry  III.  ;  and  soon  afterwards 
the  Countess  and  her  husband  performed  homage 
for,  and  obtained  livery  of,  all  the  lands  which  had 
in  consequence  devolved  upon  her.  In  her  right 
he  is  considered  to  have  become  Earl  of  Salisbury, 
the  said  William  de  Longespee  having  been  enti- 
tled to  that  dignity,  though  he  was  never  allowed 
it,  as  son  and  heir  of  William  de  Longespee,  the 
natural  son  of  King  Henry  II.,  by  the  well-known 
Rosamond  Clifford,  who  obtained  the  Earldom  of 
Salisbury  by  his  marriage  with  Elizabeth,  the 
daughter  and  heiress  of  William  d'Evereux.  On 
the  feast  of  St.  Edward,  18th  March,  1272,  the 
Earl  of  Lincoln  received  the  honour  of  knighthood, 
and  in  the  same  year  was  appointed  Governor  of 
Knaresborough  Castle.  In  5th  Edward  I.  he  had 
livery  of  the  fee  which  his  ancestors  had  usually 
received  'nomine  comitatus  Lincoln'  with  all  the 
arrears  from  the  time  he  was  invested  by  King 
Henry  III.  with  the  sword  of  that  earldom.  Upon 
several  occasions,  between  the  6th  and  10th  Ed- 
ward I.,  he  obtained  grants  of  fairs,  markets,  and 
free-warrens  in  different  parts  of  his  domains  ;  and 
in  the  year  last  mentioned,  he  accompanied  the 
expedition  then  sent  into  Wales.  Leland  asserts 
that  the  Earl  built  the  town  of  Denbigh,  the  land 
of  which  had  been  granted  io  him  "  from  his  having 
married  into  the  blood  of  those  princes,  and  that 
he  walled  it,  and  erected  a  castle,  on  the  front  of 
which  was  a  statue  of  him  in  long  robes  ;  and  that 
anciently  prayers  were  offered  in  Saint  Hillary's 
chapel  in  that  place,  for  Lacy  and  Percy. 

"  Dugdale  considers,  that  his  surrender  of  the 
casti?  and  barony  of  Pontefract  to  the  King,  with 
all  the  honours  thereto  belonging,  in  the  20th  Ed- 
ward I.,  «>rose  from  his  "  having  been  long  married, 
and  doubting  whether  he  should  ever  have  issue, 
but  upon  couJition,  as  it  seems,"  for  the  king,  by 
his  charter,  \ioted  at  Newcastle-on-Tyne,  28th 
December,  21st  Ed\vard  I.,  re-granted  the  same  to 


him  and  to  the  heirs  of  his  body,  with  remainder 
to  Edmund,  Earl  of  Lancaster,  the  King's  brother, 
and  to  the  heirs  of  his  body,  failing  which,  to  the 
king  and  his  heirs.  In  almost  the  next  paragraph, 
however,  that  eminent  writer  says,  "  that  in  the 
22d  Edward  I.,  the  Earl  received  a  grant  of  se- 
veral manors  from  the  King,  with  remainder  to 
Thomas,  the  son  of  Edmund,  Earl  of  Lancaster, 
and  Alice  his  wife,  sole  daughter  of  the  Earl,  and 
to  the  heirs  of  their  two  bodies  lawfully  begotten, 
and  failing  such  issue,  to  the  right  heirs  of  the  said 
Thomas,"  from  which  it  would  appear,  that,  at  the 
time  of  the  surrender  by  the  Earl  of  Lincoln  to 
the  King,  the  said  Alice  was  living  ;  and  which  is 
further  confirmed  by  his  saying,  in  a  subsequent 
page,  that  she  was  twenty-eight  years  of  age  at  the 
death  of  her  father  in  1312,  in  which  case  she 
must  have  been  above  seven  at  the  time  in  ques- 
tion. In  the  20th  Edward  I.,  the  Earl  was  sent  as 
ambassador  to  the  King  of  France,  to  treat  on  the 
subject  of  the  restraint  of  those  pirates  who  robbed 
some  French  merchants  ;  and  in  the  22d  year  of 
that  monarch  he  again  attended  him  into  Wales, 
and  was  likewise  in  the  expedition  sent  into  Gas- 
cony.  He  accompanied  the  Earl  of  Lancaster,  in 
the  24th  Edward  I.,  into  Brittany,  and  was  present 
at  various  successes  of  the  English  forces.  On  the 
death  of  that  nobleman,  he  succeeded  him  in  his 
command,  and  besieged  the  town  of  Aux  with  great 
vigour,  though  without  success,  and  was  forced  to 
retreat  to  Bayonne  ;  from  which  place  he  marched, 
with  John  St.  John,  towards  Bellegard,  which  was 
then  besieged  by  the  Count  d' Artois.  The  engage- 
ment which  took  place  in  the  vicinity  of  that  town, 
does  not,  from  Dugdale's  relation  of  it,  appear  to 
have  added  to  the  reputation  of  the  Earl,  as  he 
informs  us,  upon  the  authority  of  Walsingham,  that 
"  approaching  a  wood  about  three  miles  from  Bel- 
legard, he  divided  his  army  into  two  parts,  whereof 
the  van  was  led  by  John  de  St.  John,  and  the  rear 
by  himself ;  but  having  past  the  wood  where  St. 
John,  meeting  the  enemy,  began  the  fight,  dis- 
cerning their  strength,  he  retreated  to  Bayonne, 
leaving  the  rest  to  shift  for  themselves,  so  that  St. 
John  and  many  others  were  by  reason  thereof 
taken  prisoners."  Whatever  stain  this  circum- 
stance might  have  cast  upon  his  military  character, 
seems  to  have  been  partially  removed  towards  the 
end  of  that  year,  by  his  having  obliged  the  enemy 
to  raise  the  siege  which  they  had  laid  to  St.  Ka- 
therine's,  in  Gascony ;  soon  after  which  he  pro- 
ceeded into  Flanders,  and  thence  returned  to  Eng- 
land. In  the  ensuing  year,  27th  Edward  I.,  he  was 
summoned  by  writ,  tested  17th  September,  27th  Ed- 
ward I.,  1299,  to  be  at  York,  with  horse  and  arms, 
on  the  morrow  of  the  Feast  of  St.  Martin,  to  serve 
against  the  Scots  ;  and,  in  the  next  year,  he  is 
stated  to  have  been  sent  to  the  Pope,  with  Sir 
Hugh  Spencer,  to  complain  of  injuries  received 
from  the  Scots  ;  and  about  the  same  time  he  was 
appointed  Lieutenant  of  Gascony.  In  the  29th  Ed- 
ward I.,  he  was  made  Governor  of  Corfe  Castle, 
from  which  year  until  the  31st  Edward  I.,  when  he 
was  joined  in  oommission  with  the  Bishop  of  Win- 
chester to  treat  of  peace  between  England  and 
France,  Dugdale  gives  no  account  of  him. 

"  It  was,  however,  on  the  24th  June,  in  the  29th 
Edward  I.,  anno  1300,  when  the  Earl  must  have 
been  about  fifty  years  of  age,  that  he  commanded 
the  first  division  of  the  army  which  besieged  Car- 


122 


LIFE  OF  SIR  WILLIAM   WALLACE. 


laverock  Castle.  The  only  characteristic  trait  re- 
corded of  him  by  the  poet,  is  that  of  valour,  which, 
we  are  told,  was  the  principal  feeling  that  animated 
his  heart,  and  in  so  rude  an  age,  this  attribute  was 
perhaps  the  highest  and  most  gratifying  praise 
that  could  be  imagined.  His  name  does  not  after- 
wards occur  in  that  production,  from  which  we 
may  conclude,  that  his  services  at  the  siege  and 
assault  were  not  very  conspicuous.  In  1305,  the 
Earl  was  again  employed  on  a  mission  to  the  Pope, 
being  deputed  with  the  Bishops  of  Lichfield  and 
Worcester  to  attend  the  inauguration  of  the  Pontiff' 
at  Lyons,  and  to  present  him,  in  the  name  of  the 
King,  with  several  vessels  of  pure  gold.  After 
having  executed  this  command,  it  appears  that  he 
was  once  more  in  the  wars  in  Gascony,  and  in  the 
ensuing  year  was  similarly  employed  in  Scotland. 
Upon  the  death  of  the  King,  at  Burgh,  in  Cumber- 
land, the  Earl  was  one  of  the  Peers  who  attended 
him  in  his  last  moments,  and  received  his  solemn 
request  to  be  faithful  to  his  son,  and  not  to  allow 
Piers  de  Gaveston  to  return  into  England.  Imme- 
diately after  Edward's  demise,  he  joined  some  Earls 
and  Barons  in  a  solemn  engagement  to  defend  the 
young  King,  his  honour  and  authority  ;  and  at  his 
coronation  he  is  recorded  to  have  carried  one  of 
the  swords  borne  at  that  ceremony  ;  shortly  after 
which  he  was  appointed  Governor  of  Skipton  Castle. 
His  conduct  seems  to  have  secured  the  confidence 
of  the  new  monarch,  for,  upon  his  expedition 
towards  Scotland  in  the  third  and  fourth  years  of 
his  reign,  the  Earl  of  Lincoln  was  constituted  Go- 
vernor of  the  realm  during  his  absence. 

"  The  preceding  account  of  this  personage  has 
been  almost  entirely  taken  from  Sir  William  Dug- 
dale's  Baronage.  The  only  facts  which  have  been 
ascertained  relating  to  him,  not  stated  in  that  work, 
are,  that  he  was  one  of  the  Mainpernors  for  the 
Earl  of  Gloucester,  in  1292  ;  that  he  was  a  Re- 
ceiver and  Trier  of  Petitions  in  1304  ;  that  he  was 
present  in  the  parliament  held  at  Carlisle  in  Febru- 
ary, 35th  Edward  I.,  1307  5  and  that  he  was  one 
of  the  Peers  appointed  to  regulate  the  King's 
household  in  May,  3d  Edward  II.,  1309. 

"  His  works  of  piety  were  proportionate  to  his 
extensive  possessions,  and,  adopting  this  criterion 
of  his  religious  sentiments,  we  may  conclude  that 
he  was  not  behind  his  contemporaries  in  supersti- 
tion or  devotion.  Amongst  his  more  substantial 
gifts  to  the  church,  was  his  large  contribution  to 
the  "new  work"  at  St.  Paul's  Cathedral  in  Lon- 
don ;  and  three  gilt  crosses  and  a  carbuncle,  and  a 
cup  of  silver  gilt,  which  was  said  to  have  belonged 
to  the  shrine  of  St.  Edmund,  in  the  abbey  of  Salley. 

"  The  Earl  of  Lincoln  closed  a  long  and  active 
career  in  1312,  at  Lincoln's  Inn*,  in  the  suburbs 
of  London,  being  then  about  sixty-three  or  sixty- 
four  years  of  age,  and  he  is  reported  to  have  called 
his  son-in-law,  the  Earl  of  Lancaster,  to  him,  upon 
his  death-bed,  and,  after  representing  how  highly 

*  This  celebrated  Inn  of  Court  is  recorded  to  have  been 
the  town  residence  of  the  Bishops  of  Chichester,  from  the 
reign  of  Henry  III.  till  that  of  Henry  VIII.  It  seems,  how- 
ever, to  have  been  for  a  short  time  possessed  by  the  subject 
of  this  memoir,  who,  although  the  only  Earl  of  Lincoln  who 
resided  there,  left  it  the  name,  which  it  has  permanently 
retained  during  the  five  subsequent  centuries.  The  arms  of 
Lacy,  on  the  gatehouse  in  Chancery-Lane,  were  erected  by 
Sir  Thomas  Lovel,  together  with  his  own,  1518. 


"  it  had  pleased  God  to  honour  and  enrich  him 
above  others,"  he  told  him  that  "  he  was  obliged 
to  love  and  honour  God  above  all  things  ;"  and  tlien 
added,  «  Seest  thou  the  Church  of  England,  here- 
tofore honourable  and  free,  enslaved  by  Romish 
oppressions,  and  the  King's  wicked  exactions  ? 
Seest  thou  the  common  people,  impoverished  by 
tributes  and  taxes,  and,  from  the  condition  of  free- 
men, reduced  to  servitude  ?  Seest  thou  the  no- 
bility, formerly  venerable  throughout  Christendom, 
vilified  by  aliens,  in  their  own  native  country  ?  I 
therefore  charge  thee,  by  the  name  of  Christ,  to 
stand  up  like  a  man  for  the  honour  of  God  and  his 
church,  and  the  redemption  of  thy  country,  asso- 
ciating thyself  to  that  valiant,  noble,  and  prudent 
person,  Guy,  Earl  of  Warwick,  when  it  shall  be 
most  proper  to  discourse  of  the  public  affairs  of 
the  kingdom,  who  is  so  judicious  in  counsel,  and 
mature  in  judgment.  Fear  not  thy  opposers  who 
shall  contest  against  thee  in  the  truth,  and  if  thou 
pursuest  this  my  advice,  thou  shalt  gain  eternal 
honour  ! "  This  patriotic  speech,  which  is  attri- 
buted to  him  by  Walsingham,  who  wrote  in  the 
fifteenth  century,  is  worthy  of  attention,  as  con- 
veying the  view  taken  of  the  affairs  of  the  period 
by  a  monk  about  one  hundred  years  afterwards  ; 
for  it  would  require  extraordinary  credulity  to 
consider  that  it  was  really  uttered  by  the  dying 
Earl,  whose  whole  life  does  not  appear  to  present 
a  single  action  indicative  of  the  sentiments  there 
attributed  to  him.  His  body  was  buried  in  the 
eastern  part  of  St.  Paul's  Cathedral,  in  London, 
between  the  chapel  of  our  Lady  and  that  of  St. 
Dunstan. 

"  The  Earl  of  Lincoln  was  twice  married,  first 
to  Margaret  de  Longespee  before-mentioned,  by 
whom  he  had  a  son,  Edmond  de  Lacy,  who  was 
drowned  in  a  well  in  a  high  tower,  called  the  Red 
Tower,  in  Denbigh  Castle,  in  his  father's  lifetime  ; 
a*nd  a  daughter,  Alice,  the  wife  of  Thomas,  Earl 
of  Lancaster,  who  was  his  sole  heiress,  and,  at  the 
Earl's  death,  was  twenty-eight  years  of  age.  His 
second  wife  was  Joan,  sister  and  heiress  of  William 
Baron  Martin,  who  survived  him,  and  was  remar- 
ried to  Nicholas  Baron  Audley. 

"  Alice,  Countess  of  Lancaster,  whose  romantic 
life  has  been  made  the  subject  of  a  popular  novel, 
styled  herself,  as  sole  inheritrix  of  the  extensive 
possessions  of  her  father  and  mother,  Countess  of 
Lincoln  and  Salisbury.  She  was  thrice  married  ; 
first  to  the  Earl  of  Lancaster  ;  secondly,  to  Eubolo 
le  Strange  ;  and,  thirdly,  to  Hugh  le  Frenes  ;  but 
died  without  issue  on  the  Thursday  next  after  the 
feast  of  St.  Michael,  22d  Edward  III.,  i.e.  2nd 
October,  1348,  when  the  representation  of  the 
powerful  house  of  Lacy  became  vested  in  the  de- 
scendants of  Maud,  the  sister  of  Henry,  Earl  of 
Lincoln,  who  married  Richard  de  Clare,  Earl  of 
Gloucester." — Siege  of  Carlaurock. 


MEMOIRS   OF    RICHARD   SIWARD,   AND    WALTER   DE 
HUNTERCOMBE. 

Page  72. 

WE  shall  here  insert   some  account  of  Richard 
Siward  and  Walter  de   Huntercombe,  two  cha- 


APPENDIX  R. 


123 


racters  who  appeared  on  this  occasion.  The  latter, 
besides  being  at  the  siege  of  Carlaverock,  where 
he  attracted  the  notice  of  the  poet,  who  mentions 
him  as  the  handsome  Huntercombe,  bearing  "  er- 
mine with  two  red  gemmells,"  was  also  governor 
of  Edinburgh  castle,  and  engaged  in  almost  every 
campaign  which  Edward  made  in  Scotland.  The 
following  notice,  therefore,  abridged  from  Mr. 
Nicolas,  will  be  useful  in  supplying  that  informa- 
tion respecting  him  which  it  has  been  inconvenient 
to  give  in  the  course  of  the  narrative.  It  is  also 
the  more  necessary,  from  the  circumstance  of  the 
writer  being  pledged,  in  the  advertisement  of  the 
"  Life  of  Wallace,"  to  furnish  "  biographical  no- 
tices of  contemporary  English  and  Scottish  war- 
riors "  who  figured  in  the  contest  between  the  two 
countries. 

RICHARD  SIWABD. — "  Though  this  individual  is 
frequently  spoken  of  in  the  records  of  his  day,  yet 
very  few  particulars  are  known  that  can  throw 
much  light  on  his  family  pedigree.  It  has  been 
conjectured,  that  he  was  descended  from  Syward, 
the  great  Saxon  Earl  of  Northumberland  ;  but  of 
this,  however,  there  is  little  certainty.  His  im- 
portance appears  to  have  been  considerable  ;  for 
we  find  that,  on  18th  Novembei-,  1292,  he  was  ap- 
pointed by  Edward  I.  (in  his  character  of  Umpire 
on  the  question  of  the  Succession)  to  act  as  Go- 
vernor of  the  Castles  of  Dumfries,  Wigton,  and 
Kirkcudbright.  On  the  22d  April,  1294,  he  ob- 
tained a  grant  of  the  marriage  of  the  widow  of 
Simon  Fresel,  or  Frazer  ;  and  on  the  15th  Octo- 
ber, in  the  same  year,  he  was  summoned  to  attend 
the  English  monarch,  with  all  his  retainers,  in  the 
expedition  to  Wales.  Towards  the  end  of  1295, 
he  affected  to  unite  with  the  Scottish  Barons  in 
their  attempt  to  restore  their  King  to  the  dignity 
of  an  independent  sovereign,  and,  in  consequence, 
had  the  defence  of  the  Castle  of  Dunbar  assigned 
to  him.  How  he  conducted  himself  on  that  oc- 
casion, has  already  been  noticed.  His  subsequent 
confinement  in  the  Tower,  has  been  adduced  by 
some  writers  as  a  powerful  argument  against  the 
charge  of  treason  brought  against  him  by  his  coun- 
trymen. We  cannot,  however,  see  it  in  that  light. 
His  treachery  was  of  the  most  profligate  descrip- 
tion. By  negociating  the  surrender  of  a  fortress, 
which,  from  its  strength  and  importance,  was 
reckoned  in  those  days  the  key  of  the  kingdom, 
and  also  using  it,  at  the  same  time,  as  a  trap  to  en- 
snare the  greater  part  of  the  nobility,  was  conduct 
that  required  the  exercise  of  some  ruse  in  order 
to  lessen  the  odium  it  was  calculated  to  excite 
even  in  the  estimation  of  the  English  nobility,  who 
must  otherwise  have  looked  with  disgust  on  a  man 
who  could  have  acted  in  so  base  a  manner  towards 
his  own  countrymen.  By  the  following  lines  of 
Peter  Langtoft,  Siward  appears  to  have  had  for 
some  time  a  private  understanding  with  the  enemy  : 

'  A  knycht  was  tham  among,  Sir  Richard  Seward, 
Tille  our  faith  was  he  long,  &  with  kyng  Edward. 
Tille  our  men  he  com  tite,  &  said,  '  the  Scottis  wilde 
Thre  dayes'haf  respite,  &  than  the  castelle  zelde. 
To  the  Baliol  suld  thei  send,  ther  castelle  to  rescue, 
Bi  that  bot  he  vs  mend  with  for  zow  to  remue 
The  castelle  ze  salle  haue,  without  any  delay.' 

Vol.  ii.  p.  274,  5. 

"  For  the  performance  of  this  agreement,  host-  | 


ages  were  given  to  the  English,  and  a  messenger 
despatched  to  acquaint  Baliol  that  a  truce  had 
been  obtained  ;  which  he  was  instructed  to  say, 
was  effected  entirely  by  the  dexterity  of  Siward, 
and  his  personal  influence  with  a  number  of  the 
English  nobles.  Baliol  was  also  advised  to  ad- 
vance and  attack  the  English  araay  while  '  at  meat,' 
and  that,  at  the  same  time,  Siward  would  make  a 
sally  to  assist  him  in  destroying  the  enemy  —  which 
the  messenger  spoke  of  as  a  matter  of  certainty, 
and  moreover  counselled  Baliol  to  proceed  imme- 
diately afterwards  and  plunder  Northumberland. 

"  On  the  third  day,  Siward,  from  the  battlements 
of  Dunbar,  discovered  the  Scottish  army  rapidly 
approaching  towards  him  ;  he  therefore  hastily 
sought  the  English  head-quarters,  and  proffered 
to  go  personally  and  retard  the  advance  of  the 
Scots  till  the  expiry  of  the  time  stipulated  for  by 
the  agreement.  The  English,  however,  were  not 
inclined  to  believe  that  he  would  carry  his  treason 
quite  so  far,  and  refused  him  permission  to  pro- 
ceed to  the  Scottish  lines  *. 

"  Siward,  on  being  relieved  from  his  confinement 
in  the  Tower,  rose  high  in  the  confidence  of  Ed- 
ward. On  26th  September,  1298,  7th  May  and 
16th  June,  1299,  he  was  summoned,  by  the  title 
"  Baron,"  to  serve  in  Scotland.  His  name  appears 
on  several  occasions  in  the  Wardrobe  Account  of 
28th  Edward  I.  In  that  year  he  received  411.  5s. 
for  the  services  of  himself  and  his  followers  in  the 
garrison  of  Lochmaben.  Also  an  allowance  of 
21.  13s.  4d.  for  the  value  of  a  horse  killed  at  Kirk- 
cudbright ;  eight  merks  for  a  winter  dress  (robe)  ; 
and  the  like  sum  appears  to  have  been  paid  to  him 
for  a  summer  dress.  In  the  same  year  he  was 
again  summoned  for  the  Scottish  war,  and  also  in 
1301.  He  was  made  sheriff  of  Dumfries-shire  in 
1305,  and  was  also  aiding  in  the  suppression  of 
Robert  Bruce  in  1308  ;  in  which  year  he  was  ap- 
pointed to  the  charge  of  a  district  in  Galloway, 
under  Edward  II.  In  1309  he  was  governor  or 
constable  of  Dumfries,  and  is  supposed  to  have 
died  in  1310. 

"  By  his  wife  Mary  he  had  two  sons,  Richard 
and  John.  They  both  attained  the  age  of  man- 
hood ;  and  John,  in  particular,  appears  to  have 
followed  the  crooked  anti-patriotic  policy  of  his 
father.  He  accompanied  the  Earl  of  Pembroke  in 
his  invasion  of  Fife,  as  has  been  already  mentioned, 
and  was  rewarded  by  Edward  with  an  appointment 
as  Governor  of  Perth.  Little  appears  to  have  been 
known  of  Richard.  He  was  married  to  Elizabeth 
--  in  1296.  The  arms  of  Siward,  as  has 
been  already  noticed,  were  sable,  a  cross  fleury, 
argent. 

"  WALTER  DE  HUNTERCOMBE  succeeded  his  father 
in  his  lands  in  the  55th  Henry  III.,  at  which  time 
he  was  of  full  age  ;  and  shortly  afterwards  mar- 
ried Alice,  third  daughter  and  co-heiress  of  Hugh 
de  Bolebec,  and  who,  in  the  2d  Edward  I.,  was 
found  to  be  one  of  the  co-heirs  of  Richard  de 
Muntfichet,  in  right  of  her  grandmother  Margery, 
his  sister.  In  the  5th  Edward  I.  he  paid  501.  for 
his  relief  of  the  barony  of  Muschamp  ;  and  on  the 


*  Tide  Langtoft,  vol.  ii.  p.  275,  6.  This  author  does  not 
say  a  word  of  Baliol  and  his  barons  having  been  made  ac- 
quainted with  the  agreement  to  surrender  the  castle  on  the 
third  day. 


124 


LIFE  OF  SIR  WILLIAM  WALLACE. 


12 th  December  in  that  year,  was  summoned  to 
serve  with  horse  and  arms  against  the  Welsh  :  he 
received  similar  writs  tested  6th  April  and  24th 
May,  10th  Edward  I.,  and  1 4th  June,  15th  Ed- 
ward I.  He  was  one  of  the  peers  who  were  pre- 
sent in  parliament  in  the  18th  Edward  I.,  when  a 
grant  was  made  to  the  King,  for  the  marriage  of 
his  eldest  daughter,  of  the  same  aid  as  had  been 
given  to  Henry  III.  for  the  marriage  of  his  daugh- 
ter the  Queen  of  Scotland  ;  and  shortly  afterwards 
the  Isle  of  Man  was  intrusted  to  his  charge,  but 
which  he  only  held  three  years,  as,  in  obedience 
to  the  King's  commands,  he  surrendered  his  trust 
to  John  de  Baliol  in  the  21st  Edward  I.  In  the 
19th  Edward  I.,  by  writ  tested  the  16th  April  at 
Darlington,  he  was  ordered  to  be  at  Norham, 
equipped  for  the  field  by  the  ensuing  Easter  ;  and 
obtained  a  charter  of  free- warren  in  all  his  demesne 
lands  in  the  county  of  Northumberland  before  the 
end  of  that  year.  On  the  26th  June,  1294,  Hun- 
tercombe  was  ordered  to*  join  the  expedition  then 
made  into  Gascony.  His  military  services,  during 
the  remainder  of  the  reign  of  Edward  I.  were  in- 
cessant, for  he  was  in  the  Scottish  wars  in  the 
25th,  26th,  28th,  31st,  and  34th  years  of  that 
monarch  ;  was  Governor  of  Edinburgh  Castle  in 
the  26th  ;  Lieutenant  of  Northumberland  in  the 
27th  Edward  I.  ;  and  afterwards  Warden  of  the 
Marches  there.  In  the  28th  Edward  I.  we  find 
that  he  was  at  the  siege  of  Carlaverock  ;  and  in 
the  next  year  he  was  a  party  to  the  letter  to  Pope 
Boniface,  in  which  he  is  called  *  Walter,  Lord  of 
Huntercombe.'  It  appears  from  the  Wardrobe 
Accounts  of  the  28th  Edward  I.,  that  he  was  al- 
lowed 101.  as  a  compensation  for  a  black  nag 
which  was  killed  by  the  Scots  at  Flete,  on  the  6th 
August,  1299.  But  the  nature  and  extent  of  Hun- 
tercombe's  services  are  best  shown  by  his  own 
statement  of  them  in  his  petition  to  the  King  in 
the  35th  Edward  I.,  praying  a  remission  of  his 
scutage  for  the  expeditions  in  which  he  had  been 
engaged,  with  which  prayer  the  crown  complied. 
He  says,  that  he  had  been  in  all  the  wars  of  Scot- 
land up  to  that  time  ;  namely,  in  the  first  war  at 
Berwick  with  twenty  horse  ;  then  at  Stirling  with 
thirty-two  horse,  in  the  retinue  of  the  Earl  of 
Warren  ;  then  at  Le  Vaire  Chapelle  with  thirty 
horse  in  the  retinue  of  the  Bishop  of  Durham ; 
afterwards  at  Gaway  with  sixteen  horse  ;  and  that 
he  sent  eighteen  horse  to  the  last  battle,  though 
he  was  not  present  himself,  being  then  Warden 
of  the  Marches  of  Scotland  and  Northumberland. 
From  that  year  nothing  more  is  known  of  this 
Baron,  excepting  that  he  was  summoned  to  Par- 
liament from  the  23d  June,  23d  Edward  I.,  1295, 
to  the  16th  June,  14th  Edward  II.,  1311,  and 
died  in  1312  ;  but  after  the  25th  Edward  I.  he 
was  probably  prevented  by  age  from  taking  an 
active  part  in  public  affairs,  for  even  allowing  him 
to  have  been  but  twenty-one  in  the  55th  Henry  III., 
he  must  have  been  above  sixty  in  1307  5  which 
calculation  makes  him  to  have  been  about  fifty 
when  he  was  at  Carlaverock,  and  sixty -four  at  his 
decease.  Though  he  was  twice  married  he  died 
without  issue.  His  first  wife  was  Alice  de  Bolebec, 
before  mentioned  ;  but  we  only  know  that  the 
Christian  name  of  his  second  was  Ellen,  and  that 
she  survived  him.  Nicholas  Newbaud,  his  ne- 
phew, son  of  his  sister  Gunnora,  was  found  to  be 
his  heir. 


"  The  arms  of  Huntercombe  were  ermine,  two 
bars  gemells,  gules." 


s. 


MEMOIR   OF   SIR   SIMON   FRASER. 

Page  76. 

THIS  warrior  appears  to  have  been  most  actively 
engaged  in  the  battle  of  Roslin  ;  and  the  renown 
which  has  in  consequence  attached  itself  to  his 
name,  will  perhaps  render  the  following  notice  of 
him  acceptable. 

Simon  de  Fraser  was  the  eldest  son  of  Simon 
de  Frazer,  the  ancestor  of  the  baronial  houses  of 
Saltoun  and  Lovat ;  and  is  supposed  to  have  been 
a  near  connexion  of  William  Frazer,  Bishop  of 
St.  Andrew's,  whose  politics  he  appears  in  his 
early  years  to  have  adopted  ;  for,  when  he  was 
taken  prisoner  on  the  surrender  of  the  castle  of 
Dunbar  in  1296,  he  swore  fealty  to  Edward,  and 
remained  faithful  to  the  English  interest  till  1302. 
He  was  repeatedly  summoned  to  fight  against  his 
countrymen,  particularly  on  26th  September  1298, 
and  7th  May  1299.  He  also  figured  at  the  siege 
of  Carlaverock  in  1300  as  a  Baron  ; — in  the  same 
year,  he  was  appointed  Warden  of  the  Forest 
of  Selkirk,  and,  by  that  designation,  the  truce 
between  the  two  countries  was  announced  to  him 
on  the  30th  October.  In  the  same  year,  the  sum 
of  64£.  18s.  is  charged  in  the  Wardrobe  Account  as 
having  been  paid  him  as  the  wages  of  himself  and 
a  retinue  of  three  knights  and  twelve  esquires, 
from  13th  July  till  3d  September,  at  which  time 
his  horses  were  valued,  and  hire  for  fifty-nine 
days  allowed  him.  There  is  also  an  allowance  of 
17^.  6s.  8d.  for  the  maintenance  of  his  wife  Lady 
Mary,  her  daughters  and  family,  living  in  the 
castle  of  Jedworth,  by  the  grant  of  the  King,  from 
Christmas  till  St.  John  Baptist's  day,  twenty-six 
weeks,  at  a  merk  per  week,  as  per  agreement  with 
the  Steward  of  Berwick-upon-Tweed  *.  On  his 
withdrawing  from  Edward,  he  joined  Comyn,  and 
gained  the  battle  of  Roslin,  as  has  already  been 
observed.  When  the  English  afterwards  succeeded 
in  subduing  Scotland,  a  severe  penalty  was  inflicted 
upon  him  ;  he  was  banished  from  all  the  territories 
belonging  to,  or  under  the  influence  of  England,  for 
three  years,  and  his  rents  for  that  time  forfeited. 
In  1306  he  joined  Bruce  ;  but  having  unfor- 

*  From  the  following  reproof,  which  he  gave  the  Trea- 
surer at  Roslin,  it  would  appear  that  these,  or  similar 
moneys  due  to  him,  had  not  been  justly  settled  for ;  and 
perhaps  the  chagrin  he  felt  on  that  account  may  have  partly 
occasioned  his  defection  from  Edward. 

"  Symon  was  austere,  to  Rauf  spak  fulle  grim  : 
'  That  mad  the  Tresorere  thou  has  desceyued  him, 
&  me  &  many  mo,  fro  our  wages  zede  quite. 
Sir  Rauf  thou  resceyued  tho,  bi  taile  &  hi  scrite, 
Thou  did  vs  more  trauaile,  ilk  man  thou  reft  his  wage. 
Now  salle  I  wite  the  taile,  &  put  the  in  the  Arerage, 
Of  preste  thou  has  no  merke,  albe  ne  non  amite, 
Bot  laced  in  a  hauberke,  thai  is  no  clerkis  abite. 
For  alle  tho  clerkes  of  Rome,  that  sing  in  kirk  or  rede, 
Thou  salle  haf  thi  dome,  als  thou  serued  in  dede.'  " 

.  .,  Langtoft,  vol.  ii.  p.  319. 


APPENDIX  S. 


125 


tunately  fallen  into  the  hands  of  the  enemy,  he  was 
conveyed  to  London  and  ordered  by  Edward  for 
execution  ; — after  being  drawn  and  quartered,  his 
head  was  fixed  upon  London  Bridge.  "  But,"  says 
Mr.  Nicholas,  "  a  much  more  minute  and  curious 
account  is  given  of  the  tragical  termination  of 
Frazer's  life  in  a  fragment  of  an  inedited  chronicle 
in  the  British  Museum  of  the  fifteenth  century  *, 
from  which  Mr.  Ritson  printed  the  subjoined  ex- 
tract in  illustration  of  a  poem  which  will  be  more 
fully  noticed. 

"  The  fryday  next  before  assumpcioun  of  oure 
lady,  King  Edeward  mette  Robert  the  Brus  bi- 
sides  seynt  Johns  toune  in  Scotland  and  with  his 
companye,  of  whiche  companye  King  Edewarde 
quelde  sevene  thowsand.  When  Robert  the  Brus 
saw  this  myschif,  and  gan  to  flee,  and  hovd  hym 
that  men  my'gte  nougt  hym  fynde,  but  Sr  Simond 
Frisell  pursuede  hym  socore,  so  that  he  turnede 
ayen  and  abode  bataille,  for  he  was  a  worthy 
knyght  and  a  bolde  of  body,  and  the  Englisshe 
men  pursuede  hym  sore  yn  every  syde,  and  quelde 
the  stede  that  Sr  Symond  Frisell  rood  uppon,  and 
ther  toke  hym  and  lad  hym  to  the  host.  And 
Sr  Symond  began  for  to  flater  and  speke  faire,  and 
saide,  Lordys,  I  shall  yeve  you  iiij  thousand  marke 
of  sylver,  and  myne  hors  and  harneys,  and  all  my 
armure  and  vicome.  Tho  answerd  Theobaude  of 
Pevenes,  that  was  the  Kinge's  archer,  Now  God 
me  so  helpe  hit  is  for  nougt  that  thou  spexte, 
for  alle  the  gold  of  Engelonde  I  wold  the  noght 
lete  gone  withoute  commaundement  of  King  Ede- 
ward. And  tho  was  he  lad  to  the  King.  And 
the  King  wolde  not  see  hym,  but  commaunded  to 
lede  hym  awey  to  his  dome  to  London  on  our 
Ladyes  even  nativite,  and  he  was  honge  and  drawe, 
&  his  heede  smyten  of,  and  honged  ayene  with 
chynes  of  jren  oppon  the  galwes,  and  his  hede 
was  sette  oppon  London  brug  on  a  sper.  And 
ayens  Cristesmasse  the  body  was  brent,  for  enche- 
soun  that  the  men  that  kepte  the  body  by  nyghte 
sawe  menye  devellis  rampande  with  jren  crokes, 
rennynge  uppon  the  gallews,  and  horribliche  tor- 
mented the  body  ;  and  meny  that  ham  sawe,  anoon 
after  thei  deied  for  dred,  or  woxen  mad,  or  sore 
sykenesse  thei  had." 

In  one  of  the  Harleian  manuscripts  f,  there  is 
a  ballad  written  on  the  subject,  a  few  years  after 
the  circumstance  took  place,  and  which  was  pub- 
lished by  Ritson  J.  The  folio  whig  stanzas  are  so 
extremely  interesting,  from  the  manner  in  which 
Frazer  is  alluded  to,  that,  notwithstanding  the 
length  to  which  they  extend,  it  is  impossible  to 
avoid  inserting  them.  After  noticing  the  capture 
and  the  fate  of  his  unfortunate  companions,  the 
poet  says  : — 

"  Thenne  saide  the  iustice  that  gentil  is  ant  fre, 
Sire  Simond  Frysel,  the  Kynges  traytour  hast  thou  be, 
In  water  ant  in  londe  that  monie  myhten  se, 
What  sayst  thou  thareto,  how  wolt  thou  quite  the  ? 

Do  say. 

Sa  foul  he  him  wiste, 
Nede  waron  truste 
For  to  segge  nay. 


*  Harl.  MSS.  266. 
I  Ancient  Songs. 


t  Harl.  MSS.  No.  2253. 


Ther  he  was  ydemed,  so  hit  wes  londes  lawe, 
For  that  he  wes  lordswyk  furst  he  wes  to  drawe, 
Upon  a  retheres  hude  forth  he  wes  ytuht, 
Sum  while  in  ys  time  he  wes  a  modi  knycht, 

In  huerte. 

Wickednesse  and  sunne 
Hit  is  lutel  wunne, 
That  maketh  the  body  smerte 

For  al  is  grete  poer  yet  he  wes  ylaht, 
Falsnesse  and  swykedom  all  hit  g'eth  to  nacht 
Tho  he  wes  in  Scotlond  lutel  wes  ys  thoht, 
Of  the  harde  iugement  that  him  wes  bysocht 

In  stounde. 

He  wes  foursithe  forswore 
To  the  King  ther  bifore, 
And  that  him  brohte  to  grounde. 

With  feteres  and  with  gyves  ichot  he  wes  to  drowe, 
From  the  tour  of  Londone,  that  monie  myhte  knowe, 
In  a  curtel  of  burel  aselkethe  wyse, 
Ant  a  gerland  on  ys  heued  of  the  newe  gwyse, 

Thurh  Cheepe 
Moni  mon  of  Engelonde, 
For  to  se  Symond, 
Thideward  con  lepe. 

Tho  he  come  to  galewes  furst  he  wes  an  honge, 
Al  quick  byheueded,  thah  him  thohte  longe, 
Seth  the  he  wes  yopened,  is  boweles  ybrend, 
The  heued  to  Londone  brugge  wes  send, 

To  shonde : 
So  ich  ever  mote  the 
Sum  while  wende  he 
Thes  lutel  to  stonde. 

He  rideth  thourh  the  site  as  y  telle  may, 

With  gomen  and  wyth  solas,  that  wes  here  play, 

To  Londone  brugge  hee  nome  the  way, 

Moni  wes  the  wyves  chil  that  ther  on  laketh  a  day, 

Ant  seide  alas 
That  he  was  ibore, 
And  so  villiche  forlore, 
So  feir  mon  ase  he  was. 

Now  stont  the  heued  above  the  tubrugge, 
Faste  bi  Waleis,  soth  forte  sugge, 
After  socour  of  Scotlond  longe  he  mowe  prye, 
Ant  after  help  of  Fraunce,  met  halt  hit  to  lye, 

Ich  wene. 

Betere  him  were  in  Scotlond, 
With  is  ar  in  ys  hond, 
To  pleyen  othe  grene. 

Ant  the  body  hongeth  at  the  galewes  faste 
With  yrnene  claspes  longe  to  laste, 
Forte  wyte  wel  the  body,  and  Scottysh  to  garste, 
Foure  and  twenti  the  beoth  to  sothe  ate  laste, 

By  nychte, 

Yef  eny  were  so  hardi 
The  body  to  remny, 
Also  to  dyhte. 

Frazer  left  two  daughters,  his  co-heirs,  one  of 
whom  married  Sir  Patrick  Fleming,  ancestor  of 
the  Earls  of  Wigton  ;  and  the  other  named  Mary, 
was  the  wife  of  Sir  Gilbert  Hay,  ancestor  of  the 
Marquess  of  Tweedale.  From  Alexander  Frazer 
his  brother  the  Barons  Saltoun  and  Lovat  de- 
scended. 

The  arms  of  Simon  Frazer  were,  sable,  seme'e 
of  roses  argent ;  but  the  descendants  of  his  brother 
bear,  azure,  three  cinque  foils  argent. 

After  this  notice  of  so  distinguished  a  leader 
among  the  Scots,  the  reader  may  reasonably  be 


120 


LIFE  OF  SIR  WILLIAM  WALLACE. 


supposed  to  feel  some    curiosity  respecting    the 
English  general, 

SIB  JOHN   SEGRAVE. 

From  the  researches  of  Mr.  Nicolas,  it  appears 
that  this  eminent  Baron  was  the  eldest  son  of 
Nicholas  Baron  Segrave  ;  and  at  his  father's  death, 
in  the  23d  Edward  I.,  was  thirty -nine  years  of 
age.  In  the  54th  Henry  III.,  he  married  Chris- 
tian, daughter  of  Hugh  de  Plessets,  knight,  and 
at  the  same  time,  his  sister  Amabil  became  the 
wife  of  his  brother-in-law,  Sir  John  de  Plessets. 
Soon  after  the  accession  of  Edward  I.,  he  was 
engaged  in  the  wars  of  Scotland,  and  in  the  13th 
Edward  I.  he  attended  the  King  in  his  expedition 
into  Wales.  In  the  19th  Edward  I.  he  was  with 
his  father  in  the  Scottish  wars  ;  and  in  the  24th 
Edward  I.  executed  the  office  of  Constable  of  the 
English  army. 

Dugdale  asserts,  that  in  the  25th  Edward  I., 
John  de  Segrave  was,  by  indenture,  retained  to 
serve  Roger  le  Bigot,  Earl  of  Norfolk,  the  Earl 
Marshal,  with  six  knights,  including  himself,  as 
well  in  peace  as  war,  for  the  term  of  his  whole 
life,  in  England,  Wales,  and  Scotland,  with  the 
following  retinue : — In  time  of  peace,  with  six 
horses,  so  long  as  the  Earl  should  think  fit,  taking 
bouche  of  court  for  himself  and  six  knights  ;  and 
for  his  esquires  hay  and  oats,  together  with  livery 
for  six  more  horses,  and  wages  for  six  grooms  and 
their  horses.  He  was  also  to  receive  two  robes 
for  himself,  as  for  a  banneret,  yearly,  as  well  in 
peace  as  in  war,  with  the  same  robes  for  each  of 
his  five  knights,  and  two  robes  annually  for  his 
other  bachelors.  In  war,  he  was  bound  to  bring 
with  him  his  five  knights  and  twenty  horses,  in 
consideration  of  which,  he  was  to  receive  for  him- 
self and  his  company,  with  all  the  said  horses, 
xl  s.  per  diem  ;  but  if  he  should  bring  no  more 
than  six  horses,  then  xxij  s.  per  diem.  It  was  fur- 
ther agreed,  that  the  horses  should  be  valued,  in 
order  that  proper  allowance  might  be  made,  in 
case  any  of  them  should  happen  to  be  lost  in  the 
service ;  and,  for  the  performance  of  this  agree- 
ment, he  had  a  grant  from  the  Earl  of  the  manor 
of  Lodene  in  Norfolk. 

The  preceding  document  has  been  dited  nearly 
in  Dugdale's  own  words,  because  at  the  same  time 
that  it  affords  much  information  with  respect  to 
the  retinue  by  which  Segrave  was  attended  to  the 
field,  it  proves  that  he  was  intimately  connected 
with  the  Earl  Marshal,  which  tends  to  explain  his 
having  in  the  same  year,  namely,  on  the  12th 
August,  25th  Edward  I.  1297,  been  appointed  by 
the  Earl  to  appear  in  his  name  before  the  King, 
in  obedience  to  a  precept  directed  to  him  and  the 
Constable,  commanding  them  to  attend  him  on 
the  subject  of  a  body  of  armed  men  which  had 
assembled  in  London.  The  record  states,  that  on 
the  appointed  day,  the  Earl  of  Hereford  as  Con- 
stable, and  "  Monsr  John  de  Segrave,  qui  excusa 
le  Comte  Mareschal  par  maladie,"  came  accord- 
ingly *•  In  the  25th  Edward  I.,  this  baron  was 
also  summoned  to  accompany  the  King  beyond 
the  sea,  and  afterwards  at  Newcastle-upon-Tyne, 
with  horse  and  arms  ;  and,  hi  the  next  year,  was 
present  when  the  English  army  gained  the  victory 
of  Falkirk.  In  the  28th  Edward  I.,  he  was  again 

*  Fcedera,  N.  E.  vol.  i.  872. 


summoned  to  serve  in  the  wars  of  Scotland,  in 
which  year,  when  he  must  have  been  about  forty- 
five  years  old,  he  was  at  the  siege  of  Carlaverock. 
The  account  given  of  him  by  the  poet,  that  he 
performed  the  Earl  Marshal's  duties  upon  that 
occasion,  because  that  nobleman  was  prevented 
from  attending,  is  not  only  strongly  corroborated 
by  the  preceding  statement  of  his  having  acted  as 
deputy  of  the  Earl  Marshal  in  the  year  1297,  but 
also  by  the  following  extract  from  Peter  de  Lang- 
toft's  chronicle  (p.  309),  when  speaking  of  the 
expedition  into  Scotland  in  1300. 

"  After  Midesomers  tide  thorgh  comon  ordinance, 
No  lenger  suld  thei  bide,  bot  forth  &  stand  to  chance. 
Norreis  &  Surreis,  that  seruice  auht  the  kyng, 
With  hors  &  harneis  at  Carlele  mad  samnyng. 
The  erle  Marschalle  Rogere  no  hele  that  tyme  mot  haue, 
He  went  with  his  banere  Sir  Jon  the  Segraue, 
To  do  alle  tho  service  that  longed  the  office  tille, 
&  mayntend  alle  the  prise,  ther  he  sauh  lawe  &  skille." 

After  Carlaverock  castle  surrendered,  Segrave's 
banner,  from  his  having  acted  as  Marshal  during 
the  siege,  was  displayed  on  its  battlements.  In 
the  30th  of  Edward  I.,  he  was  a  party  to  the 
Letter  from  the  Barons  to  the  Pope,  in  which  he  is 
styled  "  John  Lord  of  Segrave  ;"  and  about  that 
time  was  appointed  Governor  of  Berwick,  and 
Warden  of  Scotland.  In  the  same  year,  whilst 
riding  out  of  Berwick  with  a  small  escort,  he  was 
surprised  by  an  ambuscade  of  the  Scots,  wounded, 
and  taken  prisoner  ;  which  event  is  thus  noticed 
by  Langtoft  (p.  319)  :— 

"  Our  men  in  Scotland  with  sautes  sodeynly, 
The  Segrave  myght  not  stand,  Sir  Jon  tok  the  gayn  stie. 
His  sonne  &  his  brother  of  bedde  als  thei  woke, 
&  sextene  knyghtes  other,  the  Scottis  alle  them  toke." 

His  captivity  was  however,  it  appears,  of  short 
duration  ;  for,  on  Edward's  return  to  England, 
Segrave  was  left  as  his  Lieutenant  of  Scotland.  At 
different  periods  during  the  reign  of  Edward  I.,  he 
obtained  grants  of  free  warren  and  other  privileges 
in  several  of  his  manors,  and  possessed  that  ele- 
vated place  in  his  sovereign's  confidence  and  es- 
teem, which  his  long  and  zealous  services  so  justly 
merited.  Nor  was  he  less  distinguished  by  his  suc- 
cessor, for  soon  after  the  accession  of  Edward  II., 
he  was  constituted  Governor  of  Nottingham  Castle, 
which  had  belonged  to  Piers  de  Gaveston,  and  was 
likewise  appointed  to  his  situation  of  Justice  of  the' 
Forests  beyond  the  Trent,  and  Keeper  of  all  the 
Rolls  thereto  belonging ;  but  he  resigned  these 
offices  in  the  following  year,  when  they  were  con- 
ferred upon  Henry  de  Percy.  In  the  2d  Ed- 
ward II.,  he  was  again  appointed  Warden  of  Scot- 
land ;  in  the  6th  Edward  II.  he  was  taken  prisoner 
at  the  battle  of  Bannockburn,  and  about  twelve 
months  afterwards  Thomas  de  Moram  and  several 
other  Scots,  then  prisoners  in  the  Tower  of  London, 
were  delivered  to  Stephen  de  Segrave,  son  and 
heir  of  the  Baron,  to  be  exchanged  for  him.  In 
the  8th  Edward  II.,  commissioners  were  appointed 
to  hear  and  determine  all  disputes  relative  to  the 
taking  up  of  carriages  by  him  or  his  agent,  in  con- 
sequence of  his  offices  of  Keeper  of  the  Forests 
beyond  the  Trent,  and  of  the  castles  of  Nottingham 
and  Derby.  He  was  summoned  upon  several  occa- 
sions to  serve  in  the  Scottish  wars  during  the  early 


APPENDIX  T. 


127 


part  of  the  reign  of  Edward  II.,  and  to  Parlia- 
ment from  the  26th  August,  24th  Edward  I.,  1296, 
to  the  6th  of  May,  18th  Edward  II.,  1325.  In  the 
10th  Edward  II.,  in  consequence  of  his  great  ser- 
vices, and  of  his  imprisonment  in  Scotland,  he 
received  a  grant  of  1000Z.  ;  but  what  was  then  due 
to  the  crown  for  money  received  by  him  from  the 
time  of  his  appointment  of  Warden  of  the  Forests 
beyond  the  Trent  and  Governor  of  Nottingham 
Castle,  was  to  be  deducted  from  that  sum. 

The  tide  of  royal  favour  at  last  turned,  and  he 
accidentally  fell  a  victim  to  the  displeasure  of  his 
sovereign.  Having,  in  1325,  excited  Edward's 
anger  by  the  escape  of  Roger  Lord  Mortimer  from 
the  Tower,  he  sent  Segrave  and  the  Earl  of  Kent 
into  Gascony,  under  the  pretence  of  defending  that 
province,  where  he  was  attacked  with  a  disease 
then  prevalent  there,  of  which  he  shortly  after- 
wards died,  aged  about  seventy  years,  leaving  John 
de  Segrave,  his  grandson,  son  of  his  eldest  son 
Stephen,  who  died  in  his  lifetime,  his  heir. 

The  preceding  unadorned  narrative  of  John  de 
Segrave's  services  forms  a  splendid  monument  of 
his  fame  :  for,  whilst  the  impossibility  of  colouring 
the  biography  of  his  contemporaries  with  meretri- 
cious ornaments  of  language,  is  strongly  felt  when 
their  actions  are  few  or  obscure,  the  absence  of 
such  assistance  tends  to  the  advantage  of  those  who 
need  no  other  eulogy  than  the  simple  record  of  the 
occasions  upon  which  they  were  present  in  the 
field,  or  were  selected  to  execute  high  and  im- 
portant duties. 

John  de  Segrave,  the  next  Baron,  added  to  the 
honours  of  his  ancestors  in  an  unprecedented  man- 
ner, by  marrying  Margaret,  the  daughter  and 
heiress  of  Thomas  de  Brotherton,  Marshal  of  Eng- 
land, younger  son  of  King  Edward  I.  Through 
the  Marriage  of  Elizabeth,  the  daughter  and 
heiress,  with  John  Lord  Mowbray,  that  family 
attained  the  Marshalship  of  England.  The  pre- 
sent representatives  of  John  Baron  Segrave,  the 
subject  of'  this  article,  are  the  Lords  Stourton  and 
Petre  and  the  Earl  of  Berkley.  The  arms  of  John 
de  Segrave  were  sable,  a  lion  rampant,  argent, 
crowned  or. 


T. 


EXTRACTS   FROM   THE   WARDROBE   ACCOUNTS. 

Page  78. 

THIS,  of  course,  is  mere  conjecture  on  the  part  of 
the  author  ;  but  that  he  has,  at  least,  probability 
on  his  side,  may  be  inferred  from  the  extraordinary 
outlay  attending,  the  Scottish  expeditions  as  proved 
by  the  following  extracts  from  the  Wardrobe  Ac- 
counts —  exhibiting  the  Revenue  and  Expenditure 
of  Edward  for  the  year  1300,  and  including  the 
disbursements  occasioned  by  the  invasion  of  Scot- 
land during  that  year  :  — 

Total  amount  of  receipts,  p.  Exchequer,  for 
this  present  28.  year  of  Edward  I.  .  £49,048  19  10 

Fines  levied,  and  proceeds  of  stores,  horses, 
&c.,  sold  ......  9,106  16  2£ 


Perfo.  15.     .  £58,155  16 


Charges  on  Scottish  War. 
For  royal  garrisons  and  castles  in  Scotland, 

fo.  154  £18,638     1     8 

—  replacing  horses  killed  or  destroyed  in 
King's  service,  belonging  to  knights,  and 
officers,  and  gratification  to  messengers, 

servants,  &c.  fo.  187      ....        4,386    4     5 

—  annual  fees  to  knights  of  King's  house- 
hold,  wages    of  bannerets    and    simple 

knights,  &c.  fo.  210        .        .        .         .        3,077  19    0 

—  wages  of  engineers,  archers,  sergeants - 
at-arms  of   King's  household,   esquires, 

&c.  fo.  ix.  Observ.  on  W.  A.          .        .        1,03810    7 

—  wages    of    foot-soldiers,    crossbow-men, 

archers,  artificers,  and  workmen,  fo.  270       4,446    9  11$ 

—  wages  of  seamen  belonging  to  the  fleet 
of  the  Cinque  Ports  and  other  towns,  em- 
ployed in  the  King's  service,  fo.  279     .        1,233    9    8 


Amount  of  charges  for  the  year      £32,820  15 


3,338  19 

87  11 
77    6 


Separate  Disbursements. 

Alms  and  charitable  donations  of  the  King 
and  his  family,  fo.  47  .  .  .  .  £1,166  14 

Necessaries  for  the  King's  household,  tra- 
velling expenses,  ambassadors,  messengers 
to  Court  of  Rome,  wages  of  King's  servants 
not  on  the  Marshall's  roll,  &c.  (Observ.  on 
W.  A.  fo.  viii.)  ..... 

Expenses  of  messengers  and  others,  de- 
spatched on  King's  business,  fo.  303  . 

Falconers,  huntsmen,  &c.  fo.  309          .        . 

Allowance  to  bannerets,  knights,  clerks,  and 
other  servants  of  the  King's  household  for 
their  winter  and  summer  robes,  fo.  331  . 

Expenses  of  sundry  furnishings  for  the  Royal 
household,  including  separate  the 

Queen  and  her  household,  amounting  to 
£3668.  2s.  9d.,  and  Chancellor's  fee, 
amounting  to  £581.  9s.  9d.  fo.  360  . 

"  The  account  then  states  the  payments  con- 
tained in  this  book  to  amount  to  .  .  .53,17815 

"  To  which  are  added  the  expenses  of  the 
household  contained  in  a  separate  account, 
amounting  to  ......  £10,969  16 


714    3    4 


15,575  18 


And  "  the  whole  of  the  national  expenditure, 
within  this  department,  during  one  entire 
year,"  is  stated  at £64,105  0 


It  is  added,  "  The  account  is  corrected  and 
approved  by  the  comptroller  in  every  page  ; 
but  the  balance  is  not  struck.  If  we  take, 
however,  the  sum  told  of  the  money  re- 
ceived, which  amounted  to  ... 

And  deduct  it  from  the  money  paid,  we  shall 
find  a  balance  due  to  the  accountant, 
amounting  to 


58,155  16    2 


£5,949    4 


On  data  furnished  by  the  ascertained  difference  in  the 
value  of  silver  in  1300,  which  is  stated  to  be  "thrice  as 
much"  as  it  was  in  1700,  and  the  comparative  value  of  cer- 
tain provisions,  estimated,  as  being  in  1300,  "five  times  as 
cheap"  as  in  1700.  Bishop  Fleetwood  "makes  the  differ- 
ence of  the  value  of  a  shilling  between  the  two  periods  to 
be  fifteen ;  "  and  it  is  added,  "supposing  this  calculation  to 
be  well-founded,  computations  might  be  made,  so  as  to 
form  a  judgment  of  the  difference  between  the  latter  of 
those  periods  and  the  present  time." — (Vide  p.  xii.  Observa- 
tions on  Wardrobe  Account,  1787.) 

An  estimate  of  the  expense  of  the  Scottish  war, 
according  to  this  mode  of  computation,  would  j 


128 


LIFE  OF  SIR  WILLIAM  WALLACE. 


therefore  present  the  following  result,  for  (1700) 
the  period  alluded  to  by  Bishop  Fleetwood  : — 

Charges  on  Scottish  war  for  1300 
For  difference  in  the  weight  of  silver 


32,820  15     3 
003 

98,462     5  10 


For  the  variation  in  the  value  of  money 

£492,311     9    4J 

being  an  increase  of  the  sum  of  32,820Z.  15s.  3J&, 
of  the  year  1300,  to  492,31  II.  9s.  4%d.,  or  nearly 
one-eighth  of  3,895,205/.,  the  revenue  of  the  king- 
dom in  the  reign  of  William  III.,  according  to  Sir 
John  Sinclair  : — while,  from  a  statement  by  the 
same  respectable  authority,  the  whole  revenue  of 
the  kingdom  under  Edward  I.  is  estimated  at 
150,000^.;  the  disbursements  for  the  Scottish  war 
will  therefore  be  found  to  exceed,  within  one  de- 
partment of  the  national  expenditure,  one-fifth  of 
the  national  income. 


u. 


TRIAL   OF    WALLACE. 

Page  87. 

"  WILLIAM  WALLACE,  which  had  oft-times  set  Scot- 
land in  great  trouble,  was  taken  and  brought  to 
London,  with  great  numbers  of  men  and  women 
wondering  upon  him.  He  was  lodged  in  the  house  of 
William  Delect,  a  citizen  of  London,  in  Fenchurch 
Street.  On  the  morrow,  being  the  eve  of  St.  Bar- 
tholomew, he  was  brought  on  horseback  to  West- 
minster-hall ;  John  Segrave  and  Geoffrey,  knights, 
the  mayor,  sheriffs,  and  aldermen  of  London,  many, 
both  on  horseback  and  on  foot,  accompanying  him  ;  and 
in  the  great  hall,  at  Westminster,  he  being  placed  on 
the  south  bench,  crowned  with  laurel,  for  that  he  had 
said  in  times  past  that  he  ought  to  wear  a  crown  in 
that  hall,  as  it  was  commonly  reported  ;  and  being 
appeached  as  a  traitor  by  Sir  Peter  Malorie,  the 
King's  Justice,  he  answered  that  he  was  no  traitor  to 
the  King  of  England;  but  for  other  things  whereof 
he  was  accused,  he  confessed  them,  and  was,  after, 
headed  and  quartered." — Stow.  Chron.  p.  209. 


iueth  in-x 
he  wes  > 


X. 

ON   THE   MARTYRDOM   OF    WALLACE. 

Page  88. 

THE  following  account  is  giving  by  Langtoft  of  the 
capture,  sentence,  and  execution  of  Wallace  : 

"  A  !  Jhesu,  when  thou  wille  how  rightwis  is  thi  mede? 
That  of  the  wrong  has  gilt,  the  endying  may  thei  drede. 
William  Waleis  is  nomen,  that  maister  was  of  theues, 
Tething  to  the  Kyng  is  comen,  that  robberie  mischeues. 
Sir  Jon  of  Menetest  sewed  William  so  nehi, 
He  tok  him  whan  he  wend  lest,  on  nyght  his  leman  hi. 
That  was  thorght  treson  of  Jak  Schort  his  man, 
He  was  the  encheson,  that  Sir  Jon  so  him  nam, 
Jak  brother  had  he  slayn,  the  Waleis  that  is  said, 
The  more  Jak  was  fayn,  to  do  William  that  braid. 
Selcouthly  he  endis  the  man  that  is  fals, 
If  he  trest  on  his  frendes,  thei  begile  him  als. 


Begiled  is  William,  taken  is  &  bondon, 
To  Inglond  with  him  thei  cam,  &  led  him  vnto  London, 
The  first  dome  he  fanged,  for  treson  was  he  drawen. 
For  robbrie  was  he  hanged,  &  for  he  had  men  slawen, 
&  for  he  had  brent  abbies,  and  men  of  religion, 
Eft  fro  the  galweis  quik  thei  lete  him  doun, 
&  boweld  him  alle  note,  &  brent  tham  in  the  fire, 
His  hede  than  of  smote,  suilk  was  William  hire  ; 
&  for  he  had  mayntend  the  werre  at  his  myght, 
On  lordschip  lended  thore  he  had  no  right, 
&  stroied  those  he  knewe,  in  fele  stede  sers 
His  body  thai  hewe  on  foure  quarters, 
To  hang  in  foure  tounes,  to  mene  of  his  maners 
In  stede  of  Gonfaynounes,  &  of  his  baners. 
At  London  is  his  heued,  his  quarters  ere  leued,  in  Scotland 
f          spred. 
To  wirschip  her  iles,  &  lere  of  his  wiles,  how  wele  that  he 

sped. 

It  is  not  to  drede,  traytour  salle  spede,  als  he  is  worthi, 
His  lif  salle  he  tyne,  &  die  thorgh  pyne,  withouten  merci. 
Thus  may  men  here,  a  ladde  for  to  lere,  to  biggen  in  pays  ; 
It  fallis  in  his  iye,  that  hewes  ouer  hie,  with  the  Walays." 

Vol.  ii.  p.  329,  330. 

"  The  martyrdom  of  Wallace,"  says  the  editor  of 
Wyntoun's  Chronicle,  "  is  thus  described,  in  a  bal- 
lad written  about  a  year  after,  when  the  head  of 
Sir  Simon  Frazer,  one  of  the  heroes  of  Roslin,  was 
set  up  beside  those  of  Wallace  and  Lewellyn,  the 
I  last  sovereign  of  Wales. 

"  To  warny  alle  the  gentilmen,  that  liueth 

Scotlonde. 
The  Waleis  wes  to  drawe  seththe  he  wes  >to  abyde. 

anhonge, 

Al  quic  biheueded,  ys  boweles  ybrend, 
The  heued  to  Londone  brugge  wes  send 

Sire  Edward  oure  Kyng,  that  ful  ys  of  piete,>. 
The  Waleis  quarters  sende  to  is  oune  centre,  I  t> 

On  four  half  to  honge,  huere  myrour  to  be,  j  Al 
Ther-apon  to  thenche,  that  manie  myhten  se,-' 

MS.  Harl.  No.  2253,  f.  59,  b.  Trivet,  p.  340. 

a  Thus  did  Edward  glut  his  vengeance  on  the 
dead  body  of  this  worthy  man,  whose  living  soul  all 
his  power  never  could  subdue. 

"  Some  of  the  English  historians  have  stained 
their  pages  with  low  invectives  against  Wallace. 
Carte,  in  particular  [Hist.  v.  ii.  p.  290.],  labours 
hard  to  prove  him  a  traitor  to  King  Edward, 
whose  mercy  he  praises.  That  he  was  a  traitor,  he 
proves  from  his  being  a  native  of  Galloway,  or  the 
Cambrian  territories,  which,  he  says,  the  kings  of 
Scotland  held  in  vassalage  of  the  crown  of  Eng- 
land, and  because  the  subvassals  were,  in  cases  of 
rebellion,  subject  by  the  feudal  law  to  the  same 
forfeitures  and  penalties  as  the  immediate  vassal. 

"  A  man  must  feel  himself  very  much  pinched 
for  arguments,  when  he  has  recourse  to  such  as 
are  confessedly  not  founded  on  reason,  and  to 
quibbles  and  perversion  of  facts.  Clydesdale,  the 
ancient  kingdom  of  Strathcluyd,  one  of  the  first 
independent  kingdoms  established  in  Britain  by 
the  expulsion  of  the  Romans,  which  for  many  cen- 
turies withstood  the  attacks  of  the  Angles,  Pichts, 
Scots,  and  Norwegians,  and  had  the  honour  to  pro- 
duce STEWART,  DOUGLAS,  and  WALAYS,  was  never 
pretended  to  be  any  part  of  the  territories  of  which 
the  kings  of  England  claimed  the  superiority.  So 
the  pretence  that  Walays  was  a  traitor,  in  conse- 
quence of  the  place  of  his  birth,  falls  to  the  ground  ; 
and  the  pretence  of  rebellion  is  equally  unfounded, 
unless  the  noble  exertions  of  a  free  people  against 


APPENDIX  X. 


129 


the  unjustifiable  attempts  of  a  neighbouring  prince 
to  subject  them  to  his  dominion,  are  to  be  branded 
with  the  name  of  rebellion.  Well  may  the  spirit 
of  the  noble  Walays  forgive  those  writers  for 
accusing  him  of  inhumanity  and  rebellion,  who 
have  extolled  the  clemency  of  Edward  I." — Notes 
to  Wyntown's  Chronicle,  vol.  ii.  p.  503. 

The  inclination  to  detract  from  the  merits  of 
Wallace,  does  not  appear  to  have  become  entirely 
extinct  among  the  historians  of  England.  Dr.  Lin- 
gard  thus  expresses  himself  respecting  our  hero  : 
"  It  may  perhaps  offend  the  national  partiality  of 
some  among  my  readers,  but  1  greatly  suspect  that 
Wallace  owes  his  celebrity  as  much  to  his  execu- 
tion as  to  his  exploits.  Of  all  the  Scottish  chief- 
tains who  deserved  and  experienced  the  enmity  of 
Edward,  he  alone  perished  on  the  gallows  ;  and 
on  this  account  his  fate  called  forth  and  mono- 
polized the  sympathy  of  his  countrymen." — Vol.  iii. 
p.  227. 

On  this  Mr.  Tytler  remarks,  "  It  is  not  true,  that 
of  all  the  Scottish  chieftains  who  deserved  Edward's 
enmity,  Wallace  was  the  only  one  who  perished 
on  the  gallows.  Sir  Nigel  Bruce,  Sir  Christopher 
Seton,  John  Seton,  the  Earl  of  Athol,  Sir  Simon 
Fraser,  Sir  Herbert  de  Morham,  Thomas  Boys, 
Sir  David  Inchmartin,  Sir  John  de  Somerville,  Sir 
Thomas  and  Sir  Alexander  Bruce,  both  brothers 
of  the  king,  and  Sir  Reginald  Crawfurd,  were  all 
hanged  by  Edward's  orders  in  the  course  of  the 
year  1306,  within  a  year  of  the  execution  of  Wal- 
lace. So  much  for  the  accuracy  of  the  ground  on 
which  Lingard  has  founded  his  conjecture,  that 
Wallace  owes  his  celebrity  *  to  his  execution.' " 

Respecting  the  inaccuracies  of  Dr.  Lingard  on 
this  subject,  we  shall  give  another  extract  from  the 
same  authority.  "  He,"  Dr.  Lingard,  "  observes, 
that  after  the  surprise  of  Ormesby  the  Justiciary, 
by  Wallace  and  Douglas,  other  independent  chief- 
tains arose  in  different  counties  who  massacred  the 
English,  and  compelled  their  own  countrymen  to 
fight  under  their  standards.  These  other  inde- 
pendent chieftains  are  brought  in  4  for  the  nonce ' 
|  by  Dr.  Lingard.  They  are  utterly  unknown  to 
the  contemporary  historians,  English  and  Scottish. 
But  they  do  not  appear  upon  the  stage  without  a 
use.  On  the  contrary,  they  first  multiply  like 
Falstaff  's  men  in  buckram, '  into  numerous  parties,' 
and  then  act  a  principal  part  in  the  next  sentence  ; 
for  the  historian  goes  on  to  observe,  *  that  the  origin 
!  and  progress  of  these  numerous  parties  had  been 
|  viewed  with  secret  satisfaction  by  the  Steward  of 
Scotland,  and  Wishart  the  Bishop  of  Glasgow, 
who  determined  to  collect  them  into  one  body, 
and  to  give  their  efforts  one  common  direction. 
Declaring  themselves  the  assertors  of  Scottish  in- 
dependence, they  invited  the  different  leaders  to 
i  rally  around  them  ;  and  the  summons  was  obeyed 
!  by  Wallace  and  Douglas,  by  Sir  Alexander  Lind- 
say, Sir  Andrew  Moray,  and  Sir  Richard  Lundy,' 
vol.  iii.  p.  305.  This  last  sentence  is  one  of  pure 
and  gratuitous  invention,  without  a  shadow  of  his- 
torical authority  to  support  it.  The  numerous  and 
independent  parties  and  chieftains  who  rose  in 
different  counties — the  silent  satisfaction  with 
which  they  were  contemplated  by  the  Bishop  of 
Glasgow  and  the  High  Steward — their  determina- 
tion to  collect  them  into  one  body,  and  to  give 
them  one  common  direction — their  declaring  them- 
selves the  assertors  of  Scottish  independence — 


their  summons  to  the  different  leaders  to  rally 
round  them,  and  the  prompt  obedience  of  this 
summons  by  Wallace,  Douglas,  and  the  rest — are 
facts  created  by  the  ingenuity  of  the  historian. 
They  seem  to  be  introduced  for  the  purpose  oi 
diminishing  the  reputation  of  Wallace  ;  and  the 
impression  they  leave  on  the  mind  of  the  reader, 
appears  to  me  to  be  one  totally  different  from  the 
truth.  The  Steward  and  the  Bishop  of  Glasgow 
are  the  Patriot  chiefs  under  whom  Douglas  and 
Wallace,  and  many  other  independent  chieftains 
consent  to  act  for  the  recovery  of  Scottish  free- 
dom ;  and  Wallace  sinks  down  into  the  humbk1 
partisan,  whose  talents  are  directed  by  their  supe- 
rior authority  and  wisdom.  Now,  the  fact  is  ex- 
actly the  reverse  of  this.  The  Steward  and  Wis- 
hart, encouraged  by  the  successes  of  Wallace  and 
Douglas,  joined  their  party,  and  acted  along  with 
them  in  their  attempt  to  free  Scotland ;  but 
neither  Fordun,  nor  Wynton,  nor  Bower  gives 
us  the  slightest  ground  to  think  that  they  acted 
a  principal  part,  or  any  thing  like  a  principal  part, 
in  organizing  the  first  rising  against  Edward. 
On  the  contrary,  these  historians,  along  with 
Trivet  and  Walsingham,  Tyrrel  and  Carte,  ascribe 
the  rising  to  Wallace  alone,  whose  early  success 
first  caused  him  to  be  joined  by  Douglas,  and 
afterwards  by  the  Bishop  and  the  Steward,  along 
with  Lindsay,  Moray,  and  Lundy.  Indeed,  instead 
of  playing  the  part  ascribed  to  him  by  Lingard, 
the  patriotism  of  the  Steward  and  the  Bishop,  was 
of  that  lukewarm  and  short-lived  kind  which  little 
deserves  the  name.  It  did  not  outlive  eight 
weeks  ;  and  they  seized  the  first  opportunity  to 
desert  Wallace  and  the  cause  of  freedom.  The 
atack  upon  Ormesby  ^jie  Justiciary  took  place 
some  time  in  May,  1297  5  and  on  the  9th  of  July 
of  the  same  year,  did  Bishop  Wishart,  this  patriot 
assertor  of  Scottish  independence,  negociate  the 
treaty  of  Irvine,  by  which  he  and  the  other  Scot- 
tish barons,  with  the  single  exception  of  Wallace 
and  Sir  Andrew  Moray  of  Bothwell,  submitted 
to  Edward.  Lingard's  other  hero,  the  High 
Steward,  who  is  brought  in  to  divide  the  glory 
with  Wallace,  was  actually  in  the  English  service 
at  the  battle  of  Stirling  ;  and  although  he  secretly 
favoured  the  Scottish  cause,  he  did  not  openly  join 
his  countrymen  till  he  saw  the  entire  destruction 
of  Surrey's  army.  I  may  remark,  in  concluding 
this  note,  that  the  idea  of  an  attack  upon  Wallace, 
and  an  eulogy  on  the  clemency  of  Edward,  has 
probably  not  even  the  merit  of  originality.  It 
appears  to  be  borrowed  from  Carte,  vol.  ii.  p.  290  ; 
but  it  is  only  the  idea  which  is  taken.  The  clumsy 
and  absurd  argument  of  Carte  is  discarded,  and  a 
far  more  ingenious  hypothesis,  with  a  new  set  of 
facts,  is  substituted  in  its  place.  On  reading  over 
Hemingford  again,  I  find  one  expression  which 
may  perhaps  have  suggested  this  theory  of  Lin- 
gard. Hemingford  says,  speaking  of  Bruce,  p.  120, 
that  he  joined  the  Bishop  of  Glasgow  and  the 
Steward, '  qui  tocius  mali  fabricatores  exstiterant.' 
Yet  this  is  inconsistent  with  his  own  account  in 
p.  118,  and  is  not  corroborated,  so  far  as  I  know, 
by  any  other  historian." 

Among  other  singular  passages  in  the  work  of 
the  learned  Doctor,  we  cannot  omit  taking  notice 
of  the  following :  "  The  only  great  battles  in 
which  Wallace  is  known  to  have  fought,  are  those 
of  Stirling  and  Falkirk.  In  the  first  he  was  vic- 

K 


130 


LIFE  OF  SIR  WILLIAM  WALLACE. 


torious  ;  but  he  must  share  the  glory  of  the  action 
with  Sir  Andrew  Murray,  who  was  certainly  his 
equal  in  command,  perhaps  his  superior.  In  the 
second  he  was  defeated,  and  the  defeat  was  the 
most  disastrous  that  Scotland  ever  experienced. 
In  the  history  of  the  next  five  years,  his  name  is 
scarcely  ever  mentioned."  Scottish  historians 
never  pretended  that  there  was  any  battle  of  equal 
importance  to  those  of  Stirling  and  Falkirk,  in 
which  Wallace  was  engaged.  But  where  Dr. 
Lingard  could  get  his  information,  that  Sir  Andrew 
Murray  held  a  superior,  or  even  an  equal  command 
with  him,  it  is  not  easy  to  conjecture.  In  Scottish 
authors,  evidences  to  the  contrary  are  innume- 
rable ;  and  if  Dr.  Lingard  had  not  preferred  sub- 
stituting his  own  "  perhaps,"  hi  place  of  historical 
record,  he  might  have  proofs  in  direct  opposition 
to  the  statement  he  has  made,  and  that  even  from 
English  authors,  with  whom  he  appears  to  be 
familiar. 

At  the  treaty  of  Irvine,  for  the  submission  of 
the  Scottish  barons,  when  all  deserted  Wallace 
but  Sir  Andrew  Murray,  it  is  mentioned  in  the 
instrument  as  having  been  notified  to  Wallace 
"  Escrit  a  Sire  Willaume,"  and  the  name  of  Sir 
Andrew  is  not  even  alluded  to.  This  would  cer- 
tainly not  have  been  the  case,  had  he  held  even  an 
equal  command,  much  less  a  superior. — Foedera, 
t.  ii.  p.  774. 

In  the  Chronicle  of  Langtoft,  page  297,  we  have 
an  account  of  the  battle  of  Stirling,  which  is  thus 
introduced  : — 

"  The  rascail  of  ther  route  bigan  to  werre  alle  newe, 
Now  Edward  is  oute,  the  barons  be  not  treue. 
The  suffred,  as  it  sais,  theficottis  eft  to  rise, 
&  William  the  Walais  ther\ed  $  ther  justise. 
Thorgh  fals  concelement  William  did  his  wille, 
Our  castels  has  he  brent,  our  men  slayn  fulle  ille." 

The  chronicler,  after  telling  us  that  Wallace  was 
the  head  and  justice  of  the  Scots — expressions  which 
embrace  a  pretty  extensive  prerogative — proceeds 
to  narrate  the  operations  of  the  day,  in  which  he 
speaks  of  Wallace  as  the  only  commander  opposed 
to  Warren  :  nor  does  he  even  hint  of  any  indi- 
vidual who  had  a  right  to  "  divide  the  glory  "  of 
the  victory  with  him  :  on  the  contrary  he  says, 

"  The  Tnglis  were  alle  slayn,  the  Scottis  bare  them  wele, 
The  Waleis  had  the  wayn,  als'maistere  of  that  eschele." 

Sir  Andrew  Murray  is  not  even  mentioned  by 
Langtoft.  That  he  fought  bravely,  and  died  nobly 
in  defence  of  his  country,  is  what  no  one  will 
attempt  to  deny,  and  the  same  might  be  said  of 
many  more  who  were  present  on  that  occasion  ; 
but  being  the  only  man  amongst  a  timid  and  back- 
sliding aristocracy,  who  acted  with  patriotism  and 
spirit  in  so  trying  a  time,  his  name  has  been  handed 
down  to  the  grateful  remembrance  of  posterity. 

"  In  the  next  five  years,"  adds  Dr.  Lingard, 
the  "  name  "  of  Wallace  "  is  scarcely  ever  men- 
tioned." When  Scottish  affairs  are  concerned, 
and  more  particularly  when  the  character  of  her 
deliverer  is  the  subject  adverted  to,  a  reference  to 
authorities  appears  to  be  extremely  irksome,  or 
attended  with  too  much  trouble  to  our  learned 
author.  In  the  present  instance,  however,  we  shall 
not  ask  him  to  go  farther  than  the  pages  of  his 
own  work,  where  he  will  find  matter  that  might 


lead  him  to  suspect  the  truth  of  the  above  asser- 
tion, as  well  as  the  correctness  of  the  view  he  has 
taken  of  the  grounds  on  which  our  patriot's  popu- 
larity is  founded.  We  are  informed  (vol.  iii. 
p.  227),  "  The  only  man  whose  enmity  could  give 
him "  (Edward)  a  "  moment's  uneasiness,  was 
Wallace,  and  in  few  months  he  was  brought  cap- 
tive to  London."  And  again,  vol.  iii.  p.  329,  "  If 
the  fate  of  Wallace  was  different  from  all  others, 
it  proves  that  there  was  something  peculiar  in  his 
case  which  rendered  him  less  deserving  of  mercy." 
If  we  are  to  credit  our  author's  statements,  Edward 
must  have  been  a  more  nervous  character  than  he 
has  ever  been  supposed  to  be,  if  he  could  feel 
"  uneasiness  "  at  "  the  enmity  "  of  a  man  who  had 
been  thus  buried  in  obscurity,  and  whose  "  name 
had  scarcely  been  heard  of  for  five  years," — one 
who,  in  the  only  great  battle  in  which  he  was  suc- 
cessful, held  but  a  subordinate  command,  and  acted 
during  the  insurrection  in  the  humble  character  of 
a  mere  partisan,  under  the  direction  of  others. 
Surely  there  was  nothing  peculiarly  aggravating  in 
the  case  of  such  a  man,  to  have  "  rendered  him  less 
deserving  of  mercy  "  than  his  more  guilty  supe- 
riors, particularly  from  one  whom  our  author  in- 
forms us  "  was  not  a  blood-thirsty  tyrant."  It  is 
strange  that  it  did  not  appear  to  Dr.  Lingard,  as  a 
very  high  degree  of  praise,  that  after  Wallace  had 
been  deprived,  by  the  severe  and  sanguinary  policy 
of  Edward,  of  all  resources  save  what  arose  from 
his  own  dauntless  heart  and  irresistible  arm,  that 
he  should  still  continue  to  be  the  only  man  irJtoK 
"  enmity  "  could  give  the  oppressor  of  his  country 
"a  moment's .  uneasiness."  From  this  circum- 
stance, and  from  this  alone,  arose  that  "  something 
peculiar "  in  his  case  which  rendered  him  ob- 
noxious to  the  tender  mercies  of  Edward.  In  con- 
clusion, we  cannot  help  remarking,  that  the  Doc- 
tor's method  of  substituting,  where  his  prejudices 
happen  to  be  interested,  his  own  theoretical  con- 
jectures, in  opposition  to  the  authentic  records  of 
the  country,  is  rather  an  indirect  way  to  the  confi- 
dence of  his  reader. 


Y. 

PERSONAL   APPEARANCE   OF    WALLACE. 

Page  88. 

FROM  the  following  passage  in  the  Minstrel  it 
would  seem,  that  a  portrait  of  Wallace  had  been 
taken  during  his  short  stay  in  France,  and  for- 
warded to  his  friends  in  Scotland.  What  after- 
wards became  of  this  precious  relic,  cannot  now 
be  discovered.  Though  there  are  many  likenesses 
of  him  to  be  met  with  in  the  country,  yet  the  pre- 
tensions to  originality  of  all  those  we  have  yet 
seen,  are  extremely  questionable.  It  would  be 
difficult  for  a  blind  man  to  give  his  ideas  of  a  pic- 
ture in  more  appropriate  language  than  the  fol- 
lowing. 

"  The  wyt  off  Frans  thocht  Wallace  to  commend ; 
In  to  Scotland,  with  this  harrold,  thai  send 
Part  off  his  deid,  and  als  the  discriptioune 
Off  him  tane  thar,  be  men  off  discretioun, 
Clerkis,  knychtis,  and  harroldis,  that  him  saw; 
Bot  I  hereoff  can  nocht  reherss  thaim  aw." 

The  description  of    Wallace,  in  the  following 


APPENDIX  Z. 


131 


lines,  places  the  genius  of  Henry  in  a  very  favour- 
able light.  It  is  evidently  the  effort  of  a  master, 
and  might  be  studied  to  advantage  by  the  artist 
who  intended  to  commit  his  ideas  of  the  hero  of 
Scotland  to  canvas  : — 

"Wallace  statur,  off gretness,  and  off  hycht, 
Was  jugyt  thus,  be  discretioun  off  rycht, 
That  saw  him  bath  dissembill  and  in  weid ; 
Nyne  quartaris  large  he  was  in  lenth  indeid ; 
Thryd  part  lenth  in  schuldrys  braid  was  he, 
Rycht  sembly,  strang,  and  lusty  for  to  se ; 
Hys  lymmys  gret,  with  stalwart  paiss  and  sound, 
Hys  browys  hard,  his  armes  gret  and  round ; 
His  handis  maid  rycht  lik  till  a  pawmer, 
Offmanlik  mak,  with  naless  gret  and  cler; 
Proportionyt  lang  and  fayr  was  his  wesage ; 
Rycht  sad  off  spech,  and  abill  in  curage  ; 
Braid  breyst  and  heych,  with  sturdy  crag  and  gret, 
His  lyppys  round,  his  noyss  was  squar  and  tret ; 
Bowand  bron  haryt,  on  browis  and  breis  lycht, 
Cler  aspre  eyn,  lik  dyamondis  brycht. 
Wndir  the  chyn,  on  the  left  syd,  was  seyn, 
Be  hurt,  a  wain ;  his  colour  was  sangweyn. 
Woundis  he  had  in  mony  diuerss  place, 
Bot  fayr  and  weill  kepyt  was  his  face. 
Off  ryches  he  kepyt  no  propyr  thing ; 
Gaiff  as  he  wan,  lik  Alexander  the  King. 
In  tym  off  pes,  mek  as  a  maid  was  he ; 
Quhar  wer  approchyt  the  rycht  Ector  was  he. 
To  Scottis  men  a  gret  credens  he  gaiff; 
Bot  knawin  enemyss  thai  couth  him  nocht  disayff. 
Thir  properteys  was  knawin  in  to  Frans, 
Off  him  to  be  in  gud  remembrans." 

Bookix.  1909—1942, 

The  subjoined  extract,  from  Fordun,  fully  cor- 
roborates the  statements  from  the  Minstrel  : — 

"  Erat  statura  procerus,  corpore  giganteus,  facie 
serenus,  vultu  jocundus,  humeris  latus,  ossibus 
grossus,  ventre  congruus,  lateribus  protelus,  aspectu 
gratus,  sed  visu  ferus  ;  renibus  amplus,  brachiis 
et  cruribus  vigorosus  ;  pugil  acerrimus,  et  omni- 
bus artubus  fortissimus  et  compactus.  Insuper 
sic  eum  Altissimus  et  ipsius  vultum  varium  qua- 
darn  hilaritate  favorabili  insigniverat,  ita  dicta  et 
facta  illius  quodam  coelesti  dono  gratificaverat  ut 
omnia  fidorum  corda  Scotorum  solo  aspectu  sibi 
conciliaret  in  gratiam  et  favorem.  Et  nee  mirum  : 
erat  enim  in  donis  liberalissimus,  in  judiciis  eequis- 
simus,  in  consolatione  tristium  compatientissimus, 
in  consilio  peritissimus,  sufferentia  patientissimus, 
hi  locutione  luculentissimus, — super  omnia  falsi- 
tatem  et  mendacia  prosequens,  ac  proditionem 
detestans  ;  propter  quod  fuit  Dominus  cum  eo,  per 
quern  erat  vir  in  cunctis  prospere  agens  ;  ecclesiam 
venerans,  ecclesiasticos  reverens,  pauperes  et  viduas 
sustentans,  pupillos  et  orphanos  refovens,  oppresses 
relevans,  furibus  et  raptoribus  insidians,  et  sine 
pretio  super  eos,  justitiam  exercens  et  rigorem. 
Cujuscemodi  justis  operibus,  quia  quam  maxima 
Deum  gratificabat,  ipse  propterea  omnia  ejus  opera 
dirigebat." — Lib.  x.  cap.  28. 


Z. 

BEMINISCENCE   OF    WALLACE. 

Page  88. 

AMONG  the  few  speeches  of  Wallace  which  we 
have  on  record,  the  following  is  mentioned  by 


English  writers,  as  having  been  addressed  by  him 
to  the  Scottish  schiltrons,  on  the  eve  of  the  battle 
of  Falkirk  : — "  I  haif  brocht  you  to  the  ring,  hap 
gif  you  cun."  Respecting  the  meaning  of  these 
words,  however,  there  is  no  agreement  between 
Scottish  or  English  writers.  Walsingham  has  it,  "  I 
haif  brocht  you  to  the  King,  hop  gif  you  cun  j" — on 
which  Lord  Hailes  very  properly  remarks  : — 

"  This  speech  of  Wallace  has  generally  been 
related  and  explained  in  a  sense  very  different.  I 
must  therefore  give  my  reasons  for  having  departed 
so  widely  from  the  common  opinion.  Walsingham, 
p.  75,  says, '  Dicens  eis  patria  lingua, — /  haif  brocht 
you  to  tJie  King,  hop  gif  you  eun.'  This  short  speech 
has  always  appeared  to  me  as  utterly  inconsistent 
with  the  character  of  Wallace.  It  is  commonly 
understood  to  mean, '  I  have  brought  you  to  the 
King,  hope  if  you  can  hope.'  To  say  nothing  of 
the  impropriety  of  the  appellation  of  King,  be- 
stowed by  Wallace  on  Edward,  the  sentiment, 
'hope,  if  you  can  hope,'  seems  only  fit  for  the 
mouth  of  a  coward  or  a  traitor.  Abercrombie, 
perceiving  this,  has  given  a  more  plausible  inter- 
pretation of  the  word  hop.  He  renders  the  phrase 
thus, '  Fly  if  you  can  ;'  as  if  Wallace  had  meant  to 
say,  '  Fight,  for  you  cannot  fly.'  There  is  nothing 
incongruous  in  this  sentiment  ;  but  surely  it  did 
not  merit  to  be  recorded  :  Neither  was  it  strictly 
true  ;  for  the  Scottish  army  might  have  retired 
with  unbroken  forces  into  the  forest  which  lay  in 
the  rear.  The  only  satisfactory  interpretation  of 
Wallace's  address  to  his  troops,  is  to  be  found  in 
W.  Westm.  p.  451,  '  Ecce  adduxi  vos  ad  annulum 
charolate  (chorolate)  sive  tripudiate  vos,  sicut 
melius  scitis.'  King,  in  Walsingham,  ought  to  be 
ring.  The  words  of  Wallace  were,  '  I  haif  brocht 
you  to  the  ring,  hap  gif  you  cun.'  The  ring  means 
the  dance  a  la,  ronde.  Douglas  translates  '  Exercet 
Diana  choros,'  ^Eneid  ii.,  thus, '  Ledand  ring-dances? 
p.  28. 1.  42.  « Te  lustrare  choros,'  ^Eneid  vii.,  thus  : 
*  To  the  scho  led  ring-sangis  in  karoling,'  p.  220, 
1.  31.  Elsewhere,  in  his  own  person,  he  says, '  Sum 
sang  ring-sangis,'  Prologue,  xii.  B.  p.  402,  1.  33. 
That  hap  or  hop  is  understood  of  dancing,  is  also 
plain  from  Douglas.  He  thus  paraphrases  '  Hie 
exultantes  Salios,'  ^Eneid  viii. 

'  The  dansand  Preistis,  clepit  Salii, 
Happand  and  singand.'    P.  267,  1.  21. 

"  I  need  not  prove,  that  '  gif  you  cun '  implies 
'if  you  have  skill,'  or,  'according  to  your  skill.' 
The  verb  is  obsolete  ;  but  the  noun  and  the  adjec- 
tive are  still  remembered.  '  Let  my  right  hand 
forget  its  cunning,'  (  a  cunning  artificer,'  '  a  cun- 
ning man.'  Langtoft,  vol.  ii.  p.  305,  as  translated 
by  Brunne,  reports  the  words  thus  :  '  To  the  renge 
ere  ye  brouht,  hop  now  if  ye  wille.'  But  he  does 
not  seem  to  have  understood  the  import  of  the 
words." 

The  above  is  all  learned  enough  ;  but  his  lord- 
ship has  stopped  short  in  his  explanation,  and  left 
his  readers  as  much  in  the  dark,  as  any  of  his  pre- 
decessors, respecting  the  meaning  or  propriety  of 
such  a  phrase  in  the  mouth  of  a  general,  on  the 
commencement  of  a  great  battle.  Some  of  our 
readers  perhaps  require  to  be  told  that  schiltron 
means  a  body  of  men  drawn  up  in  a  circle  *.  The 

*  In  this  explanation  of  the  term,  the  writer  finds  him- 
self at  variance  with  the  opinion  of  Mr.  Tytler,  who  says, 
"  schiltron  "  seems  to  denote  nothing  more  than  a  compact 

K  2 


132 


LIFE  OF  SIR  WILLIAM  WALLACE. 


war-dance  of  the  Scots  and  other  northern  nations, 
as  is  well  known,  was  performed  round  a  large 
fire.  Each  warrior's  hand  was  firmly  clasped  in 
that  of  his  neighbour.  Their  motion  was  at  first 
slow,  and  gradually  increased,  till  their  rapidity 
almost  rivalled  the  velocity  of  the  whirlwind. 
When  arrived  at  this  state  of  fury,  if  any  luckless 
wight  slipped  his  hold,  or  otherwise  became  un- 
steady, the  impetus  which  he  and  his  fellows  had 
acquired,  pitched  him  headlong  amid  the  flames, 
when  his  endeavours  to  extricate  himself  from  the 
blaze,  and  regain  his  place,  formed  the  chief  sport 
of  his  companions.  To  render  the  schiltron  the 
most  formidable  figure  for  defensive  operations, 
steadiness  was  all  that  was  requisite.  When 
Wallace,  therefore,  on  the  rapid  advance  of  the 
English,  addressed  his  soldiers  in  the  manner 
alluded  to,  he  gave  utterance  to  the  happiest 
thought,  in  the  fewest  words,  that  perhaps  ever 
presented  itself  to  the  mind  of  genius  in  a  case 
of  emergency.  The  striking  similarity  between 
their  form  of  battle  and  their  favourite  dance,  was 
apparent  to  all ;  and  the  impending  conflict  became 
instantly  stripped  of  its  terrors,  by  a  playful  allusion 
to  an  amusement  with  which  they  were  familiar, 
while  it  flashed  upon  their  minds  with  all  the  con- 
viction of  experience,  that  on  the  preservation  of 
their  ranks  their  safety  depended.  The  behaviour 
of  the  schiltrons  on  that  fatal  day  showed  that  they 
understood  the  address  of  their  leader  better  thau 
any  of  its  subsequent  commentators. 

body  of  men.  As  this  restricted  meaning  of  the  expression 
appears  to  have  been  adopted  on  the  authority  of  Heming- 
ford,  who  says,  "  qui  quidem  circuli  Schiltronis  vocabantur," 
it  is  to  be  inferred  that  he  has  not  examined  the  term  with 
his  accustomed  accuracy.  Schiltron  is,  without  doubt,  com- 
pounded of  the  two  Saxon  words  "scheld"  and  "roun." 
When  a  general,  in  giving  the  word  of  command,  called  out 
"  Scheltron  "  to  any  portion  of  his  army,  they  would  have  as 
little  difficulty  in  understanding  him,  as  a  modern  battalion 
would  if  ordered  to  "  form  square."  It  may  also  be  observed, 
that  by  placing  their  shields  together,  they  derived  consider- 
able advantage,  being  thereby  enabled  to  form  with  greater 
celerity;  and  when  once  in  order,  a  more  impenetrable 
figure  could  not  be  presented  to  the  attack  of  an  enemy. 
That  this  is  the  ancient  meaning  of  the  word,  is  evident 
from  the  manner  it  is  used  by  old  chroniclers.  Hearne,  in 
his  Glossary  to  Peter  Langtoft,  thus  explains  "  Schelde," 
shield,  target,  buckler,  protection,  government.  "  Sheltron," 
shelter,  covering,  or  rather  shiltrons,  or  round  battailes.  The 
expression,  therefore,  in  Hemingford,  of  "  circuli  schiltronis,'' 
only  shows  that  a  man,  even  in  a  learned  language,  may 
utter  an  absurdity. 

In  order  to  render  the  schiltron  formidable  in  offensive 
warfare,  it  was  necessary  to  have  the  centre  occupied  with 
archers,  who,  enclosed  within  the  barrier  of  the  spearmen, 
could  ply  their  deadly  shafts  in  comparative  security.  That 
this  was  part  of  the  plan  of  Wallace  to  supply  his  deficiency 
in  cavalry  at  the  battle  of  Falkirk,  is  highly  probable.  By 
this  measure,  neither  the  superiority  of  the  enemy  in  this 
formidable  description  of  force,  nor  the  desertion  of  the 
Scottish  cavalry,  would  have  been  so  severely  felt.  That 
this  arrangement  did  not  take  place,  was  very  likely  owing 
to  the  pertinacity  of  Steward,  who  commanded  the  archers, 
and  rashly  exposed  himself  and  those  under  him  to  the 
overwhelming  charges  of  the  heavy  armed  squadrons  of  the 
English.  This  obstinacy  on  the  part  of  the  knight  of  Bon- 
kill,  affords  a  very  natural  solution  of  the  feud  between  him 
and  Wallace.  Had  the  archers  been  in  the  centre  of  the 
schiltrons,  they  could  have  returned  the  murderous  dis- 
charge of  their  enemies'  missiles  with  corresponding  effect, 
and  have  eventually  produced  a  more  favourable  termination 
to  the  operations  of  the  day. 


AA. 

WALLACE'S  DESCENDANTS. 
Page  90.  - 

WALLACE  appears  to  have  left  a  daughter,  whose 
legitimacy  has  been  called  in  question,  but  on  very 
slender  grounds.  In  Chalmers's  Caledonia,  vol.  i. 
p.  579,  we  find  the  following  passage  : — "  It  has 
been  said  that  Wallace  left  no  legitimate  issue  ; 
but  he  had  a  natural  daughter,  who  married  Sir 
William  Baillie  of  Hoprig,  the  progenitor  of  the 
Baillies  of  Lamington."  It  has  never  been  dis- 
puted, that  the  lady  by  whom  Wallace  had  this 
daughter  was  the  heiress  of  Lamington,  in  right  of 
her  father,  Sir  Hew  de  Bradfute  ;  it  would  there- 
fore have  been  satisfactory,  if  the  learned  author 
above  mentioned  had  explained  how  the  Baillies 
of  Hoprig  came  to  the  possession  of  Lamington. 
If  the  daughter  of  Wallace  was  legitimate,  their 
succession  appears  the  natural  consequence  of  the 
marriage  of  Sir  William  Baillie ;  if  not,  the  manner 
in  which  they  became  possessed  of  that  property 
requires  elucidation.  That  Wallace  and  the  heir- 
ess of  Lamington  were  lawfully  married,  is  asserted 
by  Henry,  who  draws  the  following  picture  of  their 
connubial  happiness  : — 

"  Quhat  suld  I  say,  Wallace  was  playnly  set 
To  luff  hyr  best  in  all  this  warld  so  wid ; 
Thinkand  he  suld  off  his  desyr  to  get; 
And  so  befell  be  concord  in  a  tid, 
That  sho  [was]  maid  at  his  commaund  to  bid  ; 
And  thus  began  the  styntyn  aff  this  stryff : 
Begynnyng  band,  Tvith  graith  witness  besyd, 
Myn  auctor  sais,  sho  was  his  rychtwyss  wyff. 

Now  leiffin  pees,  now  leiff  in  gud  concord  ! 
Now  leyffin  blyss,  now  leiffin  haill  plesance  ! 
For  scho  be  choss  has  bath  hyr  luff  and  lord, 
He  thinkis  als,  luff  did  him  hye  awance, 
So  ewynly  held  be  favour  the  ballance, 
Sen  he  at  will  may  lap  hyr  in  his  armyss. 
Scho  thankit  God  off  hir  fre  happy  chance, 
For  in  his  tyme  he  was  the  flour  off  arrays. 

Fortoune  him  schawit  hyr  fygowrt  doubill  face, 
Feyll  syss  or  than  he  had  beyne  set  abuff: 
In  presoune  now,  delyuerit  now  throw  grace, 
Now  at  vness,  now  in  to  rest  and  ruff; 
Now  weyll  at  wyll,  weyldand  his  plesand  luff, 
As  thocht  him  selff  out  off  aduersite ; 
Desyring  ay  his  manheid  for  to  pruff, 
In  cairage  set  apon  the  stagis  hye. 

The  werray  treuth  I  can  nocht  graithly  tell, 
In  to  this  lyffhow  lang  at  thai  had  beyne  : 
Throuch  natural  course  of  generacioune.  befell, 
A  child  was  chewyt  thir  twa  luffaris  betuene, 
Quhilk  gudly  was,  a  maydyn  brycht  and  schene." 

Buke  Sext,  41—69. 

According  to  the  above  authority,  the  offspring 
of  this  marriage  was  first  united  in  the  bands  of 
wedlock  to  an  Esquire  of  the  name  of  Shaw. 
Whether  this  was  any  connection  of  William  de 
Shaw,  mentioned  at  page  18  of  this  work,  as  wit- 
nessing the  charter  of  James,  Lord  High  Steward 
of  Scotland,  along  with  some  other  friends  of  Wal- 
lace, we  have  no  means  of  ascertaining.  We  are 
told,  however,  that 

"  Rycht  gudly  men  come  off  this  lady  ying." 

Whether  these  were  the  issue  of  the  marriage 
with  Shaw,  or  of  that  afterwards  contracted  with 


APPENDIX  B  B. 


133 


Baillie  of  Hoprig,  or  of  both,  it  is  difficult  to  deter- 
mine. It  is  probable,  as  Sir  William  Baillie  is 
designated,  of  Hoprig,  and  his  descendants  as 
proprietors  of  Lamington,  that  they  may  have 
succeeded  to  the  inheritance,  after  the  offspring  of 
the  first  marriage  had  become  extinct.  It  has 
also  been  advanced,  as  an  argument  against  the 
legitimacy  of  the  daughter  of  Wallace,  that  she 
inherited  none  of  the  property  of  her  father.  Those, 
however,  who  started  this  objection,  would  have 
done  well  to  have  shown,  that  Wallace  possessed 
property  to  which  she  could  have  succeeded.  It 
does  not  appear  that  he  was  ever  personally 
invested  in  any  of  the  lands  belonging  to  the 
family.  And  mention  is  made  of  his  brother 
Malcolm  having  left  a  son  of  the  name  of  John, 
in  whom  the  succession  was  prolonged,  till  it 
merged  in  the  family  of  Craigie.  In  Langtoft's 
Chronicle,  vol.  ii.  p.  338,  we  have  an  account  of 
the  capture  and  execution  of  a  Sir  John  de  Wal- 
lace, who  is  there  called  a  brother  of  Sir  William. 
This  is  evidently  a  mistake,  and  might  very  easily 
arise  from  the  closeness  of  the  connection  between 
the  two  parties.  Another  "  John  Walays  of  El- 
rysla "  (Elderslie)  is  taken  notice  of  as  among 
the  witnesses  to  the  chai'ter  of  Robert,  Duke  of 
Albany  ;  and,  from  the  family  title  being  pre- 
served, it  is  highly  probable  that  the  stock  of  Sir 
Malcolm  Wallace  had  not  then  become  extinct. 


BB. 

ON  THE  TREACHERY  OF  MENTETH. 

Page  90. 

IN  the  account  of  the  capture  of  Wallace,  we  have 
thought  it  advisable  to  follow,  in  a  great  measure, 
the  statement  given  by  the  Minstrel.  It  is,  we 
conceive,  the  only  rational  one  we  are  possessed 
of ;  and  as  the  authority  of  the  author  has  been 
supported  by  the  Tower  records,  and  other  incon- 
trovertible muniments,  in  matters  of  comparatively 
trifling  importance,  it  would  be  unfair  to  doubt 
his  veracity  on  so  important  a  part  of  the  history 
of  his  hero,  particularly  when  all  the  notices  we 
have  in  other  writers,  tend  more  or  less  to  confirm 
the  truth  of  what  he  asserts.  Lord  Hailes,  how- 
ever, has  attempted  to  remove  the  odium  which 
has  for  these  500  years  been  attached  to  the 
memory  of  Menteth  ;  but  his  efforts  to  exculpate 
the  Judas  of  Scotland,  have  been  viewed  by  the 
generality  of  his  countrymen  in  rather  an  unfa- 
vourable light.  In  the  remarks  his  Lordship  has 
made  on  the  subject,  we  cannot  discover  that 
acuteness  which  frequently  appears  in  his  other 
writings.  Dr.  Jamieson  has  thus  replied  to  him  : — 
"The  account  given  of  the  treachery  of  Men- 
teth, is  one  of  those  points  on  which  Sir  D.  Dal- 
rymple  shows  his  historical  scepticism.  He  in- 
troduces it  in  language  calculated  to  inspire  doubt 
into  the  mind  of  the  reader  ;  observing,  that  '  the 
popular  tradition  is,  that  his  friend.  Sir  John  Men- 
teth, betrayed  him  to  the  English.' — Annals,  i.  281. 
It  is  rather  strange  that  he  should  express  himself 
in  this  manner,  at  the  very  moment  that  he  quotes 
the  Scotichronicon  on  the  margent ;  as  if  this  ve- 
nerable record,  when  a  modern  should  be  disposed 
to  adopt  a  theory  irreconcileable  with  its  testimony, 


were  entitled  to  no  higher  regard  than  is  due  to 
' popular  tradition.' 

He  adds,  ( Sir  John  Menteth  was  of  high  birth, 
a  son  of  Walter  Stewart,  Earl  of  Menteth.'  I  can 
perceive  no  force  in  this  remark,  unless  it  be  meant 
to  imply  that  there  never  has  been  an  instance  of  a 
man  of  noble  blood  acting  the  part  of  a  traitor. 
On  the  same  ground,  we  might  quarrel  with  all  the 
evidence  given  of  the  conspiracies  formed  against 
Robert  Bruce ;  and  even  call  in  question  the 
murder  of  that  amiable  and  accomplished  prince, 
James  I. 

"  But '  at  this  time,'  we  are  told, ( the  important 
fortress  of  Dumbarton  was  committed  to  his  (Men- 
teith's)  charge  by  Edward.'  Here,  it  would  seem, 
the  learned  writer  fights  the  poor  Minstrel  with 
his  own  weapons.  For  I  find  no  evidence  of  this 
fact  in  the  Foedera,  Hemingford,  or  the  Decem 
Scriptores  ;  and  Lord  Hailes  has  referred  to  no 
authority  ;  so  that  there  is  reason  to  suspect,  to 
use  his  own  language,  that  he  here  ( copies '  what 
'  is  said  by  Blind  Harry,  whom  no  historian  but  Sir 
Robert  Sibbald  will  venture  to  quote.'  If  Harry's 
narrative  be  received  as  authority,  it  is  but  justice 
to  receive  his  testimony  as  he  gives  it.  Now,  in 
the  preceding  part  of  his  work,  he  represents  Men- 
teith  as  holding  the  castle  of  Dumbarton  at  least 
with  the  consent  of  Wallace,  while  acknowledged 
as  governor  of  Scotland.  It  would  appear,  indeed, 
that  the  whole  district  of  the  Lennox  had  been 
intrusted  to  him. 

'  In  the  Leynhouss  a  quhill  he  maid  repayr ; 
Schyr  Jhon  Menteth  that  tym  was  captane  that.' 

B.  viii.  1595. 

"  But  even  at  this  time  there  was  something 
dubious  in  the  conduct  of  Menteth.  While  he 
retained  the  castle,  the  English  held  the  town  un- 
der Edward. 

'  In  peess  thai  duelt,  in  trabyll  that  had  beyn, 
And  trewbut  payit  till  Ingliss  capdanis  keyn. 
Schyr  Jhon  Menteth  the  castell  had  in  hand : 
Bot  sum  men  said,  that  was  a  prewa  band 
Till  Sotheroun  maid,  be  menys  off  that  knycht, 
In  thar  supple  to  be  in  all  his  mycht.' 

B.  ix.  1393. 

"  It  is  perfectly  conceivable,  that,  although  it 
was  known  to  Wallace  that  Menteth  had  some 
secret  understanding  with  the  English,  this  artful 
man  might  persuade  him  that  he  only  wished  an 
opportunity  of  wreaking  the  national  vengeance  on 
them,  or  at  least  of  more  effectually  serving  the 
interest  of  Wallace  when  he  saw  the  proper  time. 
Although  Wallace  had  been  assured  that  Menteth 
had  taken  an  oath  of  fealty  to  Edward,  he  would 
have  had  no  more  reason  for  distrusting  him  than 
for  distrusting  by  far  the  greatest  part  of  the  no- 
bility and  landholders  of  Scotland,  who,  as  they 
believed,  from  the  necessity  of  despair  had  sub- 
mitted to  the  usurper. 

a  John  de  Menteth  is  designated  by  Arnold 
Blair,  immanis  proditor ;  and  the  writer  proceeds 
to  curse  him  as  if  with  bell,  book,  and  candle. — 
Relatwnes,  p.  8. 

"  Sir  David  aims  another  blow  at  this  account, 
in  the  following  words  : — ( That  he  had  ever  any 
intercourse  of  friendship  or  familiarity  with  Wa> 
lace,  I  have  yet  to  learn.'     But  the  truth  is,  the 
worthy  Judge  does  not  seem  disposed  to  learn  this. 


134 


LIFE  OF  SIR  WILLIAM  WALLACE. 


It  is  difficult  to  say  what  evidence  will  satisfy  him. 
The  incidental  hints,  in  the  preceding  part  of  the 
poem,  in  regard  to  Wallace's  connection  with  Men- 
teth,  all  perfectly  agree  with  the  mournful  termi- 
nation. Such  confidence  had  he  in  him,  according 
to  the  Minstrel,  that  he  not  only  resided  in  Dum- 
barton Castle  for  two  months,  while  Menteth  had 
the  charge  of  it,  but  gave  orders  for  building  *  a 
house  of  stone '  there,  apparently  that  he  might 
enjoy  his  society. 

'  Twa  monethis  still  he  duelt  in  Dumbertane ; 
A  houss  he  foundyt  apon  the  roch  off  stayne ; 
Men  left  he  thar  till  bygg  it  to  the  hycht.' 

B.  viii.  1599. 

"  But,  independently  of  the  testimony  of  Blind 
Harry,  Bower  expressly  asserts  the  co-operation 
of  Menteth  with  Wallace,  Graham,  and  Scrym- 
geour,  in  the  suppression  of  the  rebellious  men  of 
Galloway.  '  In  hoc  ipso  anno  (1298),  viz.  xxviii. 
die  mensis  Augusti,  dominus  Wallas  Scotise  custos, 
cum  Johanne  Grhame  et  Johanne  de  Menteth,  mi- 
litibus,  necnon  Alexandro  Scrimzeour  constabu- 
lario  villse  de  Dundee,  et  vexillario  Scotise,  cum 
quinquagentis  militibus  armatis,  rebelles  Gallovi- 
dienses  punierunt,  qui  regis  Angliee  et  Cuminorum 
partibus  sine  aliquo  jure  steterunt.' 

"  These  words,  which  seem  to  be  a  quotation,  in 
the  Relationes  of  Blair,  from  the  Scotichronicon, 
are  not  found  in  the  MSS.  from  which  Goodall 
gave  his  edition.  They  appear  to  have  formed  the 
commencement  of  the  xxxii.  chapter  of  the  eleventh 
book,  one  of  the  two  chapters  here  said  to  be 
wanting.  Now  this,  whether  it  be  the  language  of 
Bower,  or  of  Blair,  could  not  have  been  borrowed 
from  the  Minstrel,  for  the  circumstance  is  over- 
looked by  him.  It  seems  to  refer  to  that  period  of 
the  history  of  Wallace,  in  which  he  is  said  to  have 
made  a  circuit  through  Galloway  and  Carrick. 

«  Fra  Gamlis  peth  the  land  obeyt  him  haill, 
Till  Ur  wattir,  baith  strenth,  forest,  and  daill. 
Agaynis  him  in  Galloway  hous  was  nayne.' 

B.  vi.  793-5. 

"  It  is  to  be  observed,  that  John  Major  expressly 
affirms  the  treachery  of  Menteth,  as  acting  hi  con- 
cert with  Aymer  de  Valloins,  Earl  of  Pembroke. 
He  says,  that  Menteth  was  considered  as  his  most 
ultimate  friend  ;  '  ipsi  Vallacco  putatus  amicissi- 
mus.'  Hist.  Fol.  Ixxiii.  Now,  although  he  rejects 
many  of  the  transactions  recited  by  Blind  Harry, 
*  as  false,'  so  far  is  he  from  insinuating  the  slightest 
hesitation  as  to  this  business,  that  he  formally 
starts  an  objection  as  to  the  imprudence  of  Wal- 
lace in  not  being  more  careful  of  his  person,  and 
answers  it  by  remarking,  that '  no  enemy  is  more 
dangerous  than  a  domestic  one.'  He  differs  from 
the  Minstrel  hi  saying  that  Wallace  was  *  captured 
in  the  city  of  Glasgow.' 

"  It  may  be  added,  that  Bower  expressly  asserts 
that  Wallace, '  suspecting  no  evil,  was  fraudulently 
and  treacherously  seized  at  Glasgow  by  Lord  John 
de  Menteth.' — Scotlchron.  xii.  8.  Bower  again  re- 
fers to  the  treacherous  conduct  of  Menteth  towards 
Wallace  when  afterwards  relating  a  similar  plan 
which  he  had  laid  for  taking  King  Robert  Bruce 
prisoner,  under  pretence  of  delivering  up  to  him 
the  Castle  of  Dumbarton,  on  condition  of  his  re- 
ceiving a  hereditary  right  to  the  lieutenancy  of  the 


Lennox  ;  v.  Lib.  xii.  c.  16, 17,  Vol.  ii.  243.  These 
two  chapters  are  not  in  all  the  MSS.,  but  are  found  j 
in  those  of  Cupar,  Perth,  and  Dunblane.  Now, 
Bower  was  born  anno  1385  ;  Ibid.  ii.  401.  The 
date  assigned  to  the  Scotichronicon,  as  published 
with  his  Continuation,  is  1447,  and  that  to  the 
Minstrel's  Poem,  1470;  v.  Pinkerton's  Maitland 
Poems,  Intr.  Ixxxvi— Ixxxix.  It  is  therefore  im- 
possible that  Bower  could  have  borrowed  the  ac- 
count given  of  Menteth  from  Blind  Harry.  Bower 
was  born,  indeed,  only  eighty  or  eighty-one  years 
after  the  fact  referred  to  ;  and,  considering  the 
elevation  of  the  character  of  Wallace,  and  the 
great  attachment  of  his  countrymen  even  to  this 
day,  as  well  as  the  multitude  of  his  enemies,  it  is 
totally  inconceivable  that  a  whole  nation,  learned 
and  unlearned,  should  concur  in  imputing  this 
crime  to  one  man,  without  the  most  valid  reasons. 

"Wyntown  finished  his  '  CronyJctt,'  anno  1418. 
He,  it  is  generally  believed,  was  born  little  more 
than  fifty  years  after  the  butchery  of  our  magnani- 
mous patriot.  Sir  David  Dalrymple  could  not,  one 
would  suppose,  reasonably  object  to  his  testimony. 
Let  us  hear  it. 

'  A  thousand  thre  hundyr  and  the  fyft  yhere 
Eftyr  the  byrth  of  oure  Lord  dere, 
Schyre  John  of  Menteth  in  tha  days 
Tuk  in  Glasgw  Willame  Walays, 
And  send  hym  in-til  Ingland  swne. 
Thare  wes  he  quartaryd  and  wndwne 
Be  dyspyte  and  hat  Inwy : 
Thare  he  tholyd  this  Martyry.' 

Cron.  viii.  c.  20. 

"  I  shall  only  add  an  important  proof  from  the 
Lanercost  MS.,  referred  to  in  the  Preliminary 
Remarks  *.  '  Captus  fuit  Willelmus  Waleis  per 
unum  Scottum,  scilicet  per  dominum  Johannem  de 
Mentiphe,  et  usque  London  ad  Regem  adductus, 
et  adjudicatum  fuit  quod  traheretur,  et  suspende- 
retur,  et  decollaretur,  et  membratim  divideretur, 
et  quod  viscera  ejus  comburentur,  quod  factum  est ; 
et  suspensum  est  caput  ejus  super  pontem  London, 
armus  autem  dexter  super  pontem  Novi  Castri  su- 
per Tynam,  et  armus  sinister  apud  Berwicum,  pes 
autem  dexter  apud  villam  Sancti  Johannis,  et  pes 
sinister  apud  Aberden.'  Fol.  211.  Mentiphe  is 
obviously  an  erratum  for  Menteth." 

Mr.  Tytler,  in  the  "  Notes  and  Illustrations  "  to 
the  first  volume  of  his  History  of  Scotland,  has 
also  handled  this  subject  with  considerable  ability. 
We  shall  select  the  following,  as  affording  addi- 
tional arguments  to  those  already  advanced  by  Dr. 
Jamieson.  In  alluding  to  the  evidence  afforded 
by  the  Lanercost  MS.,  that  intelligent  writer  ob- 
serves, "  We  cannot  be  surprised  that  Lord  Hailes 
should  have  been  ignorant  of  this  passage,  as  he 
tells  us,  Annals,  vol.  ii.  p.  316,  he  had  not  been 
able  to  discover  where  the  MS.  of  Lanercost  was 
preserved. 

"  The  same  excuse,  however,  will  not  avail  him 
as  to  the  next  piece  of  evidence,  of  Menteth's 
having  seized  Wallace.  It  is  contained  in  Leland's 
extract  from  an  ancient  MS.  Chronicle,  which 
Hailes  has  elsewhere  quoted  ;  I  mean  the  Scala 
Chronicle,  preserved  in  Corpus  Christi  Library, 
Cambridge.  In  Leland's  Collect.,  vol.  i.  p.  541, 
we  have  this  passage  from  the  Chronicle.  *  Wyl- 

•  To  The  Bruce  and  The  Wallace,  vol.  ii.  Edin.  1820,  4to. 


APPENDIX  BB. 


135 


Ham,  Waleys  was  taken  of  the  Counte  of  Menteth 
about  Glaskow,  and  sent  to  King  Edward,  and  after 
was  hangid,  drawn,  and  quarterid  at  London.' 
This  is  only  Leland's  abridgment  of  the  passage, 
which  in  all  probability  is  much  more  full  and  sa- 
tisfactory in  the  original.  Yet  it  is  quite  satis- 
factory as  to  Menteth's  guilt. 

"  The  next  English  authority  is  Langtoft's  Chro- 
nicle, which  Hailes  has  himself  quoted  in  his  Notes 
and  Corrections,  vol.  ii.  p.  346.  It  is  curious,  and 
as  to  Menteth's  guilt  perfectly  conclusive. 

'  Sir  Jon  of  Menetest  serwed  William  so  nehi, 
He  tok  him  whan  he  wend  lest,  on  nyght  his  leman  hi. 
That  was  thorght  treson  of  Jak  Schort  his  man, 
He  was  the  encheson,  that  Sir  Jon  so  him  nam.'     P.  3  29. 

"  We  learn  from  this,  that  Sir  John  Menteth 
prevailed  upon  Wallace's  servant,  Jack  Short,  to 
betray  his  master,  and  came  under  cover  of  night, 
and  seized  him  in  bed,  *  his  leman  bi,'  and  when 
he  had  no  suspicion  of  what  was  to  happen.  How 
Hailes,  after  quoting  this  passage,  which  was  writ- 
ten more  than  two  centuries  before  Blind  Harry, 
should  have  represented  this  poor  minstrel  as  the 
only  original  authority  for  the  guilt  of  Menteth,  is 
indeed  difficult  to  determine." 

Having  given  these  authorities,  all  of  them 
prior  to  Blind  Harry,  it  is  unnecessary  to  give  the 
testimony  of  the  more  modern  writers.  The  an- 
cient writers  prove  incontestably,  that  Sir  John  de 
Menteth,  a  Scottish  baron,  who  had  served  along 
with  and  under  Wallace  against  the  English,  de- 
serted his  country,  swore  homage  to  Edward,  and 
employed  a  servant  of  Wallace  to  betray  his  master 
into  his  hands  ;  that  he  seized  him  in  bed,  and  de- 
livered him  to  Edward,  by  whom  he  was  instantly 
tried,  condemned,  and  hanged.  It  was  natural  that 
the  voice  of  popular  tradition  should  continue  from 
century  to  century,  to  execrate  the  memory  of 
such  a  man.  Whether  Menteth  was  the  intimate 
friend  of  Wallace,  or  what  precise  degree  of  fa- 
miliarity existed  between  them,  it  is  now  not  easy 
to  determine,  nor  is  it  of  any  consequence  as  to  his 
guilt.  Indeed  it  is  impossible  to  regard,  without 
a  smile,  the  weak  and  inconclusive  evidence,  if  it 
deserves  so  grave  a  name,  on  which  Hailes  has 
founded  what  he  calls  his  Apology  for  Menteth, 
which,  after  all,  seems  to  be  borrowed  from  Carte, 
vol.  ii.  p.  3H9.  Lord  Hailes  also  remarks,  "  It  is 
most  improbable,  that  Wallace  should  have  put 

himself  in  the  power  of  a  man  whom _new  to 

be  in  an  office  of  distinguished  trust  under  Edward  :" 
and  almost  in  the  same  breath  paraphrases  the 
lines  of  Langtoft,  in  which  it  is  stated  that  his  cap- 
ture was  effected  through  the  treason  of  Jack 
Short,  whose  brother  Wallace  is  said  to  have  slain. 
Surely  the  confidence  was  as  imprudent  in  the  one 
case  as  it  would  have  been  in  the  other.  It  may 
be  observed,  however,  that  if  there  had  been  a 
possibility  of  rescuing  the  name  of  Menteth  from 
the  execrations  of  his  country,  the  task  would  not 
have  remained  for  the  learned  annalist  to  perform. 
The  great  family  interest  which  he  possesse-d,  wa« 
sufficient  to  protect  him  from  punishment,  not  only 
for  his  treachery  to  Wallace,  but  also  for  his  sub- 
sequent perfidy  to  Bruce.  Yet  though  that  in- 
terest was  powerfully  exerted  to  screen  him  from 
the  consequences  of  his  demerits,  not  a  single 
effort  was  made  to  remove  the  dishonourable  stain 
from  his  character. 


The  following  transaction,  which  has  already 
been  alluded  to,  is  quite  consistent  with  the  conduct 
ascribed  to  him  by  the  Minstrel.  It  will  also  ac- 
count for  the  impunity  which  attended  his  crimes. 

"  About  this  time,  there  happened  a  passage  not 
unworthy  to  be  related,  in  regard  to  the  variety  of 
providences,  in  a  narrow  compass  of  time.  John 
Menteith,  who  betrayed  his  friend  Wallace  to  the 
English,  and  was  therefore  deservedly  hated  by  the 
Scots,  received,  amongst  other  rewards,  the  govern- 
ment of  Dumbarton  castle  from  the  English.  When 
other  forts  were  recovered,  that  only,  or  but  very 
few  with  it,  held  out  for  the  English.  And  because 
it  was  naturally  impregnable,  the  king  dealt  with 
the  governor,  by  his  friends  and  kindred,  to  sur- 
render it.  He  demanded  the  county  or  earldom  of 
Lennox,  as  the  price  of  his  treachery  and  sur- 
render. Neither  would  he  ever  so  much  as  hear 
of  any  other  terms.  In  this  case  the  King  wavered 
and  fluctuated  in  his  mind  what  to  do.  On  the  one 
side,  he  earnestly  desired  to  have  the  castle  ;  yet, 
on  the  other,  he  did  not  so  much  prize  it,  as  for  its 
sake  to  disoblige  the  Earl  of  Lennox,  who  had  been 
his  fast  and  almost  his  only  friend  in  all  his  calami- 
ties. But  the  Earl  of  Lennox  hearing  of  it,  and 
coming  in,  soon  decided  the  controversy,  and  per- 
suaded the  King,  by  all  means  to  accept  the  con- 
dition. Accordingly  the  bargain  was  made  as  John 
Menteth  would  have  it,  and  solemnly  confirmed. 
But  when  the  King  was  going  to  take  possession 
of  the  Castle,  a  carpenter,  one  Roland,  met  him  in 
the  wood  of  Colquhoun,  about  a  mile  from  it ;  and 
having  obtained  liberty  to  speak  with  the  King, 
concerning  a  matter  of  great  importance,  he  told 
him  what  treachery  the  governor  intended  against 
him  ;  nay,  and  had  prepared  to  execute  it.  It  was 
this : — In  a  wine-cellar  concealed,  and  under 
ground,  a  sufficient  number  of  Englishmen  were 
hid,  who,  when  the  rest  of  the  castle  should  be 
given  up,  and  the  King  secure,  were  to  issue  forth 
upon  him  as  he  was  at  dinner,  and  either  to  kill,  or 
take  him  prisoner.  This  being  thus  related,  the 
King,  upon  the  surrender  of  the  other  parts  of  the 
castle  by  John,  being  kindly  invited  to  a  feast,  re- 
fused to  eat ;  till,  as  he  had  searched  all  other  parts  ' 
of  the  castle  ;  so,  he  had  viewed  that  wine-cellar 
also.  The  governor  excused  it,  pretending  that 
the  smith,  who  had  the  key,  was  out  ef  the  way, 
but  that  he  would  come  again  anon.  Ihe  King, 
not  satisfied  therewith,  caused  the  door  lo  be  broke 
open,  and  so  the  plot  was  discovered.  The  Eng- 
lishmen were  brought  forth  in  their  armour,  and  j 
being  severally  examined,  confessed  the  whole  mat-  j 
ter  ;  and  they  added  also  another  discovery,  viz. 
that  a  ship  rode  ready  in  the  next  bay  to  carry  the 
King  into  England.  The  complices  in  this  wretched 
design  were  put  to  death  ;  but  John  was  kept  in 
prison,  because  the  King  was  loth  to  offend  his 
kindred,  and  especially  his  sons-in-law,  in  so  dan- 
gerous a  time  :  for  he  had  many  daughters,  all  of 
them  very  beautiful,  and  married  to  men  rich 
enough,  but  factious.  Therefore,  in  a  time  of  such 
inuninicnt  danger,  the  battle  drawing  near  wherein 
all  was  at  stake,  lest  the  mind  of  any  powerful  man 
might  be  rendered  averse  from  him,  and  thereby 
inclined  to  practise  against  him,  John  was  released 
out  of  prison,  upon  this  condition  (for  the  perform- 
ance whereof  his  sons-in-law  undertook),  that  he 
should  be  placed  in  the  front  of  the  battle,  and 
there,  by  his  valour,  should  wait  the  decision  of 


136 


LIFE  OF  SIR  WILLIAM  WALLACE. 


Providence.  And  indeed  the  man,  otherwise  frau- 
dulent, was  in  this  faithful  to  the  King  ;  for  he 
behaved  himself  so  valiantly,  that  that  day's  work 
procured  him  not  only  pardon  for  what  was  past, 
but  large  rewards  for  the  future." — Buchanan's 
Hist.  vol.  i.  p.  310. 

It  may  here  be  mentioned,  that,  since  the  Note 
on  page  86  was  printed  off,  we  have  learned  from 
one,  whose  researches,  and  whose  connection  with 
the  name,  entitle  him  to  express  an  opinion,  that 
the  M'Kerlies  of  Wigtonshire,  and  not  the  Kers 
of  Kersland,  are  the  real  descendants  of  Eerie",  or 
Kerlie,  who,  with  Sir  William  Wallace  and  Stephen 
of  Ireland,  carried  by  assault  the  Fort  of  the  Black- 
Rock  of  Cree,  or  Cruggleton  Castle,  and  who  was 
the  last  friend  that  clung  to  the  fortunes  of  his 
master.  Although  the  records  of  the  burgh  of 
Whitehorn  furnish  no  information  on  the  subject, 
being  all  of  a  date  subsequent  to  the  Reforma- 
tion, it  is  still  handed  down  by  tradition,  that  the 
M'Kerlies  were  once  proprietors  of  Cruggleton 
Castle,  and  that  their  ancestor  was  the  companion 
of  the  Scottish  hero. 


CO. 

SINGULAR   LEGEND. 

Page  90. 

THIS'  monkish  legend  Henry  has  carefully  pre- 
served ;  and  as  it  affords  a  specimen  of  the  super- 
stition of  the  age,  we  shall  give  it  a  place  for  the 
gratification  of  the  curious  among  our  readers. 

"  Wyss  clerkyss  yeit  it  kepis  in  remembrans, 
How  that  a  monk  off  Bery  abbay  than, 
In  to  that  tym  a  rycht  religiouss  man ; 
A  yong  monk  als  with  him  in  ordour  stud, 
Quhilk  knew  his  lyff  was  clene,  perfyt,  and  gud. 
This  fadyr  monk  was  wesyd  with  seknace, 
Out  off  the  warld  as  he  suld  pass  on  cace, 
His  brothyr  saw  the  spret  lykly  to  pass  ; 
A  band  off  him  rycht  ernystly  he  coud  ass. 
To  cum  agayn  and  schaw  him  off  the  meid, 
At  he  suld  haiff  at  God  for  his  gud  deid. 
He  grantyt  him,  at  his  prayer  to  preiff, 
To  cum  agayn,  gyffGod  wald  geiff  him  leiff. 
The  spreyt,  changyt  out  off  this  warldly  payn, 
In  that  sammyn  hour  cum  to  the  monk  agayn. 
Sic  thing  has  beyn,  and  is  be  woice  and  sycht. 
Quhar  he  apperyt,  thar  schawyt  sa  mekill  lycht, 
Lyk  till  lawntryns  it  illumynyt  so  cler, 
At  warldly  lycht  thar  to  mycht  be  no  peyr, 
A  woice  said  thus :— '  God  has  mp  grantyt  grace 
That  I  sail  kep  my  promess  in  this  place.' 
The  monk  was  blyth  off  this  cler  fygur  fayr ; 
Bot  a  fyr  brand  in  his  forheid  he  bayr, 
And  than  him  thocht  it  myslikyt  all  the  lawe. 
'  Quhar  art  thou  sp-eyt  ?  Ansuer,  sa  God  the  sawe.' 
'  In  purgatory.'—'  How  lang  sail  thow  be  thair  ? ' 
'  Bot  halff  ane  hour  to  com,  and  litill  mair. 
Purgatory  is,  I  do  the  weill  to  wit, 
In  ony  place  quhar  God  will  it  admyt. 
Ane  hour  of  space  I  was  demed  thar  to  be; 
And  that  passis,  supposs  I  spek  with  the. 
Quhy  has  thow  that,  and  all  the  layff  so  haill  ?' 
'  For  off  science  I  thocht  me  maist  awaill. 
Quha  prydys  tharin,  that  laubour  is  in  waist, 
For  science  cummys  bot  off  the  haly  Gaist.' 
'  Eftir  thi  hour,  quhar  is  thi  passage  ewyn  ? ' 
'  Quhen  tym  cummys,'  he  said,  '  to  lestand  hewin." 


'  Quhat  tym  is  that  ?     I  pray  the  now  declar.' 

1  Twa  ar  on  lyff  mon  be  befor  me  thar.' 

'  Quhilk  twa  ar  thai  ? '    The  verite  thow  may  ken, 

'  The  fyrst  has  bene  a  gret  slaar  of  men. 

Now  thai  him  kep  to  martyr  in  London  toun 

On  Wednyssday,  befors  king  and  commoun. 

Is  nayn  on  lyffat  has  sa  monyslayn.' 

1  Brodyr,'  he  said,  '  that  taill  is  bot  in  wayn ; 

For  slauchtyr  is  to  God  abhominabill:' 

Than  said  the  spreyt,  '  Forsuth  this  is  no  fabill. 

He  is  Wallace,  defendour  off  Scotland, 

For  rychtwyss  war  that  he  tok  apon  hand. 

Thar  rnchtwysnes  is  lowyt  our  the  lawe  ; 

Tharfor  in  hewyn  he  sail  that  honour  hawe. 

Syn  a  pure  preyst,  is  mekill  to  commend ; 

He  tuk  in  thank  quhat  thing  that  God  him  send. 

For  dayly  mess,  and  heryng  off  confessioun, 

Hewin  he  sail  haiffto  lestand  warysoun. 

I  am  the  thrid,  grantyt  throw  Goddis  grace.' 

'  Brothir,"  he  said,  '  tell  I  this  in  our  place, 

Thai  wyll  bot  deym,  I  othir  dreym  or  rawe.' 

Than  said  the  spreyt : — '  This  wetnes  thow  sail  hawe. 

Your  bellys  sail  ryng,  for  ocht  at  ye  do  may, 

Quhen  thai  hym  sla,  halff  ane  hour  off  that  day.' 

And  so  thai  did,  the  monk  wyst  quhat  thaim  alyt 

Throuch  braid  Bretane,  the  woice  tharoff  was  scaylyt, 

The  spreyt  tuk  leyff  at  Goddis  will  to  be, 

Off  Wallace  end  to  her  it  is  pet6; 

And  I  wald  nocht  put  men  in  gret  dolour, 

Bot  lychtly  pass  atour  his  fatell  hour." 

Book  xi.  1238—1304, 


DD. 

ON  THE   DEATH   OF   WALLACE. 

Page  90. 

THE  verses  on  the  death  of  Wallace,  which  have 
been  attributed  to  John  Blair,  stand  thus  in  the 
original : — 

Invida  mors  tristi  Gulielmum  funere  Vallam, 

Quae  cuncta  tollit,  sustulit : 
Et  tanto  pro  cive  cinis,  pro  finibus  urna  est, 

Frigusque  pro  lorica  obit. 
Ille  quidem  terras,  loca  se  inferiora  reliquit ; 

At  fata  factis  supprimens, 
Parte  sui  meliore  solum  coslumque  pererrat ; 

Hoc  spiritu,  illud  gloria. 
At  tibi  si  in  scrip  turn  generoso  pectus  honesto 

Fuisset,  hostis  proditi 
Artibus,  Angle,  tuis,  in  pcenas,  parcior  isses, 

Nee  oppidatim  spargeres 
Membra  viri  sacranda  adytis.    Sed  scin'  quid  in  ista 

Immanitate  viceris  1 
Ut  Vallae  in  cunctas  oras  sparguntur  et  horas 

Laudes,  tuumque  dedecus. 

Abercrombie,  who  confounds  John  Blair  with 
Arnold  Blair,  doubts  of  the  above  lines  being 
composed  by  him.  Arnold,  in  his  Relationes,  has 
certainly  given  nothing  of  his  own,  his  brief  de- 
tails, as  we  have  already  observed,  being  merely 
extracts  from  the  Scotichronicon  ;  and  it  is  more 
than  probable,  that  as  he  borrowed  from  Fordun 
in  the  one  instance,  he  might  also  be  inclined  to 
take  the  same  liberty  with  Blair  in  the  other.  The 
verses  are  evidently  the  effusion  of  a  superior 
mind,  brooding  over  a  recent  calamity.  They  are 
attached  to  the  end  of  Arnold  Blair's  Relationes, 
to  which  the  date  of  1327  is  affixed. 

THE   END. 


DA 
783 
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C3 


Carrick,   John  Donald 

Life  of  Sir  William 
Wallace  of  Elderslie 
4th  ed. 


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